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REVOLUTION,    1815-1851,"   ETC. 










Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1905,  by 

LEA    BROTHERS   &   CO., 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Wasliington.    All  riglits  reserved. 


nSTCOTT    a    THOMSON,   PHILAO».  „,Luam    j.    DORNAN.    PH,LAD/S. 

V.  1^ 


(For  Analytical  Contents,  see  Page  441.) 


















THE  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  OF  1870-1871 284 









THE  RELIGIOUS  CONFLICT  (Knltnrhnmpf) ...  408 






1.  Theodor  Mommsen.     (From  a  photograph.) 23 

2.  Baron  von  Brück.     (From  the  steel  engraving  by  A.  Weger. ) 25 

3.  Vicomte  de  Persigny.     (From  a  photograph.) 28 

4.  The  Holy  Sepulchre,  under  the  dome  of  the  Church  of  tiie  Sepulchre  of  Jeru- 

salem    32 

5.  Drouyn  de  I'Huys.     (From  the  lithograph  by  Cöedes.) 33 

6.  Sir  George  Hamilton-Seymour.     (From  a  photograpli.) 35 

7.  Prince  Menshikoff 36 

8.  Mehemet  Ali  Pasha 38 

9.  Fuad  Pasha.     (From  a  photograph.) 39 

10.  Marble  statue  of  Lord  Stratford  de  Eedcliffe.      (By  J.  E.  Boehm.     In  "West- 

minster A.bbey.) 40 

11.  Reshid  Pasha 43 

12.  Omer  Pasha 44 

13.  Lord  Raglan 47 

14.  Marshal  Saint-Arnaud 48 

15.  Admiral  Charles  Napier 50 

16.  General  Canrobert 52 

17.  General  Bosquet 54 

18.  Prince  Paskevitch 57 

19.  General  Todleben 58 

20.  General  Pelissier 62 

21.  Prince  Alexander  Gortchakoff 70 

22.  Sultan  Abdul-Medjid.     (From  the  lithograph  by  F.  Jentzen  ;  original  painting 

by  J.  H.  Kretschmer.) 81 

23.  Montauban,  Count  of  Palikao.     (From  a  photograph.) 98 

24.  Comte  de  Chambord.     (From  a  photograph.) 103 

25.  Eugene  Rouher.     (From  a  photograph.) 104 

26.  Baron  Haussmann,  Prefect  of  the  Department  of  tlie  Seine.     (From  a  photo- 

graph.)    105 

27.  Ma.ssimo  d' Azeglio.     (From  a  photograph.) 112 

28.  Count,  Minister  of  Foregn  Affairs       119 

29.  Victor  Hugo,      f  From  the  etching  by  P.  Rajon  ;  original  pahituig  by  L.  Bonnat.)  1 20 

30.  Prince  Napoleon.      (From  a  photograph.) 123 

31.  Lord  Cowley 125 

32.  General  Cialdini.     (From  a  photograph.) 129 

33.  Map  of  the  District  between  the  Oglio  and  the  iMincio 131 

34.  General  La  Marmora.     (From  a  photograpli.) 134 

35.  General  Lamoriciere 137 

30.  Garibaldi.     (From  a  photograph.) 141 

37.  Rica.süli.     (From  the  copper-plate  engraving  by  Metzmacher,  1861.) 147 


KlUl'llE  PAGE 

38.  Minglietti.     ( From  a  photograph. ) 148 

39.  Ridiard  Cobden.     (From  the  copper-plate  engraving  by  Jacob  Stephenson; 

original  painting  by  C.  A.  Duval 152 

40.  Foiild,  Minister  of  Finance.     (From  a  photograpii.) 154 

41.  President  Benito  Juarez 155 

42.  Emperor  Ma.xiniilian  of  Mexico.     (Froni  the  litiiograpii  by  Durand  ;  original 

drawing  by  Saintin.) 160 

43.  Empress  Charlotte  of  Mexico.     (From   the  lithograph  by  Durand;  original 

drawing  by  Saiutin. ) 162 

44.  Count  Bnol-Schauenstein 170 

45.  General  von  Boon.     (From  the  lithograph  by  G.  Engelbach.) 173 

46.  King  William  I.  of  Prussia.     (From  the  lithograph  by  Engelbach  ;  original 

painting  by  Winterhalter.) 174 

47.  King  Maximilian  II.  of  Bavaria.     (From  the  lithograph  by  C.  Wildt;  original 

portrait  by  Franz  Krüger.) 181 

48.  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  I.  of  Austria.     (From  the  copper-plate  engraving  by 

Metzmacher,  1860. ) 183 

49.  Minister  von  Schmerling.     (From  the  steel  engraving  by  Weger.     Original,  a 

photograph.) 185 

50.  General  von  Wrangel.     (From  the  lithograph  by  Hermann  Eichens  ;  original 

drawing  by  F.  Dietz,  made  from  nature,  at  Apenrade,  in  August,  1848.)     .  194 

51.  Prince  Frederick  Charles  of  Prussia.      (From  the  lithograph  by  E.  Milster.)    .  198 

52.  Minister  von  der  Pfordten 203 

53.  General  von  Manteuflel 207 

54.  Count  von  Bismarck,  Chancellor  of  the  Nortli  German  Confederation.     (From 

the  engraving  by  S.  Roemer,  1S68.) 211 

55.  General  Field-Marshal  Count  Moltke.     (From  a  copper-|4ate  engraving  by 

Johann  Lindner.) 221 

56.  Ma.ster  of  Ordnance  von  Benedek.     (From  the  litiiograph  by  Eduard  KaLser. )  222 

57.  General  von  Steinmetz 224 

58.  General  von  Gablenz 225 

59.  General  von  Fransecky 229 

60.  Count  von  der  Goltz.      (From  the  copper-plate  engraving  by  Weger.     Original, 

a  photograph  )      235 

61.  Friedrich  Ferdinand,  Count  von  Beust,  Imperial  Chancellor  of  Austria.    (From 

the  lithograpli  by  Joseph  Bauer.) 247 

62.  Jules  Simon.     (From  the  portrait  by  H.  Roll.) 253 

63.  General  Niel 254 

64.  R.  von  Eennigsen.     ( From  the  engraving  by  Weger.     Original,  a  photograph.)  257 
05.     Gambetta.     (From  the  portrait  by  G.  P.  A.  Healy.) 262 

66.  Emile  Olivier.     ( From  the  engraving  by  A .  Weger.     Original,  a  photograph.)  265 

67.  Deputy  Virchow.     (From  the  copper-plate  engraving  by  H.  Roemer,  1883.)     .  266 

68.  General  .Menabrea.     (From  a  photograph.) 268 

69.  rieneral  Prim.     (From  a  photograph.) 270 

70.  Leoj)o]d,  Hereditary  Prince  of  Ilohcnzollern-Sigmaringen.     (From  the  engrav- 

ing by  IT.  Weger.     Original,  a  photograph.) 272 

71.  The  Duke  of  fJramont.     (From  the  engraving  by  .\.  Weger.     Original,  a  pho- 

tograph.)     275 

72.  Prince  Mettcriiich.     (From  a  photograph.) 281 

73.  Von  Prankh,  Bavarian  Minister  of  War.     ( From  a  photograph.) 286 

74.  Prince  .\ugustus  of  Würtemberg.     (From  a  photograph.) 289 

75.  Marshal  MacMahon.      (From  a  photograph.)      290 



76.  Leboeuf.     (From  the  engraving  by  A.  Weger.     (Jriginal,  a  pliotograph. )    .    .  292 

77.  Lieutenant-CTeneral  von  Bliimenthal.      (From  a  photejgraph.) 293 

78.  General  von  Hartmann.     (From  a  photograpli. ) 294 

79.  General  von  Kirchbach.      (From  a  photograph.) 295 

80.  General  von  Bose.      (From  a  photograph.) 296 

81.  General  Frossard.     (From  a  photograpli.)      298 

82.  General  von  Pape.     (From  a  photograph.) 305 

83.  Facsimile  of  the  despatch  from  Gravelotte  amiouncing  the  victory  to  the  Queen 

at  Berlin 307 

84.  Crown  Prince  Albert  of  Saxony.     (From  the  lithograph  by  M.  Müller.)     .    .  312 

85.  General  de  Failly.     (From  a  photograph.) 313 

86.  General  Ducrot.     (From  a  i)hotograph.) 322 

87.  Freycinet.     (From  a  photograph.) 326 

88.  General  von  der  Tann.     (From  a  photograph. )      ....        327 

89.  Frederick  Francis    II.,   Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin.      (From   a 

photograph.) 330 

90.  Aurelle  de  Paladines.     (From  a  photograph.) 331 

91.  Moltke  in  his  office  at  Versailles.     (By  Anton  von  Werner ;  from  a  sketch 

drawn  on  the  spot  in  1870.) 336 

92.  General  Faidherbe.     ( From  a  photograph. ) 338 

93.  General  Chanzy.      ( From  a  photograph. ) 339 

94.  General  von  Göben.     (From  a  photograph.) 341 

95.  Minister  Delbrück.     (From  a  photograph.) 343 

96.  Baron  von  Friesen.     (  From  a  photograph. ) 344 

97.  Proclamation  of  the  new  German   Empire  in  the  Palace  of  Louis  XIV.  at 

Versailles,  on  January  18,  1871.      (By  Anton  von  Werner;  from  a  sketch 

dra^vn  on  the  spot.) 347 

98.  Bismarck  and  Jules  Favre  during  the  negotiations  in  the  house  of  Madame 

Jesse  at  Versailles.     (By  Anton  von  Werner,  from  a  sketch  drawn  on  the 

spot.)      349 

99.  General  von  Werder.      (From  the  lithograpli  by  G.  Engelbach.) 351 

100.  Bourbaki.     (From  a  photograph.) 352 

101.  Bishop  von  Ketteler.     (From  a  photograph.) 377 

102.  Ignaz  Döllinger.     (From  the  lithograph  by  G.  Engelbach.) 378 

103.  Bishop  Dupanlou p.     (From  the  engraving  by  ^luzelle.) 380 

104.  Archbishop  Darboy.     (From  the  engraving  by  L.  Massard.) 383 

105.  Professor  von  Schulte.     (From  a  photograph.) 385 

106.  Professor  Hubert  Reinkens.     (From  a  photograph.) 386 

107.  Heinrich  von  Treitschke.     (From  a  photograph. ) 389 

108.  Dr.  Rudolf  Gneist.     (From  a  photograph.) 393 

109.  Albert  Maybach,  Minister  of  Public  Works.      (From  a  photograph.)  ....  394 
no.     Dr.  Stephan.     (From  a  photograph.) 395 

111.  Deputy  Miquel.      (From  a  photograph.) 396 

112.  Dr.  Simson,  President  of  the  Reichstag.     (From  a  photograph.) 397 

113.  Count  Eulenbnrg.     (From  the  copper-plate  engraving  by  Weger.     Original, 

a  photograph.)      402 

114.  Finance-Minister  Otto  Camphausen.     (From  a  photograph.) 403 

115.  Count  Harry  von  .\rnim.     (From  a  photograph.) 404 

116.  Prince  AVilliam  of  Prussia  and  Princess  Augusta  Victoria  of  Schleswig-Hol- 

stein-Sonderbnrg-.\ugnstenburg.     (From  a  photograph.) 406 

117.  Deputy  Peter  Reichensperger.     (From  a  photograph.) 409 

118.  Deputy  von  Mallinkrodt.     (From  a  photograph.)      410 



111».  \'on  Mülilcr,  MiiiisUT  of  Wortiliii)  and  Instruction.     (From  a  photograph.)  .  411 

l:iO.     Minister  Johann  von  Lutz.     (From  a  photograph. )      412 

121.  Dr.  Falk,  Minister  of  AVorship  and  Instruction.     (From  a  photograph.)     .    .  414 

122.  Windthorst.     (From  a  photograph.) 417 

123.  Cardinal  Ledochowski.     (From  a  photograph.) 418 

124.  Deputy  Jörg.     (From  a  pliotograph.) 420 

125.  King  Louis  II.  of  I>avaria.      (From  a  photograph.) 422 

126.  Karl  Marx.     (From  a  pliotograph.) 425 

127.  Ferdinand  Lnssalle.     (From  a  photograpli.) 426 

128.  Deputy  Liebknecht.     (From  a  photograph.)      428 

129.  Deputy  Bebel.     (From  a  photograph.) 430 

130.  Deputy  Eugen  Kichter.     (From  a  photograph.) 434 

131.  Baron  von  Varnbiiler.     (From  a  photograph.) 435 

132.  Deputy  Bamberger.     (From  a  photograph.) 436 

133.  Eduard  Lasker.     (From  a  pliotograpli.) 437 





















Emperor  Napuleon  III.    From  tlie  cojjper-plate  engraving  by  Metzmacher, 

1859      '^^ 

Empress  Eugenie.     From  the  portrait  by  Winterhalter  (1806-1873)      .    .  31 

Emperor  Nicholas  I.  of  Russia 41 

Disembarkation  of  the  French  and  English  troops  in  the  Crimea,  on  Sep- 
tember 14,  1854.     From  the  painting  by  Gobaut,  on  the  basis  of  material 

supplied  by  the  French  General  Staff 50 

Map  of  the  Crimea  and  Sebastopol 53 

The  Congress  of  Paris,  1 856.     From  the  original  painting  by  Dubufe   .    .  65 

Emperor  Alexander  II.  of  Russia ''^ 

Empress  Eugenie  and  the  ladies  of  her  court.     From  the  painting  by  F.  X. 

Winterhalter 1*^*" 

Cavour.     From  a  photograph  .        Ill 

General  MacMahon.     From  the  painting  by  Rene  Princeteau 130 

First  entry  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel  into  Florence.     From  the  painting 

by  Enrico  Fanfani      ^'^•^ 

Napoleon   III.,   Emperor  of  the   French.     From   the  lithograph    by   H. 

CoUette 15^ 

Crown  Prince  Frederick  William  of  Prussia.      From  the  steel  engraving 

by  F.  Weber ;  original  portrait  by  AVinterlialter 231 

Opening  of  the  Reichstag  of  the  North  German  Confederation  on  February 
24,  1867,  by  King  William  I.,  in  the  White  Hall  of  the  Royal  Castle  in 

Berlin  ...        2-^- 

The  Battlefields  about  Metz,  1870 ^01 

Battlefield  of  Sedan -^l'^ 

Paris  and  Vicinity,  1870-1871 3^5 

Facsimile  of  the   autograph    sentiment  of  Emperor   William    I.    in  the 
"Book  of  the  War  of  1870-71  and  the  p:stablisli)nent  of  the  fierman 

Empire,"  preserved  in  the  National  German  IShiseinii  at  Nurendierg  .    -  365 

Pope  Pius  IX.     From  the  marble  bust  by  F.  Pajes  of  Serratosa,  1878   .    .  380 
Count  Moltke.     Marble  bust  by  Reinhold  I'-egas.     In  the  National  Gallery 

at  Berlin ^^^ 

Pope  Leo  XIII.     From  a  photograph 4-0 

Luitpold,  Prince  Regent  of  Bavaria.     From  a  photograph 421 

Emperor  William  I.     From  a  photograph 430 

Prince   Bismarck.     Marble  bust   by  Reinhold   Begas.     In   the   National 

Gallery  at  Berlin '^•^" 

BOOK   I. 




THE   REACTIOX  OF    1851    IX   GERMANY. 

THE  revolution  that  shook  Germany  to  its  centre  in  1848  was  no 
whit  more  vehement  in  character  than  the  reaction  that  fol- 
lowed immediately  on  its  suppression.  Everv^where  this  had  free 
play,  and  ever}'where  it  manifested  the  most  fervent  zeal  to  efface 
the  last  traces  of  the  democratic  spirit.  The  Confederate  diet  led 
the  way  in  setting  an  example  to  the  separate  governments.  In  con- 
formity with  the  compact  between  Austria  and  Prussia,  its  objects 
were,  on  the  one  hand,  the  abrogation  of  all  constitutions  and  state 
laws  not  in  harmony  with  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  Confederation  ; 
and,  on  the  other,  the  repression  of  the  atheistic,  antimonarchical, 
socialist,  and  communistic  press.  A  so-called  political  committee 
was  charged  \vith  the  preparation  of  the  requisite  measures ;  and  in 
conformity  T^-ith  its  report  the  diet,  on  July  6  and  13,  1851,  for- 
mulated general  rules  for  the  regulation  of  the  press,  and  societies  or 
clubs,  lea\-ing  it  to  the  several  governments  to  mould  these  into  a 
more  definite  and  effective  shape  in  accordance  with  their  indi%ddual 
requirements.  It  further  abrogated  many  popular  rights  commonly 
held  inalienable,  adding,  on  August  23,  a  pro\'ision  that,  in  the 
event  of  any  government  declining  or  neglecting  to  act  sponta- 
neously, it  could  of  itself  intervene  to  enforce  the  requisite  measures. 
But  few  members  of  the  Confederation,  and  these  only  the 
smaller  ones,  had  either  the  will  or  the  courage  to  resist  being 
carried  away  on  this  high  tide  of  reaction.  Most  loyal  to  the 
principles  he  had  recognized  before  1848,  and  since  then  carried  out 
in  his  land,  was  Duke  Ernest  II.  of  Saxe-Coburg ;  and  the  govern- 
ments of  Saxe-Weimar,  Brunswick,  Meiningen,  and  Oldenburg  also 
made  honorable  efforts  to  preserve  whatever  was  of  real  value  in 
those  of  1848  in  their  new  constitutions.     All  the  more  fervent,  on 


20  THE   REACTION   OF   1S51   IN   GERMANY. 

the  other  hand,  was  the  reactionary  zeal  of  the  other  members  of  the 
Confederation,  while  the  desire  for  rest  and  the  dread  of  turmoil  in- 
spired by  the  failure  of  1848  conspired  to  paralyze  the  peoples' 
power  of  resistance.  Saxony  disgraced  herself  by  expelling  from 
their  positions  in  the  University  of  Leipsic  the  patriot  professors 
M.  Haupt,  Otto  Jahn,  and  Theodor  Mommsen  (Fig.  1).  In  Bavaria 
and  Wiirtemberg,  and  in  Hanover,  after  the  accession  of  the  blind 
king,  George  V,,  on  November  18,  1851,  the  reactionary  nobility  and 
bureaucracy  held  full  sway.  In  Hesse-Cassel  the  infamous  Hassen- 
pflug,  whom  the  people  called  in  execration  Hessenßuch,  '  Hesse's 
curse,'  acted  as  minister  under  a  '  provisional  constitution '  of  his  own 
device,  until,  in  1856,  the  obstinate  opposition  of  the  chambers  com- 
pelled his  resignation.  The  minister  von  Dalwigk  of  Hesse-Darm- 
stadt, who  annulled  communal  autonomy,  and  surrendered  the  rights 
of  the  state  to  the  Catholic  church,  alone  surpassed  him  in  base- 
ness. The  Mecklenburg  reactionists  won  a  complete  victory.  The 
liberal  constitution  was  annulled ;  and  the  old  hated  feudal  system, 
with  its  tripartite  division  of  power  (dating  from  1765)  between  the 
sovereign,  the  nobihty,  and  the  city  corporations,  came  again  to 
lusty  life,  and  has  remained  in  force  to  this  day.  The  results  have 
been  seen  in  an  alarmingly  great  emigration  and  loss  of  population, 
due  to  the  impediments  put  in  the  way  of  civic  industries  and  the 
oppressive  feudal  burdens  imposed  on  the  peasantry  and  agricultural 

In  Prussia,  too,  the  reactionary  party  opened  a  -vdgorous  and  ob- 
durate campaign  against  the  new  constitution.  B}^  the  end  of 
1851  it  had  moved  for  no  fewer  than  seventeen  modifications  upon 
it,  and  received  the  assent  of  the  government  to  the  majority.  Nor 
did  Vienna  fail  in  encouragements  to  the  king  to  follow  the  example 
of  Emperor  Francis  Joseph,  and  throw  the  whole  constitution  to  the 
winds.  The  feudahsts  built  their  hopes  of  inciting  the  king  to  a 
breach  of  the  constitution  on  his  antipathy  to  all  constitutionalism, 

—  not  diminished  by  his  stormy  experiences  during  the  last  years 

—  and  with  this  end  in  view  secretly  concocted  a  regular  plan  of 
campaign,  their  party-cry  being  "  the  unwritten  constitution,  older 
and  more  validly  binding  than  the  written  one."  First  of  all,  the 
chambers  were  to  be  empowered  to  make  a  series  of  essential  changes 
in  the  latter  such  as  would  make  the  necessity  for  its  revision  im- 
perative. This  would  afford  a  pretext  for  converting  it  into  a 
royal  charter,  in  virtue  of  which  the  king  would  be  empowered  to 


abrogate  all  unpalatable  institutions  and  laws,  and,  in  short,  fulfil 
the  wishes  of  the  feudahsts.  Much  as  this  cunningly  devised  plan 
was  in  harmony  with  the  king's  conservative  predilections  for  the 
old  estates,  yet  from  regard  to  the  oath  he  had  taken  to  the  consti- 
tution he  did  not  feel  himself  free  to  enter  into  it  unconditional!}-. 
Sorely  against  the  will  of  its  authoi-s  he  sent  a  draught  of  the 
scheme  through  M.  Niebuhr  to  Bunsen  in  London  for  his  advice. 
His  conscience,  he  assured  his  old  friend,  admitted  of  no  juggling 
witli  his  oath,  yet,  could  his  honor  be  kejjt  untouched,  he  was  of  the 
full  conviction  that  modern  constitutionalism  would  be  death  to 
Prussia.  Bunsen  was  shocked  beyond  measure  to  see  how  those 
around  the  king  were  seeking  to  inveigle  him  into  their  net.  Still, 
his  conviction  that  the  scheme  would  go  to  pieces  on  his  monarch's 
own  conscientiousness  and  the  faithful  counsels  of  the  Prince  of 
Prussia  did  not  deceive  him.  Frederick  William  rejected  this 
underhand  abrogation  of  the  constitution.  But  all  was  done  that 
could  be  done  to  assimilate  the  constitutional  system  to  that  of  the 
old  estates.  The  Uttle  band  of  liberals,  A\ith  all  their  resolution, 
were  unable  to  bear  up  against  the  overwhelming  force  of  the 
assault  on  their  principles ;  and  their  leaders,  one  after  another, 
gave  up  the  hopeless  conteist.  Against  the  express  terms  of  the 
constitution,  a  law  was  passed  in  January,  1852,  permitting  the 
institution  of  entails;  the  ordinance  of  1850  regarding  communes 
based  on  the  principle  of  self-administration  was  repealed ;  the 
seigniorial  police,  as  well  as  the  circle  and  provincial  diets  (in 
which  the  nobles  enjoyed  an  absolute  ascendancy)  were  restored. 
Within  the  cabinet  the  landed  nobility  found  their  main  supporter 
in  their  efforts  for  the  restoration  of  prerogative  in  the  minister  of 
the  interior,  von  Westphalen ;  the  extreme  church-party,  in  the 
minister  of  public  instruction,  von  Raumer;  while  the  bureaucracy 
was  as  if  embodied  in  the  president,  Manteuffel.  When  their  aims 
coincided,  the  tliree  parties  were  as  one  in  keeping  watch  on  any 
opposition  movement.  And  not  only  the  administration,  but  the 
judiciary,  became  the  partisan  agents  of  the  reaction. 

None  regarded  the  omnipotent  power  of  the  police  with  greater 
complaisance  than  the  feudal  party,  so  long  as  this  was  exerted  in 
repressing  inconvenient  movements ;  but  over  itself  it  conceded  it  no 
power.  When  the  president  of  police,  von  Hinkeldey —  who,  despite 
his  habitual  arbitrary  procedure,  had  been  of  real  service  in  organiz- 
ing the  police   of  the  capital  —  presumed   to  initiate  proceedings 


against  the  reckless  gambling  in  the  Jockey  Club,  he  was  challenged 
to  face  the  pistol  of  its  best  shot,  Lieutenant  von  llochow-Plessow, 
and  killed  on  the  spot.  The  immunity  granted  the  duellist  showed 
to  what  length  aristocratic  arrogance  could  go  with  impunity. 

With  the  reaction  particularism,  or  insistence  on  the  prerogatives 
of  the  individual  states  as  opposed  to  general  interests,  as  was  to  be 
expected,  again  asserted  itself  in  force.  Even  to  refer  to  a  unified 
Germany  was  accepted  as  a  proof  of  an  ill-affected  mind.  In  lieu  of 
this  the  dogma  that  all  German  history  pointed  to  the  development 
of  the  different  races  was  proclaimed  in  all  the  dialects  of  the  father- 
land. Even  the  military  convention  entered  into  by  some  of  the 
minor  states  with  Prussia  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  contravention  of 
the  constitution  of  the  Confederation.  Of  all  the  creations  of  the 
revolutionary  years,  one  only  was  now  extant,  —  namely,  the  so-called 
national  fleet  of  nineteen  small  vessels.  The  Danish  war  had  shown 
the  necessity  for  a  strong  German  fleet.  But  who  was  to  be  its 
owner?  After  interminable  disputes  between  Prussia,  Austria,  and 
the  second-rate  states,  the  Confederate  diet  finally,  on  April  2,  1852, 
decreed  the  dissolution  of  the  German  fleet.  On  the  motion  of  the 
Oldenburg  state-councillor,  Hannibal  Fischer,  the  ownerless  national 
navy  was  brought  to  the  hammer,  Prussia  becoming  the  purchaser 
of  its  most  available  vessels.  This  was  the  act  by  which  the  Con- 
federate diet,  amid  the  derisive  laughter  of  all  Germany,  celebrated 
its  rehabilitation. 

This,  the  first  occasion  of  trial,  showed  how  little  calculated  the 
new-born  entente  cordiale  of  the  two  greater  powers  was  to  stand  the 
proof.  Nor  was  it  long  before  this  was  to  receive  further  illustration. 
When  Prussia,  moved  by  the  unpropitious  aspect  of  European  poli- 
tics, decided  to  give  up  the  Union  of  1850,  and  again  enter  the  diet, 
it  did  this  on  the  supposition,  which  it  regarded  as  self-evident,  that 
the  conditions  existent  before  1848  should  again  be  in  force, — 
namely,  that  neither  of  the  greater  powers  should  introduce  any 
measure  Avithout  previous  concert  with  the  other,  so  that  they  might 
be  in  a  position  to  control  the  diet  by  the  subordination  of  the  other 
members.  But  Prince  Schwarzenberg  had  more  ambitious  views. 
Not  content  with  recapturing  the  position  for  the  diet  which  the  old 
federal  constitution  had  conferred  on  it,  he  was  still  more  intent  on 
utilizing  the  Revolution,  which  had  brought  Austria  so  near  her 
fall,  for  the  realization  of  far-reaching  schemes.  Prussia  was  to  be 
brought  into  subjection  to  the  behests  of  Vienna  not  less  completely 



than  the  smaller  states  had  been  to  the  common  dictates  of  the  two 
great  powers.  Should  it  prove  contumacious,  it  was  to  be  over- 
ridden by  help  of  the  other  powers ;  for  the  hegemony  of  Prussia  was 
such  a  bugbear  to  the  smaller  states,  that  of  their  own  accord  they 
gladly  nestled  under  the  wings  of  the  double-eagle.  The  facts  that 
these  were  little  attracted  by  Prussia's  stringency  and  tireless  en- 
ergy, and  that  many  of  their  sons  were  already  in  the  Austrian  ser- 
vice, were  of  no  little  avail  in  furthering  his  designs.  These  found 
exposition  in  the  superciliously 
free-and-easy  manner  which  the 
presidial  deputy,  who  was  regu- 
larly an  Austrian,  assumed  to- 
wards his  colleagues,  even  in 
contravention  of  the  simple  rules 
of  business  propriety. 

So  long  as  von  Rochow  was 
Prussia's  representative  at  Frank- 
fort, he  submitted  without  re- 
monstrance to  Austrian  ascen- 
dancy. But  a  change  came 
with  Bismarck's  entrance  on 
the  scene.  Little  as  he  came 
in  the  character  of  Austria's 
antagonist,  and  anxious  as  he 
was  to  conceal  minor  difficulties 
between  the   two  powers   from 

fear  of  imperilling  their  common  influence,  he  soon  saw  him- 
self compelled,  by  the  determination  shown  to  overrule  Prussia,  to 
an  energetic  war  of  defence.  He  found  in  the  diet  no  apprecia- 
tion of  Germany's  common  interests,  and  of  the  consequent  necessity 
for  harmonious  co-operation  and  due  subordination.  The  annoyances 
in  regard  to  points  of  punctilio  and  other  matters  of  trifling  import, 
he  might  have  been  well  content  to  ignore  ;  but  when  it  came  to 
questions  affecting  Prussia's  honor  and  vital  interests,  —  to  the 
question,  in  short,  whether  she  was  the  vassal  of  Austria,  —  he 
yielded  not  a  hand-breadth.  Thus  in  entering  his  protest  against 
the  raising  of  money  for  the  maintenance  of  the  fleet,  not  by  the 
agreed-on  contributions  of  the  several  states,  but  by  anticipating  a 
loan  and  borrowing  from  Rothschild,  he  converted  an  uncUgnified 
haggling  over  comparatively  petty  sums  into  a  question  of  the  fun- 

Fi«.  1. — Theodor  Mommsen. 

24  THE   REACTION   OF  1851   IN   GERMANY. 

(lainental  rights  and  powers  of  the  Confederation ;  and  brought  still 
more  into  relief  the  overbearing  arrogance  of  the  Austrian  president, 
when  he  declared  the  diet  to  be  competent  to  deal  with  all  questions 
wliich  he  declared  within  its  powers.  The  attempt  to  make  the  com- 
mittee intrusted  with  the  editing  and  publishing  of  the  minutes  a 
mere  tool  of  Austria,  he  resisted  so  energetically  that  it  had  to  be 
forthwith  abandoned.  What  the  majority  of  the  diet  would  have 
liked  best  would  have  been  to  prevent  Prussia  from  withdrawing  her 
eastern  provinces  from  the  Confederation,  because  such  a  withdrawal 
was  essential  to  her  maintaining  her  position  as  an  independent  great 

So  long  as  Count  Thun  was  president  of  the  chamber  the  rela- 
tions were  at  any  rate  endurable.  Under  his  successor,  the  '  pom- 
pous and  unreliable  '  von  Prokesch-Osten,  they  became  sensibly 
Avorse.  From  that  moment  Bismarck  assumed  a  firmer  attitude. 
Already  the  conviction  began  to  dawn  on  him  that  the  quarrel  must 
ultimately  be  decided  by  the  sword.  These  experiences  irrevocably 
determined  his  views  of  German  relations.  Now,  as  ever,  he  held 
that  a  close  and  honorable  union  of  Austria  and  Prussia,  on  terms  of 
strict  equality,  was  the  situation  most  promising  of  benefit  for  the 
whole  land;  but  he  held  not  less  firmly  that,  if  the  indispensable 
conditions  of  equality  were  not  conceded,  Prussia  had  nothing  for 
it  but  to  maintain  the  fight  against  Austrian  tendencies,  and  to 
maintain  and  fortify  her  position  in  the  Confederation. 

Far  more  important  than  the  petty  skirmishes  at  Frankfort 
were  the  enlargement  and  extension  of  the  Prussian  Customs-Union 
{Zollverein^,  which,  unless  renewed,  was  to  have  terminated  with 
the  close  of  1853.  Schwarzenberg's  ambitious  scheme,  ably  seconded 
l)y  Baron  von  Brück  (Fig.  2),  the  Austrian  minister  of  commerce, 
was  to  draw  this  into  the  sphere  of  Austria's  power.  Prussia,  how- 
ever, steadily  refused  to  consider  the  reconstruction  of  the  union 
on  the  basis  of  the  admission  of  Austria,  and  secretly  won  over  the 
states  of  the  Hanoverian  Customs-Union  (^Steuerverein)  (September 
7,  1851),  to  agree  to  unite  with  the  Prussian  union  from  January, 
1854.  Some  of  the  second-rate  states  —  notably  Bavaria  and  Saxony 
— threatened  to  form  a  new  Zollverein  with  Austria,  with  or  without 
the  participation  of  Prussia ;  but  the  prompt  reorganization  of  the 
old  Zollverein,  on  November  16,  1852,  by  the  latter  power,  in  con- 
junction with  Brunswick,  the  Thuringian  states,  and  the  states  of 
the  former  Steuerverein,  coupled  with  the  threat  of  exclusion  in  case 



of  contumacy,  brought  the  recusants  to  their  senses.  Commercial 
war  with  Prussia  would  have  meant  industrial  ruin,  especially  in 
Saxony.  On  April  4, 1853,  the  Zollverein  was  renewed  for  a  period 
of  twelve  years,  excluding  Austria,  but  including  all  the  other  Ger- 

FiG.  2.  — Baron  von  Bruck.     From  the  steel  eupravin^  by  A.  Weger. 

man  stites,  thus  embracing  an  area  of  197,000  square  miles  and  a 
population  of  nearly  33,000,000. 

About  the  same  time  Prussia  took  another  step  in  her  upward 
career,  rendered  doubly  important  by  this  auspicious  compact.  She 
planted  her  foot  on  the  North  Sea  coast,  from  which  she  had  been 



shut  off  by  the  surrender  of  East  Friesland.  On  July  20,  1853,  she 
acquired  from  Oldenburg  —  not  without  protest  from  Hanover  — 
a  small  strip  of  land  on  the   Bay  of    Jade  as  a  site  for   a   naval 

harbor.  tt    j-    i 

Schwarzenberg  was  not  spared  to  see  this  denouement.     He  died 

of  an  apoplectic  stroke,  April  4,  1852. 



THE  coiq)  d'etat  of  December  2,  1851,  was  the  terminus  a  quo 
for  a  new  departure  in  the  life  of  the  nations.  That  from 
this  date  a  new  empire  was  in  process  of  evolution  even  a  purblind 
man  could  see.  The  prince-president  took  up  his  abode  in  the 
Tuileries,  and  the  imperial  eagle  took  the  place  of  the  Gallic  cock  on 
the  standards  of  France.  The  P'rench  nation  was,  as  the  prince- 
president  assured  it  on  the  promulgation  of  the  constitution  on  Jan- 
uary 14, 1852,  nothing  but  the  France  rejuvenated  by  the  Revolution 
of  1792,  and  organized  by  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  For  such  a  land 
monarchy  was  a  necessity ;  it  was  only  logical  that  the  form  should 
adjust  itself  to  fact.  The  Revolution  of  February  had  erred  in 
dreaming  that  it  could  create  a  republic  under  the  centralization  that 
had  its  root  in  the  first  empire. 

The  four  months  intervening  till  the  meeting  of  the  legislative 
body,  during  which  the  president  wielded  the  dictatorshij),  were 
utilized  to  abrogate,  one  after  another,  the  institutions  which  were 
the  guaranties  for  freedom.  The  National  Guard  was  reduced  in 
numbers,  and  placed  under  the  orders  of  the  civil  authorities,  and 
deprived  of  the  right  of  choosing  its  officers.  The  university  profes- 
sors lost  their  security  of  tenure ;  the  prefects,  under  the  supervis- 
ion of  the  council  of  state,  ruled  with  absolute  authority ;  the  press 
was  made  subject  to  the  arbitrary  will  of  the  executive.  Persigny 
(Fig.  3),  minister  of  the  interior,  in  a  circular  regarding  the  elect- 
ing of  members  of  the  legislative  body  —  while  declaring  the 
time  for  intrigues  and  political  corruption  past  —  instructed  the 
electors  that  in  order  to  insure  harmony  among  the  departments  of 
state,  it  was  essential  that  they  should  place  the  stamp  of  their 
approval  only  on  the  candidates  enjoying  the  confidence  of  the 

This  instruction  came  so  opportunely,  and  was  so  fully  in  accord 
with  the  popular  antipathy  to  the  republic,  that  the  elections  resulted 



Fig.  3.  —  Vicomte  de  Persigny.     From  a  photograph. 

"  THE  EMPIRE  IS   PEACE.-"  29 

in  a  simple  confirmation  of  the  plebiscite  of  December  20.  The  official 
candidates  were  all  but  unanimously  elected.  In  his  address  of  wel- 
come to  the  legislative  body,  the  president  assured  it  that  if  he  had 
really  cherished  the  purpose  ascribed  to  him  of  restoring  the  empire, 
he  had  had  ample  opportunities  for  realizing  it,  and  by  anticipation  cast 
the  responsibility  on  the  parties  hostile  to  him  for  any  possible 
change  in  the  form  of  government  he  might  see  himself  compelled 
by  their  machinations  to  make  in  the  future.  "  Let  us  maintain  the 
republic,"  he  concluded  ;  "  it  threatens  no  one,  and  can  assure  peace 
to  all  the  world." 

This  so-called  legislative  body  was,  indeed,  but  a  puppet  that 
moved  only  as  its  strings  were  pulled.  It  had  neither  the  power  of 
initiation,  nor  of  interpellation,  of  complaint,  petition,  nor  inquiry 
into  the  finances  ;  and  of  its  proceedings,  nothing  beyond  the  bare 
official  report  could  be  published.  Its  tribune  was  carried  away, 
and  it  could  communicate  with  the  mmisters  only  thi'ough  the  govern- 
ment commissary.  Over  the  sittings  of  the  senate  the  constitu- 
tion cast  an  impenetrable  veil.  All  knew  its  special  function  was  to 
guard  against  any  violation  of  the  constitution,  but  no  one  could  say 
whether  it  ever  had  an  opportunity  for  exercising  this  power.  On 
June  28  the  prince  closed  its  sittings  with  the  assurance  that  the 
trial  made  of  a  constitution  of  pure  French  origin  showed  that  the 
nation  possessed  all  the  conditions  for  a  strong,  free  government. 
Nevertheless,  the  confiscation  of  the  immense  wealth  of  the  late  royal 
family  made  the  worst  impression.  JNIorny,  Magne,  Fould,  and 
Roulier,  retired  from  the  ministry. 

But  the  chase  after  an  imperial  crown  was  not  given  up.  The 
distribution  of  the  eagles  to  the  army,  on  ^lay  10,  had  been  fixed  on 
for  the  proclamation  of  the  empire ;  but  Louis  was  too  secure  of  the 
popular  voice  to  be  Avilling  to  receive  it  from  praetorians.  He  knew 
that  the  bourgeois  and  peasant  classes  looked  to  a  despotism  to  shield 
them  from  a  red  republic,  and  that  their  desire  was  not  for  glory,  but 
for  peace  and  rest.  And  the  prince,  in  his  triumphal  progresses 
through  the  land,  was  never  weary  of  promising  them  these.  At 
Bordeaux,  on  Octol)er  0,  he  declared,  "  Mistrustful  persons  say  to 
themselves  that  the  empire  is  war.  I  say  that  the  emjjire  is  peace, 
because  France  wishes  peace,  and  when  France  is  contented  the 
world  is  at  ease."  His  return  to  Paris  was  celebrated  with  imperial 
honors,  and  the  demonstrations  generally  were  so  unequivocal  that  he 
felt  himself  secure  in  yielding  to  the  popular  call.     On  November  4 


the  senate  and  legislative  chamber  decreed  to  refer  to  a  plebiscite 
the  question  whether  the  people  willed  the  restoration  of  the  im- 
perial dignity  in  the  person  of  Louis  Napoleon  with  reversion  to  his 
decendants.     The  vote  gave  7,824,129  yeas  ;  253,149  nays. 

The  empire,  for  which  literature,  art,  and  politics  had  for  thirty 
years  being  preparing  the  way,  was  established,  and  the  dream  of 
Strasburg  and  Boulogne  realized.  Since  the  king  of  Rome  had,  in 
1815,  been  recognized  by  the  chambers  as  occupant  of  the  throne, 
the  new  emperor  assumed  the  title  of  Napoleon  III.  (Plate  I.) 
The  civil  list —  irrespective  of  the  3,000,000  francs  yielded  by  the 
state  forests  —  was  fixed  at  25,000,000  francs,  as  it  had  been  for  the 
first  Napoleon.  The  generals  Saint^Arnaud,  JNIagnan,  and  Castel- 
lane  were,  in  recognition  of  their  services  in  December,  1851,  created 
marshals.  The  constitution  suffered  two  serious  limitations  :  first, 
the  legislative  body  was  required  in  future  to  vote  the  budget  as  a 
whole,  without  ha^dng  the  power  of  rejecting  individual  items ; 
second,  the  emperor  received  absolute  authority  to  conclude  com- 
mercial treaties  without  the  concurrence  of  the  legislature.  A  new 
municipal  law  reduced  the  communal  administrations  to  still  closer  de- 
pendence on  government.  To  such  as  complained  that  freedom  had 
not  been  granted  freer  play,  the  emperor  responded,  "  that  freedom 
never  helped  to  found  an  enduring  political  structure  ;  she  only 
crowned  it  when  time  had  confirmed  it."  In  order  to  give  Europe 
tangible  evidence  of  the  peaceful  disposition  of  the  new  empire,  the 
standing  army,  already  reduced  by  30,000  men,  was  further  depleted 
of  20,000. 

The  crowned  heads  of  Europe  regarded  the  accession  of  this  new 
sovereign  to  their  number  with  mingled  dismay  and  perplexity. 
Visions  of  new  Jenas  and  Austerlitzes  flitted  before  royal  eyes,  but 
were  at  length  put  to  rest  by  the  pacific  assurances  of  the  emperor. 
The  lesser  potentates,  then  the  monarchs  of  Prussia,  Austria,  and 
England,  received  him  into  fellowship  with  the  customary  greetings. 
Nicholas  of  Russia,  however,  refused  to  address  the  new  emperor  by 
the  usual  style  of  "  My  Cousin  and  Brother,"  gratifying  his  spleen 
by  using  the  less  honorable  title,  "  Mj  Friend."  The  slight  was  re- 
membered ;  and  the  semi-hostile  attitude  of  Russia,  which  the  other 
European  states  refused  to  imitate,  had  no  slight  influence  in  pro- 
ducing the  state  of  isolation  which  proved  so  disadvantageous  to  that 
country  a  little  later  in  the  Crimean  war.  Public  sentiment  in 
England,  at  first  unduly  alarmed  lest  Napoleon  might  imitate  the  ag- 


Emperor  Napoleon  HI- 
From  the  copper-plate  engraving  by  Metzmacher,  1859. 
History  of  AU  Nations.  Vol.  XIX.,  page  SO. 


'\a\^  \^''^'^~ 

Empress  Eugenie. 
From  the  portrait  by  F.  X.  Winterhalter  (1806-1873). 
Hittory  of  All  Nations,  Vol.  XIX.,  page  SI. 

"  THE  MAN   OF  DESTINY."'  31 

gressions  of  his  great  uncle,  was  quieted  by  the  emperor's  demeanor 
and  the  military  preparations  of  the  English  government. 

But  the  wall  of  separation  between  Louis  Napoleon  and  the  old 
ruling  houses  was  to  be  brought  more  prominently  into  view  when  he 
looked  around  for  a  wife  to  perpetuate  his  dynasty.  Thrice  rejected 
on  various  pretexts,  on  January  22,  1853,  he  suddenly  announced  to 
the  senate  his  approaching  nuptials  wdth  a  young  Spaniard,  Eugenie 
de  Montijo  (Plate  II.),  Countess  of  Teba,  and  on  her  mother's 
side  of  the  Scottish  house  of  Kirkpatrick.  This  marriage  was 
accepted,  both  in  and  out  of  France,  as  a  pledge  of  peace ;  and  this 
conviction  the  emperor  deepened  by  opening  a  great  agricultural  and 
industrial  World  Exposition  in  Paris,  May  1,  1853. 

This  was  the  honeymoon,  not  for  the  emperor  alone,  Ijut  for  the 
whole  nation.  But  it  was  soon  sped.  Neither  Napoleon's  character 
nor  position  permitted  him  freedom  of  will.  He  was  "  the  Man  of 
Destiny,"  and  as  heir  to  his  great  uncle  regarded  revenge  for  1814 
and  1815  as  a  sacred  legacy  bequeathed  by  him,  and  therefore  held 
himself  called  on  by  a  higher  power  to  transform  the  map  of  Europe. 
It  was  first  necessary,  however,  that  he  find  an  opportunity  to  pene- 
trate by  force  the  veil  of  distrust  which  separated  him  from  the 
general  current  of  European  politics  ;  and  this  Russia  suppHed  him. 

The  haughty  czar,  Nicholas  I.,  despising  the  weakness  of  the 
states  shaken  or  overturned  by  the  revolution  of  1848,  felt  that  the 
time  was  now  arrived  to  extend  the  sway  of  '  Holy  Russia  '  over  the 
Islam-cursed  lands  that  separated  her  from  the  Mediterranean.  He 
wanted  only  the  co-operation  or  neutrality  of  England,  and  a  pretext. 
The  latter  was  supplied  by  the  strife  between  the  Greek  and  Latin 
churches  in  Palestine  over  the  Holy  Places.  So  embittered  was  the 
acrimony  between  Christ's  professed  disciples  here,  that  but  for  the 
presence  of  Turkish  policemen  the  Saviour's  grave  would  have  been 
stained  with  their  blood.  The  subjects  of  contention  were  certain 
claims  in  connection  with  the  Holy  Places,  of  themselves  of  very 
minor  importance,  —  as,  which  church  should  have  the  keeping  of 
the  key  of  the  great  gate  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  (Fig.  4),  and  the 
like.  Such  weight,  however,  was  attached  to  them  in  the  East  that 
it  came  to  be  a  question  of  the  political  influence  of  France  as  de- 
fender of  the  Latin  church,  and  Russia  as  champion  of  the  Greek. 
The  protectorate  claimed  by  the  former  dates  back  to  the  Crusades, 
and  is  further  supported  by  the  '  Capitulations  '  extorted  from  the 
sultan  by  Louis  XIV.,  and  on  a  firman  of  1757  specifying  the  con- 



cessions  gniiitecl  to  the  Latins,  confirmed  by  the  Ti-eaty  of  Ptuis  in 
1802.  Russia  maintained  the  chaims  of  the  (neek  church  on  the 
basis  of  the  peace  of  Kutchuk-Kainardji  of  1774.     In  1850,  when 

Fig.  4.  —  The  Holy  Sepulchre,  under  the  dome  of  the  Church  of  the  Sepulchre  at 


France,  backed  by  Austria  and  other  Catholic  powers,  made  earnest 
representations  to  the  Porte  in  favor  of  the  Latins,  tlie  Porte's  dis- 
position to  enter  on  the  question  aroused  the  cabinet  of  St.  Peters- 
burg, which   insisted    on   the  maintenance   of   the  status  quo,  and 



threatened  in  case  of  non-compliance  the  breaking  off  of  diplomatic 
relations  with  Turkey.  Cowed  by  the  menaces,  now  of  the  one 
power,  now  of  the  other,  tlie  Porte  let  contradictory  decisions  be  ex- 
torted from  it.  This  served  only  to  make  confusion  worse  con- 

Meanwhile  the  political  exigency  which  we  have  seen  stimulated 
Louis  Napoleon  to  urge  the  question  of  the  Holy  Places  Avith  still 
greater  energy.  Tiie  effect  was  soon  visible  in  Constantinople.  Reshid 
Pasha,    foreign    minister,  gave    place    to    Fuad    Effendi,  a  decided 

Fig.  5.  —  Drouyn  de  I'Huys.     From  the  litho.ffraph  by  Coedes. 

partisan  of  France ;  and  the  French  ambassador,  Lavalette,  to  the 
intense  indignation  of  the  Greeks,  carried  through  the  surrender  of 
the  key  of  the  great  portal  to  the  Latins  along  with  other  concessions. 
Napoleon's  foreign  minister,  Drouyn  de  rHu3-s  (Fig.  5),  saw  quite 
clearly  that  Nicholas,  in  the  whole  matter,  had  something  in  view 
very  different  from  a  key  or  a  silver  star,  —  the  annihilation,  in  short, 
of  the  Turkish  Empire  in  Europe.  In  order,  therefore,  to  deprive 
him  of  his  pretext  of  solicitude  for  orthodox  interests,  and  expose 
his  true  intent  to  the  light,  de  THuvs  caused  it  to  be  intimated  to 
St.   Petersburg  that  France  no  longer  insisted  obstinately  on  the 

Vol.  XIX.— 3 


claims  she  had  shown  to  be  valid.  His  discernment  was  justified. 
The  advent  to  power  of  the  Aberdeen  coalition  ministry,  in  De- 
cember, 1852,  which  was  held  to  be  a  sympton  of  growing  coolness 
between  the  western  powers,  emboldened  the  czar  to  lift  the  mask. 
Could  he  only  win  over  England  to  his  side  the  die  was  cast  for 
Turkey.  But  he  would  intrust  the  game  to  no  hand  but  his  own. 
In  order  to  give  to  his  communications  the  character  of  a  private  con- 
versation, he  induced  the  Grand  Princess  Helena  to  invite  the  English 
ambassador,  Sir  George  Hamilton-Seymour,  with  his  lady,  to  her 
house,  where  he  also  appeared.  "  Never,"'  said  he  in  an  eas}'-  uncon- 
strained tone,  "  was  it  more  essential  that  England  and  Russia  should 
be  on  the  best  of  terms  than  now.  When  we  are  agreed  I  am  quite 
unconcerned  about  the  west  of  Europe  ;  it  is  immaterial  to  me  what 
the  others  may  do  or  think.  As  regards  Turkey,  that  is  quite  a  dif- 
ferent question  ;  that  country  is  in  a  very  critical  state,  and  may  be 
the  cause  of  much  trouble."  He  wished  to  break  off  here,  but  the 
astute  diplomat  knew  how  to  lead  him  on  still  further.  "  Turkey," 
he  continued,  "  threatens  to  collapse  ;  that  will  be  a  great  misfortune, 
and  it  is  of  the  last  importance  that  England  and  Russia  should  come 
to  a  full  understanding  beforehand.  We  have  a  very  sick  man  on 
our  hands ;  it  were  a  great  misfortune  for  us  if  he  should  slip  away 
from  us  before  all  needful  provisions  were  made."  He  made  similar 
suggestions  to  the  Austrian  ambassador.  Ina  second  interview  with 
Seymour,  on  January  14,  1853,  he  repeated  and  expanded  liis  sug- 
gestions, intimating  that  he  might  find  it  necessary  to  occupy 
Constantinople  as  a  temporary  holder  or  depositary.  He  expected 
that  England  would  let  herself  be  seduced  by  the  prospect  held  out 
to  her  of  part  of  the  spoils,  —  namely,  Egypt  and  Crete. 

Curiously  enough  the  authorities  in  London  were  at  first  in  no 
way  clear  in  regard  to  the  purport  of  these  communications.  Lord 
John  Russell,  in  his  reply  to  the  czar,  contented  himself  with  con- 
gratulating him  on  his  wise  and  unselfish  policy,  so  beneficent  for 
Europe,  and  with  expressing  the  Avish  that  the  difficulties  with  the 
Porte  might  be  adjusted  by  an  understanding  among  the  great 
powers.  Not  till  a  third  interview  did  Seymour  (Fig.  6)  fully 
satisfy  himself  that  a  ruler,  who  pertinaciously  insisted  on  the 
impending  break-up  of  a  neighboring  empire,  had  made  up  his  mind 
no  longer  to  wait  for  such  a  catastrophe,  but  to  precipitate  it.  He 
set  himself,  therefore,  to  draw  from  the  czar  what  his  real  designs 
were.     With  unsophisticated  artlessness  the  monarch  explained  that 



these  contemplated  no  permanent  occupation  of  Constantinople  by 
Russia,  but  just  as  little  by  any  other  power ;  further,  that  he  would 
never  consent  to  the  reconstruction  of  a  Byzantine  empire,  nor  to 
such  an  aggrandizement  of  Greece  as  would  make  her  a  powerful 
state,  nor  to  the  cutting-up  of  Turkey  into  small  repuljhcs  which 
would  be  merely  places  of  harbor  for  revolutionaries;  rather  would 
he  fight  as  long  as  a  man  and  a  musket  was  left  to  him.  He  then 
unfolded  a  cut-and-dried  scheme  of  division.  A  memorandum  of 
Count  jSI  esselrode,  Russian  foreign  minister,  delivered  to  the  Brit- 
ish government  March  7,  while  re- 
peating the  invitation  to  England 
to  join  with  Russia,  had  the  obvi- 
ous purpose  of  reducing  the  czar's 
confidences  (of  which  he  felt  he 
had  been  too  free)  to  the  simple 
expression  of  a  desire  for  an  inter- 
change of  views,  and  concluded 
with  urging  that  the  whole  matter 
should  be  a  secret  confined  to  the 
two  sovereigns.  But  Lord  Claren- 
don, who  had  succeeded  to  the 
charge  of  the  foreign  office,  main- 
tained the  reserved  attitude  of  his 
predecessor.  "England,"  he  de- 
clared, "  desired  no  augmentation 
of  territory  and  could  enter  into 
no  arrangement  by  which  she  might 
derive  advantages  of  this  nature, 
and  could  be  no  party  to  an  en- 
gagement that  must  be  kept  secret  from  the  other  powers."  Never- 
theless, Nicholas,  in  an  interview  with  Seymour  on  April  18,  brought 
the  conversation  back  to  the  subject  of  the  Holy  Places,  in  regard 
to  which,  he  declared,  he  had  been  grievously  outraged  by  the 
sultan,  notwithstanding  which  he  had  put  neither  a  single  ship  nor 
a  solitary  battalion  in  motion.  "  But,"  he  added,  "  I  am  not  a  man 
to  be  trifled  with;  and  if  the  Turk  will  not  listen  to  reason,  he  "will 
have  to  be  taught  1)V  force." 

Thus  ended  these  remarkable  conferences,  of  which  the  world 
heard  nothing  for  a  year.  Not  till  provoked  by  the  bold  assertions 
of  the  "  St  Petersburg  Journal "  did  the  English  cabinet  exi)ose  the 

Fig.  6. —  Sir  George  Hamilton-Seymour. 
From  a  photograph. 



/  •'^'M.'-' 

Fig.  7.  —  Prince  MenshikofiE. 
documents  that  enabled  the  courts  of  Berlin  and  Vienna  to  appre- 
ciate the  degree  of  respect  with  which  the  czar  had  allowed  himself 
to  speak  of  them. 

J3ut  already  portentous  storm-clouds  were  gathering  over  Turkey. 


At  the  same  moment  that  Nicholas  was  disclaiming  to  the  English 
government  all  designs  hostile  to  Turkey,  he  was  arming  his  van- 
guard under  General  Dannenberg  for  an  advance  into  Moldavia,  and 
equipping  his  Black  Sea  fleet  for  a  sally  from  the  harbor  of  Sebas- 
topol.  Prince  Menshikoff  (Fig.  7),  after  holding  an  ostentatious 
review  of  the  forces  prepared  to  move,  took  ship  with  a  great  follow- 
ing, as  envoy  extraordinary,  for  Constantinople.  To  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  western  powers.  Nesselrode  represented  Menshikoff's 
mission  as  one  of  mediation.  In  reality  it  was  meant  to  exhibit  the 
czar  to  those  akin  to  him  by  race  or  religion  in  the  Turk's  domin- 
ions as  their  one  true  defender.  The  demands  which  the  prince  was 
instructed  to  make  were :  the  formal  announcement  of  the  firman  of 
May  30,  1852 ;  the  dismissal  of  Fuad  Effendi  from  the  foreign 
ministry ;  the  emission  of  a  firman  declaring  the  keys  of  the  church 
of  Bethlehem  the  rightful  property  of  the  Greeks ;  the  revocation  of 
the  concessions  to  the  Latins ;  a  guaranty  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
rights  of  the  Orthodox  church  in  the  future ;  and,  finally,  the  con- 
clusion of  a  separate  treaty  conceding  these  claims.  In  case  the 
sultan  should  require  support  against  the  western  powers,  and 
especially  against  France,  he  was  empowered  to  promise  him  a 
secret  league  of  defence.  If  these  demands  were  rejected  or  evaded, 
he  was  to  give  the  Porte  three  days  for  reflection,  and  then  with  the 
whole  embassy  leave  Constantinople. 

On  March  2  Prince  Menshikoff  betook  himself  to  the  Sublime 
Porte,  in  order  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  Grand  Vizier,  Mehemet  Ali 
(Fig.  8).  Of  Fuad  Effendi  (Fig.  9),  who  stood  ready  to  receive 
him,  he  took  not  the  slightest  notice,  but  wrote  next  morning  to  the 
Grand  Vizier  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  hold  intercourse  with 
a  guileful  minister.  Fuad,  in  view  of  the  deadly  peril  impending  over 
Turkey,  offered  himself  up  as  a  victim,  and  Rifaat  Pasha  undertook 
the  foreign  office  in  his  stead.  Tliis  was  a  victory  —  though  a  small 
one  —  for  Russia,  and  encouraged  Menshikoff  in  his  conviction  that 
the  Porte  must  surrender  at  discretion.  The  moment  was  well- 
chosen.  Both  the  western  powers  were  represented  by  temporary 
proxies.  Napoleon  had  recalled  Lavalette  for  ha\ing  gone  too  far 
in  the  question  of  the  Holy  Places;  and  Sir  Stratford  Canning —  ap- 
pointed by  Palmerston  as  door-ward  of  the  Bosporus,  and  from  his 
experience  and  personal  character  possessing  an  extraordinary  influ- 
ence with  the  Porte — w^as  on  long  leave  of  absence  in  order  to 
evidence  the  resolve  of  his  government  to  keep  itself  from  being 






mixed  up  in  the  impending  complications.  In  this  emergency  the 
English  proxy,  Colonel  Rose,  took  it  upon  himself  to  summon  the 
English  squadron  lying  at  Malta  into  the  Archipelago ;  but  the  British 
ministry,  in  continued  dependence  on  the  good  faith  of  Nicholas's 
pacific  assurances,  sent  a  counter-order  to  Vice-Admiral  Dundas. 



On  March  22  it  declared  to  tlie  French  ambassador  that,  till  it  had 
evidence  to  the  contrary,  it  held  itself  bound  to  believe  that  Menshi- 
koff's  mission  had  no  threatening  import  for  the  independence  or 
integrity  of  Turkey,  It  restricted  itself,  therefore,  to  hastening  the 
return  of  Canning  (Fig.  10)  (now  Lord  Kedcliffe)  to  his  post. 
The  French  government,  also,  sent  an  ambassador  in  the  person  of 

Fig.  9.  —  Fuad  Pasha.     From  a  photograph. 

Lacours  to  Constantinople,  and  ordered  its   MediteiTanean  fleet  to 
sail  to  Salamis. 

For  fourteen  days  Menshikoff  kept  himself  shut  up  in  complete 
silence.  At  length,  on  March  16,  he  disclosed  to  Rifaat  Pasha  tlie 
real  object  of  his  mission.  The  Turkish  minister,  on  hearing  his 
demands,  was  struck  dumb  with  dismay ;  but  the  seal  of  absolute 
silence  sought  to  be  imposed  on  his  lips  he  flatly  refused  to  respect. 
The  arrival  of  the  two  western  ministers  inspired  the  Porte  with 
fresh  courage.     Still,  with  the  view  of  doing  something  to  conciliate 



Fig.  l(t.  — Marble   statue  of    Lord    Stratford  de  Redcliffe. 
liy  J.   E.    P>i)L'liiii.     Ill   Wcstiuiuster  Abbey. 

its  formidable  foe,  two 
new  firmans  were 
issued  in  conformity 
with  Russia's  de- 
mands in  regard  to 
the  Holy  Places.  But 
this  did  not  satisfy 
the  main  ol)ject  of 
iNIenshikoff's  mission. 
This,  as  he  disclosed 
for  the  first  tinie  on 
April  19,  A\as  the  con- 
clusion of  a  secret 
treaty  by  which  the 
czar  should  be  recog- 
nized as  guardian  of 
the  sultan's  Christian 
subjects,  and  imme- 
diatelj'  thereupon  he 
produced  a  ready-pre- 
pared draft  of  the 
treaty,  with  the  in- 
timation that  if  it 
were  not  accepted  by 
May  10  he  would 
leave  Constantinople. 
This  demand,  also, 
the  Porte  refused; 
but  invited  the  prince, 
with  the  assurance  of 
its  kindest  consider- 
ation for  its  Christian 
subjects,  to  a  personal 
interview  with  Rifaat. 
The  prince,  instead  of 
accepting  this,  forced 
his  way  into  the  pres- 
ence of  the  sultan, 
but  was  coldly  re- 
ferred by  him  to  his 



Emperor  Nicholas  I.  of  Russia. 

History  of  All  Nations,  Vol.  XIX.,  page  UU 


minister.  This  new  insult  to  the  Porte  had  the  result  of  causing 
the  dismissal  of  the  too  pliable  Rifaat  and  his  colleagues  ;  where- 
upon Reshid  Pasha,  the  rival  of  Mehemet  Ali,  became  the  soul 
of  the  new  ministry.  Turkey  now  declined  to  sign  even  the  note 
with  which  Russia  ultimately  professed  herself  ready  to  be  contented 
as  a  substitute  for  a  treaty.  On  May  20,  therefore,  Menshikoff 
declared  his  mission  at  an  end,  and  the  day  after  embarked  with 
all  the  personnel  of  the  embassy,  rancor  in  his  heart  over  his  defeat, 
and  thirstinof  for  revengfe. 

In  London  Russia's  course  produced  a  revulsion  in  feeling.  The 
conviction  that  Turkey's  integrity,  so  essential  for  keeping  open  the 
route  to  India,  was  threatened,  startled  the  government  from  its 
optimistic  dream.  On  May  28  Lords  Clarendon  and  Russell  an- 
nounced in  parliament  the  resolution  of  the  ci-own  to  aiford,  in  case 
of  need,  armed  aid  to  Turkey.  With  correct  prescience  of  what  was 
impending,  the  troops  were  collected  in  a  camp  at  Aldershot,  and  a 
great  naval  review  was  held  at  Spithead.  Nevertheless,  in  order  to 
deprive  Russia  of  every  pretext,  the  Porte,  on  the  advice  of  the 
western  powers,  in  a  firman  of  June  4,  solemnly  confirmed  all  the 
privileges  promised  to  the  Greek  and  Latin  Christians. 

Nicholas  (Plate  III.)  seemed  perplexed  at  the  miscarriage  of 
his  policy.  The  most  discreet  among  his  advisers,  and  especially 
Nesselrode,  counselled  moderation.  Thus  urged,  he  adopted  what 
seemed  to  him  a  middle  course  between  peace  and  war.  He  caused 
the  designed  occupation  of  the  Danubian  principalities  by  way  of 
pledge  to  be  notified  to  Constantinople,  and  accompanied  this  with 
a  demand  that  Reshid  Pasha  should  forthwith  sign  Menshikoff 's  note 
without  modification,  and  transmit  it  to  Odessa.  The  only  effect 
of  this  was  that,  under  orders,  the  French  and  English  fleets  dropped 
anchor  in  Besika  Bay,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Dardanelles.  This  con- 
cert of  the  western  powers,  held  by  Nicholas  to  be  impossible,  was  not 
his  only  disillusion.  The  new  Austrian  minister.  Count  Buol,  refused 
Russia's  offers  of  alliance,  and  urged  pacific  views  upon  St.  Peters- 
burg. In  vain.  On  June  26,  the  czar,  in  a  manifesto  to  his  people, 
announced  the  immediate  occupation  of  the  principalities;  and  on 
July  3,  in  conformity  with  an  order  emanating  directly  from  him- 
self, and  without  Nesselrode's  knowledge,  the  Russians  crossed  the 
Pruth.  The  commander-in-chief.  Prince  Gortchakoff,  on  the  exit 
of  the  two  hospodars,  made  himself  dictator  of  the  principalities. 

Even  this  act  of  violence  the  Porte,  counselled  by  Lord  Redcliffe, 


in  order  to  set  its  moderation  in  the  clearest  light,  did  not  accept  as 
a  declaration  of  war.  This,  with  the  insufficiently  defined  position 
of  parties,  led  to  a  maelstrom  of  inconsistent  negotiations  by  the 
separate  powers.  Although  Napoleon's  indecision  was  enhanced  by 
the  unconcealed  aversion  of  the  English  court  to  his  person,  he  re- 
sisted the  endeavors  of  the  Russian  czar  to  win  him  to  his  side.  A 
sort  of  informal  conference  of  the  four  powers  was  held  at  Vienna ; 
and  in  the  general  earnest  desire  for  peace  tliis  resulted  in  a  note  of 
July  31,  offering  the  czar  large  concessions.  Nicholas  declared  him- 
self satisfied  with  these,  but  only  on  the  express  condition  that  the 
Porte  should  assent  to  them  without  any  modification.  Already 
diplomacy  was  jubilant  over  its  successful  work ;  peace  seemed  as- 
sured, and  the  prices  of  stock  rose  in  the  bourses.  Looking  with 
clearer  eyes  than  his  government.  Lord  Redcliffe  saw  that  such  a 
recognition  of  the  czar  s  protectorate  over  twelve  million  subjects  of 
the  sultan  was  making  him  the  virtual  ruler  of  Turkey.  Meanwhile 
the  din  of  arms  and  the  eager  preparations  for  impending  struggle 
roused  the  warlike  spirit  of  the  Turks,  while  the  astute  Reshid  Pasha 
(Fig.  11)  calculated  that,  come  what  might,  Europe  could  never 
abandon  Turkey.  The  divan  refused  the  unconditional  acceptance 
of  the  note.  The  western  powers  desisted  from  their  work  of  me- 
diation, and  in  England  the  feeling  became  daily  more  bellicose.  It 
was  like  the  infusion  of  fresh,  warm  blood  into  veins  dried  up  during 
the  long  years  of  peace  ;  and  the  return  of  the  peace  deputation  from 
St.  Petersburg,  enchanted  with  their  reception,  was  unavailing  to 
cool  it.  Prince  Albert  had  to  suffer  severely  under  charges,  widely 
disseminated,  that  he  was  using  his  position  to  favor  foreign  dynas- 
ties and  to  the  prejudice  of  England ;  most  unjustly,  for  no  one 
looked  at  affairs  with  so  little  bias  or  saw  deeper  into  their  actual 
condition  than  he.  An  autograph  letter  of  the  czar  to  the  queen, 
appealing  with  singular  want  of  tact  from  the  false  policy  of  her 
ministers  to  her  wisdom,  was  formally  returned.  Nor  was  he  more 
happy  in  his  answer  to  a  pacific  note  of  Louis  Napoleon,  in  which 
he  tauntingly  assured  the  latter  that  the  French  would  not  find  the 
Russians  of  1854  less  patriotic  than  their  fathers  of  Moscow  in 
1812.  Napoleon  began  more  and  more  to  familiarize  himself  with 
the  thought  of  war.  Under  his  influence,  the  representatives  of  the 
four  powers  met  at  Vienna,  and  issued  thence,  on  December  5,  a  pro- 
tocol declaring  that  the  integrity  of  Turkey,  as  defined  by  treaties, 
was  a  condition  indispensable  for  the  maintenance  of  the  European 



equilibrium,  and  that  the  impending  war  could  not  be  allowed  in 
any  way  to  infringe  it. 

This  declaration  had  less  importance  as  guaranteeing  the  integ- 
rity of  Turkey  than  as   bearing   the  subscriptions  of   Prussia  and 

Fig.  11.  — Reshid  Fasha. 

Austria,  and  so  constituting  the  germ  of  a  quadruple  alliance  to  the 
isolation  of  Russia. 

Meantime  affairs  had  taken  an  entirely  new  turn  in  Constanti- 
nople. A  vehement  petition  of  the  Softas  (students  of  the  Koran) 
demanded  war  in  the  name  of  the  Prophet,     On  October  8  the  Turk- 



Fig.  12.  —  Omer  Pasha. 


ish  generalissimo,  Omer  Pasha  (Fig.  12),  demanded  from  Prince 
Gortchakoff  the  evacuation  of  Turkish  soil  within  fourteen  days  ; 
while  the  Anglo-French  fleet,  on  the  call  of  the  sultan,  passed 
through  the  Dardanelles,  and  cast  anchor  in  the  Bosporus.  The 
first  shot  was  fired  on  the  25th,  when  a  Russian  flotilla  off  Galatz 
suffered  some  loss  from  the  fire  of  the  Tvu'kish  batteries.  This  was 
followed,  on  November  4,  by  the  Porte's  declaration  of  war.  Omer 
Pasha  at  once  manifested  the  quahties  of  an  able  strategist.  By 
rapid  movements  and  skilful  choice  of  positions,  he  succeeded,  with 
little  actual  fighting,  in  inspiriting  his  own  troops,  and  discouraging 
the  hitherto  confident  Russians.  It  became  manifest  that  the  Rus- 
sian Colossus  —  compelled  at  once  to  keep  his  eye  on  the  Poles  and 
the  Baltic,  and  wage  war  in  Asia  —  had  not  a  force  at  his  disposal 
adequate  to  secure  the  long  line  of  the  Danube. 

Of  the  English  ministers,  Palmerston  was  the  most  convinced 
that  war  was  inevitable,  and  that  the  sooner  it  began  the  better. 
Lord  Aberdeen,  on  the  other  hand,  clung  to  the  hope  of  peace.  But 
now  there  came  an  incident  that  startled  him  from  his  illusive  dream. 
On  November  30  a  Turkish  squadron  of  twelve  vessels  was  assailed 
in  the  roadstead  of  Sinope  by  Admiral  Xakhimoff,  and  in  a  few 
hours  annihilated.  In  acting  as  he  did,  the  Russian  admiral  was 
entirely  within  his  riglits  ;  but  the  execution  of  the  deed  almost  under 
the  eyes  of  the  English  and  French  fleets  seemed  little  else  than  a 
defiance.  In  England  it  called  forth  a  cry  at  once  of  shame  and 
indignation;  and  the  peaceful  accents  of  Cobden  and  Bright  —  on 
which  the  czar  had  so  much  reckoned  —  were  drowned  in  the 
charges  of  cowardice  and  treachery  hurled  against  the  ministers. 
On  January  3,  1854,  the  combined  fleets  entered  the  Black  Sea :  and 
the  Russian  admiral  was  notified  that  every  warship  that  committed 
an  act  of  hostility  upon  Turkish  vessels  or  harbors  would  be  sent  to 
the  bottom.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  English  government 
published  Sejmiour's  famous  interviews  with  the  czar.  On  ]March 
12,  1854,  the  western  powers  concluded  a  defensive  treaty  with  the 
Sublime  Porte,  and  on  the  2Tth  declared  war  against  Russia.  On 
April  10  a  compact  was  entered  into  between  them  in  London,  "  to 
re-establish  peace  between  Russia  and  the  Sublime  Porte  on  sure  and 
lasting  grounds,  and  to  guard  against  the  return  of  complications  that 
had  threatened  even  to  disturb  the  general  peace."  The  compact 
was  left  open  to  be  subscribed  by  other  powers,  among  whom  Sweden 
was  confidently  counted  on  through  the  alluring  bait  of  Plnland. 


Prussia  observed  in  general  a  neutrality  as  strict  as  the  vacillating 
character  of  King  Frederick  William  would  permit.  Austria,  on 
the  contrary,  influenced  by  French  diplomacy,  and  exasperated  by 
the  boundless  arrogance  of  Count  Orloff,  Russia's  special  envoy  to 
Vienna,  inclined  to  the  side  of  the  western  powers,  though  her  finan- 
cial straits  made  her  proceed  with  caution.  This  '  ingratitude  '  was 
not  forgotten  by  Russia  in  later  years.  France,  England,  and  Aus- 
tria signed  a  protocol  at  Vienna,  on  April  9,  to  which  Prussia  soon 
assented,  which  contained  the  foUomng  four  provisions  :  the  integ- 
rity of  Turkey,  and  the  evacuation  of  the  principalities ;  security  for 
the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  Christians  by  all  means  consistent 
with  the  sultan's  independence ;  the  discovery  of  guaranties  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  European  equilibrium ;  a  mutual  pledge  by  each 
of  the  four  powers  to  be  no  party  to  negotiations  with  Russia  without 
previous  consultation  with  its  colleagues.  Later,  the  German  Con- 
federation also  acceded  to  this  compact. 

Thus  the  situation  now  stood  :  the  west  of  Europe  at  open  war 
with  Russia,  with  the  central  states  wavering  between  neutrality 
and  mediation.  Of  any  combination  of  the  conservative  j^owers 
against  Napoleon,  there  was  no  longer  any  thought.  King  Leopold 
of  Belgium  led  the  way  in  setting  himself  in  better  personal  relations 
with  the  '  upstart  potentate.' 

War  was  upon  the  nations  —  remarkable  for  the  fact  that  it 
found  not  one  of  the  combatants  prepared  for  it.  Russia,  with  her 
immense  distances,  had  to  contend  against  the  want  of  means  of 
transport,  especially  of  railroads.  The  western  powers  had  relied  on 
their  navies  for  this;  yet  even  so  late  as  January,  1854,  the  available 
French  troops  were  put  down  at  only  6000,  the  English  at  3000. 
An  adequately  effective  land  army  England  did  not,  indeed,  possess ; 
but  even  in  France  nothing  was  in  readiness  when  the  necessity  was 
seen  for  raising  the  expeditionary  army  to  30,000  French  and  18,000 
English.  The  means  of  transport  were  insufficient,  and  the  disorder 
prevailing  at  the  embarkations  may  be  characterized  as  indescribable. 
On  March  31  the  first  French  landed  in  the  peninsula  of  Gallipoli, 
but  as  late  as  May  26  SaintrAmaud  wrote  thence  to  the  emperor: 
"  We  have  teams  for  only  twenty-six  cannon,  and  matters  are  still 
worse  in  regard  to  supplies.  It  is  impossible  to  carry  on  war  with- 
out bread,  shoes,  cooking-utensils,  and  canteens.  This  comes  from 
the  hurry  in  which  everything  had  to  be  done :  the  men  were  em- 
barked on  steamships  ;  the  provisions,  horses,  and  other  supplies  on 




sailing  vessels."  The  English  command-in-chief  was  intrusted  to 
Lord  Raglan  (Fig.  13),  whose  missing  arm  was  a  memento  that  he 
had  stood  at  Waterloo  against  the  first  Napoleon.  At  Constanti- 
nople the  French  ambassador,  Baraguay  d'Hilliers,  had  fallen  out  with 
Lord  Redcliffe,  and  insisted  on  the  sultan's  dismissal  of  his  ministers, 
who  were  too  amenable  to  British  influence ;  and  scarcely  had  Saint- 
Arnaud's  arrival  stilled  this  dispute,  when  he  himself  stirred  uj^  a 
fresh  one  by  his  claim  to  the  command  not  only  of  the  Turkish  but 
of  the  English  forces. 
A  rising  in  Albania, 
doubtless  instigated  by 
Russia,  and  openly  sup- 
ported by  Greece,  aggra- 
vated the  complications, 
until  the  occupation  of 
the  Piraeus,  after  re- 
peated warnings,  by  a 
French  division  under 
General  Forey,  compel- 
led Kinof  Otho  to  desist. 
Hostilities  were  ini- 
tiated by  the  English 
bombardment  of  Odessa, 
which  effected  nothing 
beyond  the  destruction 
of  some  merchants'  pro- 
perty. A  councu  of 
war  was  held  by  the 
three  chief  commanders 
at  Varna.  AsPaskevitch 
(again    in  command  of 

the  army  of  the  Danube)  had  become  master  of  the  northern  Dobrudja, 
and  thereby  caused  Omer  Pasha's  withdrawal  to  Shunda,  the  coimcd 
determined  to  check  Paskevitch's  anticipated  advance  on  Constanti- 
nople, form  a  junction  vdth  Omer,  and  deliver  battle.  But  Saint- 
Arnaud  (Fig.  14)  soon  convinced  himself  that  his  force  was  in  no 
case  to  undertake  a  campaign  till  the  announcement  of  approaching 
re-enforcements  that  would  raise  his  strength  to  60,000  decided  him 
to  transfer  his  base  to  Varna,  where,  in  July,  30,000  French  and 
20,000  Enghsh  stood  together  in  array. 

Fio.  13.  — Lord  Raglan. 



For  their  having  had  time  to  eoiiceiitrate  their  strength  at  this 
point,  the  western  powers  had  to  thank  the  entirely  unexpected 
resistance  made  by  the  garrison  of  Silistria,  under  the  leadershiji  of 
three  English  officers,  to  its  Russian  assailants.  Paskevitch  himself 
was  wounded,  General  Schilder  killed,  as  was  the  gallant  commandant 
of  the  fortress,  IVIoosa  Pasha.  On  June  22,  before  the  allies 
advanced,  the  Kussians  recrossed  the  Danube.     The  cause  was  not 

a  military,  but  a  polite 
ical  one  —  namely, 
the  threatening  atti- 
tude assumed  by  Aus- 
tria. On  June  3  her 
demand,  supported  by 
Prussia,  for  the  evacu- 
ation of  the  principal- 
ities was  despatched 
to  St.  Petersburg;  on 
the  14th,  Austria  — 
without  consultation 
with  Prussia  —  con- 
cluded a  treaty  with 
the  Porte,  by  which 
she  bound  herself  to 
bring  about  the  evacu- 
ation of  the  principal- 
ities, if  need  were  by 
force  of  arms,  and  to 
enter  into  no  engage- 
ment with  Russia 
which  had  not  as  its 

Fig.  14.  -Marshal  Saint-Arnaud.  ^^^is   the  recognition 

of  the  sovereign  rights 
of  the  sultan  and  the  integrity  of  his  empire.  At  the  same  time  she 
contracted  a  loan  of  400,000,000  florins.  Russia  anew  declared  her- 
self ready  to  accept  the  first  three  points  of  the  Vienna  protocol  of 
April  9,  but  passed  over  the  fourth  in  silence  —  that,  namely,  requiring 
guaranties  for  the  closer  association  of  Turkey  with  the  European  equi- 
librium. This  defective  assent  the  western  powers  promptly  declared 
insufficient.  Notwithstanding  this,  Austria  took  another  step  nearer 
to    them,  by  declaring    her  adoption    of    the   principles    agreed  on 


between  France  and  England,  as  essential  to  the  restoration  of  peace. 
These  were  :  1,  abrogation  of  the  Russian  protectorate  of  tiie  princi- 
cipalities,  and  the  substitution  therefor  of  a  common  guaranty  of 
the  great  powers ;  2,  the  clearing  the  mouths  of  the  Danube  of  all 
impediments  to  navigation;  3,  revision  of  the  Straits  compact  of 
1841 ;  4,  Russia's  renunciation  of  all  claims  to  protectorate  of  the 
subjects  of  the  Porte,  in  lieu  of  which  the  other  four  powers  would 
unite  in  efforts  to  secure  the  rights  of  Christians  without  infringing 
on  the  dignity  or  independence  of  the  sultan. 

These  four  points  constituted  henceforth  the  standard,  as  it  were, 
around  which  European  policy  with  all  its  kaleidoscopic  mutations 
always  eventually  rallied.  Austria  transmitted  them  to  St.  Peters- 
burg ;  but  received  for  answer  Nesselrode's  assurance  that  he  could 
not  even  consider  them,  adding  that  should  Russia  ever  see  herself 
compelled  to  such  a  cancellation  of  all  treaties,  this,  so  far  from 
securing  a  lasting  peace,  would  only  deliver  over  Europe  to  endless 
entanglements.  On  August  20  Austria  entered  the  principalities ; 
whereupon  the  Russians,  without  any  show  of  resistance,  recrossed 
the  Pruth. 

This  act  of  Austria,  though  a  blow  aimed  at  Russia,  had  this 
advantage  for  the  latter  state,  that  it  enabled  her  to  direct  her  un- 
divided strength  against  the  attack  in  the  south.  Napoleon's  pro- 
jected attempt  to  rouse  Poland  was  frustrated  by  Palmerston's 
insuperable  objections.  England's  objects  in  the  war,  he  explained, 
were  restricted  to  two,  —  the  breaking  up  of  Russian  influence  in 
Turkey,  and  the  annihilation  of  her  Black  Sea  fleet.  It  was,  how- 
ever, high  time  for  all  j)arties  that  something  should  be  done.  To 
the  czar's  vexation  over  the  difficulties  he  encountered,  there  were 
now  superadded  the  first  symptoms  of  bodily  ailments  of  which  he 
was  never  to  recover,  while  among  his  advisers  there  prevailed  the 
same  petty  jealousies  that  divided  his  generals  in  the  camp.  The 
confidence  of  his  people,  even  of  his  most  loyal  adherents,  began  to 
waver  amid  so  many  miscarriages.  Among  the  many  plans  discussed 
by  the  allied  generals  at  Varna,  they  at  last  united  on  that  pressed 
by  England,  —  namely,  a  landing  in  the  Crimea,  and  the  capture  of 
Sebastopol.  But  suddenly  a  new  enemy,  more  formidable  than  the 
Russians,  appeared  in  their  camp.  Cholera  broke  out;  6000  French 
died  of  sickness  during  a  fruitless  expedition  into  the  Dol)rudja. 
The  fleet,  too,  became  infected.  The  most  needful  appliances  were 
wanting,  —  even  medicines  and  hospital  necessaries.    A  conflagration 

Vol.  XIX,— 4 



burst  forth  at  Varna,  on  August  14,  which  destroyed  the  stores  col- 
lected there,  and  from  which  the  powder-magazine  was  with  difficulty 

The  operations  of  the  Anglo-French  fleet  in  the  Baltic,  under 
Admiral  Charles  Napier  (Fig.  15),  effected  notliing  of  note. 

At  length  the  allied  host  of  2-1,250  French,  21,500  English,  and 
6000  Turks,  with  abundant  supply  of  'war-material,  was  in  a  condi- 
tion to  set  sail  from  Varna.     On  September  14  it  touched  land  in 

Fig.  15.  —  Admiral  Charles  Napier. 

the  Crimea,  at  a  dilapidated  Genoese  fort,  not  far  from  Eupatoria,  and 
by  the  18th  the  diseml)arkation  was  completed  (Plate  IV.).  The 
day  after,  the  advance  was  begun  on  Sebastopol,  a  naval  stronghold 
founded  in  1784  by  Catharine  II.  to  command  the  Black  Sea,  of 
whose  speedy  fall  no  one  had  a  doubt. 

Russia's  total  force  amounted  to  700,000  men ;  but  on  this  was 
imposed  the  task  of  defending  a  frontier-line  of  enormous  length, 
stretching  from  the  White  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia  to  the  Cas- 
pian.    In  the  Crimea  there  were  in  all  only  51,000  soldiers;  and  of 

Left  wing  of  the  English. 




these  38,000,  with  at  most  18,000  to  19,000  sailors  and  marines, 
stood  at  Prince  Menshikoff's  disposal  for  the  defence  of  Sebastopol 
and  its  outskirts.      He  awaited  his  assailants  on  the  heights  rising 
behind  the  little  stream  Alma,  in  which  position  he  thought  to  main- 
tain himself  till  the  arrival  of  re-enforcements  should  enable  him 
to  hurl  the  enemy  into  the  sea.     A  sharp  encounter  resulted  on  the 
20th.     Menshikoff  was  flanked,  and  retired,  but  in  good  order.     He 
expected  that  the  victors  would  follow  close  upon  his  heels,  and  that 
he  would  see  Sebastopol  attempted  by  storm  on  its  north  side.    This, 
however,  the  exhausted  condition  of  the  allies  and  their  deficiency 
in  cavalry  combined  to  forbid.     Besides,  the  assault  promised  success 
only  through  the  co-operation  of  the  fleet ;  and  the  admirals  refused 
to  expose  their  wooden  batteries  to  certain  destruction  before  the 
stone  bulwarks  of  the  fortress.     On  the  23d  the  allies  were  startled 
by  loud  detonations,  —  an  intimation  to  them  that  the  Russians  had 
sunk  five  ships  of  the  line  and  two  frigates  in  the  harbor,  and  so  made 
the  place  unassailable  on  the  sea-face.     With  these  sank  the  sanguine 
calculations  of  the  alHes.     On  the  land  side  Nicholas  had,  in  1837, 
ordered  the   construction   of  fortifications  ;    but  all   that  had  been 
erected  was  a  solitary  fort.      In  the  present  spring  the  work  was 
resumed  with  the  purpose  of  at  least  making  the  place  secure  against 
a  coup  de  main.     Day  and  night  the  men  labored  on  the  earthworks, 
under  the  directions  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Todleben.     Not  to  be  cut 
off  from  communications  in  his  rear,  Menshikoff  resolved  to  with- 
draw with  a  part  of  his  force  to  Bakhtchisarai,  leaving  the  defence 
of  the  north  side  to  General  Korniloff,  and  that  of  the  south  to 
Admiral  Nakhimoff.    To  the  serious  detriment  of  the  allies,  sickness 
compelled  Saint-Arnaud  to  give  over,  on  the  26th,  his  command  to 
Canrobert  (Fig.  16).     Saint-Arnaud  died  three  days  later.     While 
Europe  was  being  deceived  by  the  story  of  the  fall  of   Sebastopol, 
brought  by  a  Tatar  to  Bucharest,  the  allies  were  marching  around 
the  fortress  to  Balaklava,  where  they  were  in  close  connection  with 
their  fleets.      By  this  double   flank-march  the  armies  crossed  each 
other,  and  the  Enghsh,   striking  Menshikoff's  rear-guard,  captured 
his  baggage. 

For  an  immediate  assault,  which  experts  like  Niel  and  Todleben 
later  declared  to  have  been  not  impracticable,  the  fortifications  ap- 
peared to  the  allies  too  strong ;  and  a  regular  siege  was  therefore 
resolved  on.  Work  on  the  trenches  was  begun  on  the  night  of 
October  10,  and  this  proved  the  opening  of  one  of  the  most  memo- 



Fig.  16.  —  General  Caurobert. 

rable  sieges  known  to  history.  When  morning  revealed  these  works 
to  the  Russians  their  joy  was  great.  They  had  now  time  to  com- 
plete the  counter-works,  that  under  Todleben's  sldlled   directions 





sprung  out  of  the  ground  as  if  by  magic,  and  to  arm  them  with  the 
heavy  artillery  of  their  sunken  fleet.  They  were  thus  able  to  reply 
with  superior  weight  of  metal  to  the  fierce  bombardment  which  the 
allies,  supported  by  their  fleets,  poured  on  them  from  more  than  1100 
guns,  from  October  17  to  19.  The  hope  of  a  speedy  reduction  of 
the  stronghold  had  now  to  be  abandoned ;  and  there  was  nothing  left 
the  assailants  but  to  return  to  the  work  on  the  parallels,  which  was 
rendered  doubly  toilsome  by  the  rocky  nature  of  the  soil.  From  this 
time  forth  Russia  continued  for  a  whole  year  to  desjiatch  to  this 
point  in  her  extreme  south  all  her  available  resources  in  men  and 
material.  Thousands  of  wasted  forms  strewed  the  long  roads  with 
dead  and  sick ;  and  the  wearied  survivors,  on  arriving  at  their  desti- 
nation, found  not  a  place  of  rest  and  refreshing,  but  a  town  exposed 
to  a  fire  as  of  Hades,  and  better  supplied  with  bullets  than  with 

On  a  sudden  the  attention  of  the  besieging  host  was  called  to  its 
own  defence.  Prince  Menshikoff,  after  receiving  re-enforcements  of 
the  soldiers  set  free  by  the  evacuation  of  the  principalities,  caused 
General  Liprandi,  on  October  25,  to  make  a  desperate  assault  on  the 
intrenched  camp  near  Balaklava,  which,  occupied  by  only  4350  Eng- 
lish and  Turks,  was  much  too  extensive  and  too  far  advanced  for  so 
meagre  a  garrison.  (See  Plate  V.:  Map  of  the  Crimea  and  Sebasto- 
pol.)  The  first  onset,  delivered  immediately  on  crossing  the  Tchernaya, 
captured  the  Turkish  intrenchments  near  the  village  of  Kadikoi,  while 
an  attack  of  3000  brave  but  ill-led  Russian  horsemen  was  in  a  few 
minutes  brilliantly  repulsed  by  Lord  Lucan,  with  but  300  English 
heavy  cavalry.  The  Light  Brigade,  under  Lord  Cardigan,  next 
received  orders  to  charge  and  recover  the  guns  captured  by  the  Rus- 
sians. Blindly  these  devoted  men  rode  against  the  foe,  and  of  607 
that  rode  forward  only  198  returned.  "It  was  magnificent,"  said 
General  Bosquet,  "  but  it  was  not  war."  The  advantage  remained 
with  the  Russians,  who  maintained  possession  of  the  captured  in- 
trenchments and  the  vale  of  the  Tchernaya,  as  well  as  of  the  Woron- 
zoff  road  connecting  the  English  camp  with  the  besieging  force. 

On  the  completion  of  the  third  parallel  the  storm  was  fixed  for 
November  7.  But  this  Menshikoff  determined  to  anticipate  by  a 
new  attempt  to  raise  the  siege.  The  main  attack  was  to  strike 
the  English  on  their  left  wing,  and,  with  the  help  of  a  sail}'  fi'om 
the  fortress,  he  calculated  on  hui-ling  the  islanders  into  the  sea.  The 
grand  princes  Nicholas  and   Michael   rode  on  to  the  ground  to  be 



witnesses  of  the  sublime  drama.  A  thick  fog  on  November  5  fa^ 
vored  the  surprise  of  the  Englishmen,  encamped  on  the  plateau  of 
Inkerman.  But  with  promptitude  Lord  Codrington  rallied  his  men, 
who,  for  the  most  part  scattered  over  the  plateau  in  small  detach- 
ments, defended  themselves  heroically  till  Bosquet  (Fig.  17)  came 

Fig.  17.  —  General  Bosquet. 

to  their  aid.  The  extraordinarily  bloody  struggle  ended  with  the 
retreat  of  the  Russians,  who  of  their  36,000  men  had  10,730  put 
hors  de  combat;  of  their  14,600  combatants,  the  English  lost  2600; 
the  French  of  8200,  only  800.  The  Russian  generalship  was  mis- 
erable ;  but  this  cannot  detract  from  the  glory  of  the  English  troops, 
whose  reckless  valor  and  unexampled  tenacity  have  given  this  the 
name  of  '  the  Soldiers'  Battle.' 

The  situation  now  assumed  a  serious  aspect  for  the  besiegers. 
Inkerman  had  disclosed  to  them  the  terrible  danger  that  ever  im- 


pended  over  them.  Of  the  purposed  storm  there  was  no  longer  any 
tliought ;  they  were  now  only  concerned  to  maintain  their  position 
till  the  arrival  of  re-enforcements.  Rain  turned  the  camp  into  a 
sea  of  mud;  a  new  malady  known  as  trench-sickness  made  its  ap- 
pearance. On  November  14  a  violent  cyclone  wrought  terrible 
havoc,  shattering  many  ships  on  the  coast.  This  was  succeeded  by 
torrents  of  rain,  by  frost,  and  icy  wind-storms  from  the  north.  A 
thirty  hours'  fall  of  snow  covered  dead  and  living  with  the  same 
chilly  mnding-sheet,  while  the  meagre  supply  of  fuel  could  be  pro- 
cured only  from  a  distance.  All  paths  disappeared.  During  the 
whole  winter  the  French  corps  was  not  able  to  make  provision  for 
more  thaii  ten  days  in  advance  ;  9000  of  its  men  lay  in  the  hospitals ; 
the  horses  died  by  wholesale ;  the  commissariat  was  altogether  de- 
fective. It  was  much  worse  with  the  English,  whose  administration 
fell  into  indescribable  disorder.  The  troops  were  dying  of  starvar 
tion,  while  vast  stores  lay  rotting  in  the  harbor-magazines.  There 
were  neither  means  of  transport,  nor  food,  nor  clothing  within  the 
camp.  Great  consignments  of  boots,  indeed,  arrived ;  but  they  were 
all  for  the  left  foot.  Ships  laden  A\'ith  winter  clothing  went  to  the 
bottom.  One  miserable  consolation  was,  that  the  Russians  had  to 
endure  the  same  hardships  as  the  allies.  Thus  did  the  land  of  the 
Taurians  justify  her  ancient  reputation  for  devouring  all  strangers 
that  touched  her  shores. 

The  first  tidings  of  the  deplorable  condition  of  her  soldiers 
reached  England  through  the  agency  of  an  institution  now  heard 
of  for  the  first  time,  —  namely,  the  special  correspondent,  —  of  whom 
each  of  the  great  London  papers  had  one  in  the  camp.  Hate  for  the 
Russians  instantly  gave  place  to  indignation  and  contempt  for  the 
home  authorities.  In  the  parhament  summoned  for  December  12, 
to  grant  suppHes  for  the  carrying  on  of  the  war,  the  government  had 
a  bad  time.  According  to  their  own  showing  they  had  sent  to  the 
East,  since  March,  53,000  men ;  of  these  16,000  were  all  that  now 
stood  in  the  ranks.  What  had  become  of  the  rest?  Yet  the  op- 
position, from  patriotic  motives,  postponed  their  main  attack  till  after 
the  passage  of  the  government  measure  for  the  mobihzing  of  15,000 
volunteers,  and  the  enlistment  of  10,000  foreigners.  Thereupon, 
however,  the  Aberdeen  ministry  was  overthrown,  on  Janu'^ry  30,  on 
a  motion  by  the  radical,  Roebuck,  for  an  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of 
the  war.  After  both  Derby  and  Russell  had  shown  themselves  un- 
able   to    form    a    cabinet,    Palmerston,    '  England's    truly    patriotic 


minister,'  became  inevitable.  He  hastened  to  anticipate  the  parlia- 
mentary investigation  by  reforms  in  the  administration  of  the  army. 
This,  hitherto  partitioned  among  numberless  hands,  was  now  concen- 
trated in  those  of  the  commander-in-chief  and  the  war  minister. 
The  commissariat,  transport,  and  medical  departments  were  reformed 
from  the  foundation ;  the  construction  of  barracks  and  of  a  railroad 
from  the  landing-place  to  Balaklava  were  ordered,  as  well  as  the  lay- 
ing of  a  cable  from  Varna  to  the  Crimea.  Concurrently  with  this, 
volunteers  offered  themselves  in  such  numbers  that  the  vanishing 
army  soon  saw  itself  recruited  to  repletion;  while  Miss  Florence 
Nightingale  set  a  glorious  example  to  women  of  high  rank  in  all 
lands  by  betaking  herself  to  Scutari  to  organize  a  system  of  care  for 
the  sick  in  the  hospitals. 

Meanwhile  an  empty  treasury,  and  the  firm  opposition  of  Prussia, 
which  was  inspired  by  Bismarck,  restrained  Austria  from  further  open 
measures  of  hostihiy  against  Russia.  Secretly,  however,  she  con- 
cluded, on  December  2,  1854,  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance 
with  the  western  powers,  agreeing  to  take  the  field  if  peace  were  not 
concluded  within  a  specified  time,  and  invited  Prussia  to  join  her. 
The  proposal  was  indignantly  refused.  "  Not  the  heroic  defence  of 
Sebastopol,"  Prince  Paskevitch  (Fig.  18)  subsequently  declared,  "  but 
the  noble  firmness  of  the  king  of  Prussia,  restrained  Austria  from 
joining  the  western  powers."  But,  in  truth,  another  cause  co-operated 
to  tliis  end.  England  felt  keenly  the  secondary  positimi  to  which 
the  weakness  of  her  land  force  compelled  her  at  the  seat  of  war,  and, 
since  November,  had  been  dealing  with  Sardinia,  whose  army  she, 
with  money  in  her  hand,  deemed  it  a  light  thing  to  buy  over.  But 
Sardinia's  army  was  not  for  sale.  In  Turin  there  sat  a  statesman,  who 
already,  with  prescient  eye,  discerned  that  this  Oriental  complication 
might  be  made  to  work  out  Italy's  redemption.  This  was  Count 
Cavour ;  and  he  declined  to  treat  with  England  on  any  other  footing 
than  that  of  equality.  If  Sardinia  were  to  take  part  in  the  war  it 
should  be  as  an  ally,  not  as  a  stipendiary.  His  main  object,  then, 
was  to  anticipate  Austria's  adhesion  to  the  western  powers.  On 
January  26,  1855,  he  entered  into  a  treaty  by  which  Sardinia  bound 
herself  to  send  15,000  men,  with  all  possible  despatch,  to  the  seat  of 
war.  In  return  England  advanced  her  auxiUary  a  million  pounds 
sterling,  and  by  secret  articles  guaranteed  the  permanency  of  her 
constitutional  monarchy  and  the  integrity  of  her  territory. 

Meanwhile  the  French  government  displayed  a  feverish  energy  in 



superseding  the  defective  organization  which  hurry  had  compelled  it 
to  give  to  its  expeditionary  corps  by  a  more  thoroughly  effective  one. 
The  emperor  despatched  his  adjutant,  General  Niel,  to  inspect  the 
condition  of  the  army  and  of  the  field-works.  He  found  the  so- 
called  besiegers,  despite  the  successfully  repelled  assault  on  luker- 
man,  very  much  in  the  position  of  the  besieged  party.  Sebastopol 
had  its  outside  communications  open,  and  was  in  free  correspondence 

Fig.  18. 

Prince  Pa-skevitch. 

with  the  army  standing  between  the  Tchernaya  and  the  Belbek, 
Todleben  (Fig.  19)  was  incessantly  surrounding  it  with  one  work  of 
defence  after  another.  In  specially  protected  pits  he  esconced  rifle- 
men as  close  as  possible  to  the  French  workers  in  the  trenches, 
while  constant  sallies  p-ave  the  besiesrers  scarce  time  to  draw  their 
breath.  Of  driving  the  enemy  from  the  plateau  of  the  peninsula  by 
open  force,  neither  Menshikoff  nor  Todleben  any  longer  thought ;  but 



they  sought,  by  gradually  wearing  away  their  strength  and  demora- 
lizing them  in  spirit,  to  comj)el  them  to  raise  the  siege.  The  arrival 
of  Omer  Pasha  with  20,000  men,  in  February,  1855,  exasperated  the 
Russians  to  the  highest  degree.  But  the  attack  on  him,  on  February 
17,  led  by  General  Kruleff,  ended  in  a  repulse.  This  renewed  fiasco 
led  to  the  retirement  of  Menshikoff,  whose  place  was  taken  by  Prince 
Michael  Gortchakoff. 

Fig.  19.  —  General  Todleben. 

Suddenly  there  resounded  throughout  Europe  the  tidings  of  the 
death,  on  March  2,  of  the  Czar  Nicholas,  not  yet  sixty  years  old, 
physically  of  lung  disease,  morally  of  a  broken  heart.  He  was 
succeeded  on  the  throne  by  his  son,  Alexander  II.,  now  thirty-seven 
years  old,  whom  the  world  willingly  believed  to  be  in  sympathy 
neither  with  his  father's  ambitious  ideas  nor  his  adventurous  policy. 
Though  he  might  not  at  once  be  able  to  quit  the  path  into  which 
he  had  been  led,  the  personal  impediment  to  peace  was  out  of  the  way. 

Meanwhile  Alexander  Gortchakoff  had  been  at  all  imaginable 
pains  in  Vienna  at  least  to  postpone  an  open  breach  with  Austria, 
and  had  succeeded  in  gaining  that  country's  assent  to  the  opening  of 


renewed  negotiations.  The  interval  till  the  opening  of  the  con- 
ferences Russia  employed  in  striving  by  all  possible  means  to  draw 
Prussia  closer  to  herself.  St.  Petersburg  had  come  to  learn  the  value 
of  Prussian  friendship.  "  Tell  Fritz,"  the  dying  czar  had  said  to  his 
wife,  "  to  remain  ever  the  same  to  Russia,  and  never  to  forget  the 
last  words  of  his  father."  Frederick  William  vacillated  between  the 
^vish  of  entering  into  the  European  concert,  and  reluctance  to  pledge 
himself  to  anything  that  could  drive  him  beyond  the  line  he  had 
prescribed  for  himself.  The  Great  Powers  were  prepared  to  admit 
Prussia  to  the  concert,  but  only  on  the  distinct  condition  that  she 
pledged  herself,  in  the  event  of  the  failure  of  the  renewed  negotiations, 
to  take  a  direct  part  in  the  war.  This  was  precisely  what  the  king 
unconditionally  refused  to  do. 

Thus  the  conference  of  Vienna,  on  March  15,  1855,  opened  its 
sittings  without  the  presence  of  Prussia,  shortly  thereafter,  like  its. 
predecessor,  to  dissolve  itself  with  nothing  accomplished.  The  rock 
on  which  it  was  shipwrecked  was  the  third  article  of  the  ultimatum 
to  be  presented  to  Russia,  —  that,  namely,  which  dealt  with  the 
neutralization  of  the  Black  Sea.  The  fixing  of  a  maximum  for  her 
naval  strength  there,  Gortchakoff  declared  to  be  a  condition  Russia 
would  never  assent  to.  The  western  representatives  were  equally 
decided  in  rejecting  the  counter  proposition  of  Austria,  who  had 
separated  from  them  on  this  point,  for  the  opening  the  Straits  to  the 
fleets  of  all  nations.  They  declared  their  powers  exhausted,  and 
on  June  4  the  conference  broke  up. 

The  alliance  of  December  2  existed  now  only  on  paper,  and  the 
western  powers  had  to  renounce  all  hope  of  seeing  Austria  draw  the 
sword.  Buol,  whom  they  charged  with  double-dealing,  had  become  as 
much  the  object  of  dislike  to  them  as  to  Russia ;  and  while  Austria 
was,  on  account  of  the  cost,  discharging  the  reserves  she  had  called 
in,  the  Sardinians  were  setting  foot  on  the  soil  of  the  Crimea.  From 
the  day  of  the  breaking  up  of  the  conference  of  Vienna,  Napoleon, 
on  his  side,  regarded  the  alliance  with  Austria  as  dissolved,  his  one 
view  now  being  to  bring  the  war  to  an  honorable  close.  Already  the 
\'ision  of  Italian  unity  was  floating  before  his  fancy,  and  a  dim  instinct 
urged  him  to  avoid  engagements  that  might  inconvenience  him  at  a 
later  day.  The  dismissal  of  Drouyn  de  I'Huys,  and  his  replacement 
by  Walewski,  was  a  sure  token  of  a  profound  change  in  France's 
foreign  policy.  Concurrently  with  this,  Lord  Russell  had  to  resign 
office  in  Enofland. 


The  community  of  feeling  in  regard  to  Austria  tended  to  draw 
still  tighter  the  bonds  that  united  the  two  western  powers.  The 
way  toward  this  had  already  been  paved  by  a  personal  meeting  of 
Napoleon  and  Prince  Albert  at  Boulogne  in  the  autumn,  when  their 
long-cherished  mutual  antipathy  was,  by  an  interchange  of  views, 
converted  into  friendship.  The  capture  of  Sebastoj)ol  at  any  price, 
so  emphatically  demanded  by  public  opinion,  was  agreed  on  as  a 
settled  matter.  The  Malakoff  tower  had  already  been  fixed  on  by 
the  general  of  engineers,  Bizot,  as  the  key  of  the  fortress  ;  and  on 
February  13  operations  against  it  were  begun.  A  concurrent  attempt 
by  Bosquet  to  capture  by  a  nocturnal  coup-de-main  the  counter- 
works instantly  thrown  up  by  the  Russians  on  the  Green  Mamelon 
proved  a  failure,  while  Todleben  conducted  a  veritable  subterra- 
nean war  against  the  besiegers'  mines.  On  April  9  a  renewed 
frightful  bombardment  was  poured  on  the  defences  from  520 
pieces,  to  which  the  Russians  replied  with  998.  Great  injuries 
were  inflicted  ;  but  these  the  defenders,  with  their  wonted  perse- 
verance, at  once  repaired.  On  the  following  day  General  Bizot  was 
fatally  wounded.  The  French  opened  their  fourth  parallel  on  April 
15,  but  the  storm  was  put  off  from  one  fixed  day  till  another.  The 
fruitlessness  of  these  gigantic  efforts  suggested  to  Napoleon  that  he 
should  visit  the  Crimea  in  person  and  undertake  the  command-in- 
chief.  This,  however,  was  far  from  palatable  to  the  London  cabinet, 
inasmuch  as  the  English  army  would  tliereby  be  relegated  to  a  still 
more  subordinate  place.  With  great  difficulty  his  advisers  prevailed 
on  him  to  give  up  the  notion.  Instead  of  going  to  the  Crimea, 
the  emperor  betook  himself,  with  his  wife,  to  London,  where  both 
were  received  with  great  honor.  Queen  Victoria  returned  the  visit 
on  the  occasion  of  the  Universal  Exposition  at  Paris.  If  any  long- 
ing for  hazardous  adventure  still  hovered  about  the  emperor's  brain, 
it  was  dispelled  by  an  attempt  on  his  life,  made  by  an  Italian, 
Pianori,  in  the  Champs  Elysees,  April  29,  in  revenge  for  his  annihi- 
lation of  the  Roman  republic. 

At  Sebastopol  the  assault  was  again  put  off  to  await  the  arrival 
of  the  announced  re-enforcements,  wliile,  meanwhile,  an  expedition 
was  undertaken  against  Kertch.  At  this  juncture  a  new  factor 
entered  into  the  war,  through  the  connection  of  the  Crimea  with 
London  and  Paris  by  telegraph.  On  May  4  Canrobert  received 
from  the  emperor  the  following  cablegram :  "  The  moment  has  ar- 
rived at  which  you  must  get  free  from  the  situation  in  which  you 

piSlissier.  61 

find  yourself.  As  soon  as  the  reserve  corps  arrives,  the  offensive 
must  absolutely  be  resorted  to."  The  general  instantly  recalled  the 
expedition  already  on  its  way  to  Kertch,  to  the  intense  disgust  of 
Lord  Raglan,  who,  in  conjunction  with  Omer  Pasha,  interposed  a 
decided  protest  against  the  emperor's  plan  of  offensive  operations 
in  the  open.  Thereupon  the  French  general,  correctly  judging  that 
he  was  not  competent  to  cope  with  such  difficulties,  begged  for  his 
release.  On  the  recommendation  of  Niel,  who  occupied  the  place 
of  the  dead  Bizot,  Pelissier  was  intrusted  with  the  command-in-chief. 

The  new  commander  also  was  unable  to  reconcile  himself  to  the 
plan  of  operations  dictated  from  Paris.  His  view,  like  that  of  his 
predecessor,  was  to  drive  the  Russians  from  their  advanced  works 
back  "into  the  fortress  proper,  and  then  by  a  determined  assault  to 
carry  its  southern  portion,  and  by  this  compel  the  fall  of  the 
northern  half  as  well.  But  because  the  English  attached  so  much 
importance  to  the  taking  of  Kertch,  he,  for  the  purpose  of  restoring 
harmou}^,  decided  on  deferring  the  carrying  out  of  liis  own  plans  in 
favor  of  theirs.  This  decision  made  the  worst  impression  at  the 
Tuileries,  the  emperor  remaining  firm  in  his  conviction  that  the  fate 
of  the  Crimea  was  to  be  decided  through  a  great  victory  over  the 
Russian  field-army.  He  especially  disapproved  of  the  expedition  to 
Kertch,  as  dividing  the  allied  strength,  while  it  could  have  no 
decisive  effect  on  the  war.  None  the  less,  Pelissier  carried  out  his 
purpose.  The  expedition  set  out,  and  was  successful  beyond  ex- 
pectation, the  submarine  mines,  on  which  the  Russians  relied  for 
closing  the  entrance  to  the  Sea  of  Azof,  proving  uneffective.  Gen- 
eral Wrangel,  in  consideration  of  the  superior  force  of  the  assailants, 
evacuated  the  city,  and  blew  up  its  fortifications,  without,  however, 
preventing  the  great  store  of  supplies  collected  there  from  falling 
into  the  enemy's  hands  undamaged.  Unfortunately  the  victors 
sullied  their  name  by  their  ruthless  plundering  of  the  place.  The 
allied  fleets  thus  obtained  the  mastery  of  the  Sea  of  Azov,  so 
that  the  Russians  could  henceforth  receive  supplies  only  over  the 
Isthmus  of  Perekop.  Expeditions  against  Anapa  and  Sukhum-Kale 
found  there  nothing  to  do,  the  Russians  having  evacuated  both 
points  before  their  arrival.  The  season  had  now  once  more  become 
favorable,  the  troops  gathered  fresh  confidence,  and  a  cheerful  camp- 
life  developed  itself  on  the  scene  of  so  frightful  sufferings. 

At  the  same  time  Pelissier  (Fig.  20)  resumed  the  attack  on  the 
fortress.     On  the  night  of  May  23  the  Russians,  after  a  liot  fight, 



were  driven  out  of  their  most  advanced  works,  and  an  end  thereby 
was  put  to  their  counter-approaches.  On  June  7  the  west  bastion 
lying  before  the  Karabelnaya  was  carried  by  storm,  the  Enghsh  be- 
ing equally  successful  in  their  attack  on  the  stone-quarries.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  attempted   French  storm  of  the  Malakoff  (fixed  for 

Fig.  20.  —  General  Pälissier. 

June  18,  in  revenge  for  Waterloo)  utterly  miscarried,  as  well  as  the 
Enghsh  attack  on  the  Great  Redan.  This  result  seemed  to  justify 
the  emperor's  prognostications ;  but  Pelissier,  through  the  threat  of 
resigning,  enforced  the  carrying  out  of  his  own  views.  With  the 
arrival  of  the  summer  heats,  cholera  and  scurvy  renewed  their  at- 
tacks in  more  violent  form  than  hitherto.      Of  121,000  men,  the 


French  had  21,000  sick.  On  June  28  Lord  Raglan  died,  and  was 
succeeded  by  General  Simpson.  The  nearer  the  allies  approached 
the  stronghold  the  heavier  became  their  task,  the  more  watchful  and 
energetic  the  Russian  defence,  and  the  more  severe  the  alhed  losses. 
A  new  complication  arose  when  Omer  Pasha —  who  felt  his  position 
in  the  Crimea  to  the  last  degree  painful  —  determined  to  proceed  to 
Armenia  to  carry  help  to  the  hard-pressed  Kars.  But  more  deplo- 
rable still  was  the  situation  within  the  fortress.  Nakhimoff  had 
fallen,  and  Todleben  was  wounded.  From  the  wretched  condition 
of  the  roads  along  which  the  supplies  had  to  be  carried  for  over  600 
miles,  want  began  to  make  itself  felt ;  wliile  Gortchakoff  felt  himself 
too  weak  to  come  to  the  help  of  the  stricken  city  from  without.  Yet 
ever  more  urgently  called  on,  ahke  by  the  suffering  garrison  and 
from  St.  Petersburg,  he  made  at  length  a  desperate  effort.  His  bat- 
tle near  Traktir,  August  16,  resulted  only  in  another  defeat.  Here, 
for  the  first  time,  the  Sardinians  came  under  fire,  and,  led  by  La 
Marmora,  demeaned  themselves  gallantly.  The  bombardment  went 
on,  by  night  as  by  day,  without  intermission,  and  made  it  impossi- 
ble for  the  beleaguered  soldiery  to  repair  their  damages ;  while  the 
trenches  crept  ever  closer  to  the  walls. 

While  matters  were  thus  progressing,  the  Moniteur  of  August 
27  published  a  letter  of  the  emperor  to  Pelissier,  in  which  he  prom- 
ised his  brave  soldiers  a  speedy  end  to  their  toils  through  the  im- 
pending fall  of  Sebastopol,  inasmuch  as,  according  to  reliable  secret 
information,  the  Russian  army  was  in  no  condition  to  continue  the 
struggle  a  second  winter  in  the  Crimea.  This  communication  has- 
tened the  purpose  of  a  general  storm.  On  September  8  this  was 
carried  into  effect.  To  the  division  of  ]\facMahon  fell  the  honor 
of  planting  the  French  flag  on  the  Malakoff,  despite  the  desperate 
tenacity  with  which  the  Russians  defended  this  commanding  point. 
In  the  Little  Redan,  on  the  other  hand,  owing  to  the  murderous  fire 
from  the  fortress,  the  French  were  not  able  to  maintain  themselves. 
Three  times  the  English  under  Lord  Codrington  stormed  into  the 
Great  Redan,  to  be  as  often  driven  forth.  But  the  fall  of  the  Mala- 
koff decided  the  fate  of  Sebastopol.  In  the  following  night  the 
Russians  evacuated  the  southern  city,  passing  by  a  floating  bridge 
to  the  northern,  after  blowing  up  all  of  the  supplies  they  could  not 
carry  with  them.  The  ships  still  in  the  harbor  were  in  like  manner 
destroyed,  so  that  of  the  once  proud  Black  Sea  fleet  not  a  shred 


What  occiuTed  afterwards  was  but  a  tedious  protraction  of  the 
terrible  struggle.  Regardless  of  the  bitter  loss,  Gortchakofi'  declared 
to  the  Emperor  Alexander,  who  had  betaken  liimself  to  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  conflict,  that  the  Crimea  must  be  held  at  any  price,  and 
the  foe  awaited  in  the  strong  position  of  Simferopol.  A  fruitless 
reccnnoissance  against  this  by  the  allies  proved  the  justness  of  his 
judgment.  But  he  who  had  failed  to  rescue  Sebastopol  could  not 
remain  at  the  head  of  the  army;  and,  as  graciously  as  was  possible, 
he  was  relieved  of  his  command  and  replaced  by  General  Lüders. 

But  Russia  was  at  the  end  of  her  resources.  She  had  lost  a 
quarter  of  a  million  of  men ;  her  sources  of  supply  were  exhausted. 
She  had  not  one  ally ;  even  the  attempt  to  stir  up  Persia  against 
Turkey  was  foiled  through  Western  d  iplomacy.  She  could  do  noth- 
ing else  than  make  peace ;  and  she  was  able  to  offer  her  hand  ^\'ith 
the  more  honor  that  in  the  Armenian  seat  of  war  she  had  just 
achieved  a  great  success,  that  in  the  eyes  of  Orientals  far  outweighed 
the  loss  of  Sebastopol.  On  November  28  Muravieff,  after  suffering 
a  severe  repulse  on  September  29,  compelled  the  surrender  of  Kars, 
so  heroically  defended  by  the  Englishman,  Williams.  Omer  Pasha 
arrived  too  late  to  relieve  it. 

The  allies,  on  their  side,  found  themselves  at  a  loss  what  next  to 
put  their  hand  to.  On  the  earnest  representation  of  England,  the 
noble  docks  at  Sebastopol  were  destroyed.  An  expedition  against 
Kinburn,  in  which  three  French  ironclads  - —  the  first  of  their  kind 

—  took  part,  compelled  the  place  to  capitulate  on  October  17.  But 
a  continuance  of  the  campaign  in  the  Crimea,  or  anywhere  in  South 
Russia,  Pelissier,  though  at  the  head  of  147,000  men,  declared  an 
impossibility,  recommending  in  its  place  the  transfer  of  the  seat  of 
war  to  the  north,  where  the  fall  of  Sveaborg  had  dealt  the  Russians 
a  heavy,  though  by  no  means  a  fatal,  blow.  In  France  the  army  and 
nation,  now  that  their  honor  was  satisfied  through  the  fall  of  Sebas- 
topol, were  alike  satiated  of  war.  Even  Napoleon  had  attained  all, 
and  more  than  all,  he  could  reasonably  have  hoped.  He  saw  himself 
admitted  as  an  equal  into  the  circle  of  the  greater  sovereigns,  and 
elevated  to  the  position  of  an  arbiter  in  the  affairs  of  Europe,  —  his 
favor  courted,  and  his  hostility  dreaded  and  deprecated.  Further 
aggrandizement  of  his  generals'  glory  he  had  rather  to  fear  than  wish 
for.  And  now,  since  he  had  failed  to  attain  that  which  cons'tantly 
lay  at  the  bottom  of  his  heart,  —  the  revision  of  the  map  of  Europe, 

—  through  league  with  Austria  against  Russia,  he  felt  himself  ini- 


pelled  to  attempt  its  achievement,  after  reconciliation,  in  conjunction 
with  Russia  against  Austria.  Of  the  czar's  ready  co-operation  he 
harbored  no  doubt.  Meanwhile,  to  try  the  effect  of  just  one  turn 
more  of  the  screw  in  accelerating  this,  the  half-dormant  negotiations 
with  Sweden  were  resumed  afresh.  Canrobert  was  sent  to  Stock- 
holm ;  and  on  Xovember  9,  1855,  a  defensive  alliance  was  concluded 
between  Sweden  and  the  western  powers.  On  the  other  hand,  that 
power  which  at  first  showed  the  greatest  reluctance  to  let  herself  be 
drawn  into  the  war  was  now  the  one  to  msist  on  its  continuance  and 
the  complete  humiliation  of  Russia.  It  was  galling  to  England's 
pride  that,  now  that  her  army  was  in  a  better  condition  than  it  had 
been  at  any  time  during  the  war  or  for  long  before  it,  hostilities 
should  be  suddenly  put  an  end  to  ere  she  had  done  anything  worthy 
of  her  name,  either  in  the  Crimea,  the  Black  Sea,  or  the  Baltic.  For 
this  reason  Austria's  proffer  of  her  good  offices  for  the  resumption 
of  negotiations  with  St.  Petersburg  found  little  acceptance  with  the 
London  cabinet,  which  was,  besides,  by  no  means  flattered  to  find 
that  Walewski,  without  designing  to  consult  it,  had  been  taking 
counsel  with  Vienna  in  regard  to  the  peace  conditions  to  be  proposed 
to  Russia.  Such  was  its  irritation  over  the  latter  subject,  that  Pal- 
merston  threatened,  in  case  of  necessity,  to  continue  the  war  with 
only  Turkey  as  an  ally. 

Notwithstanding,  on  November  16  Count  Esterhazy,  the  Austrian 
envoy,  went  to  St.  Petersburg  as  the  bearer  of  the  ultimatum  agreed 
on,  in  the  first  instance,  only  by  France  and  Austria.  This  con- 
tained the  well-known  four  points,  sharpened  by  a  fifth,  namely,  a 
demand  proceeding  from  Austria  for  the  cession  of  Bessarabia.  If 
he  did  not  receive  a  satisfactoiy  answer  by  a  given  date  he  was  to 
demand  his  passport.  The  king  of  Prussia  let  himself  be  prevailed 
on  by  Vienna  to  recommend  the  acceptance  of  the  ultimatum ;  and 
finally  an  Anglo-French  war-council,  held  in  Paris,  January  10,  1856, 
cast  its  weight  into  the  scale.  Hard  as  it  was  for  Alexander  to  lis- 
ten to  any  word  proceeding  from  Vienna,  —  as  if  Austria  had  taken 
Sebastopol,  —  he  yet  made  up  his  mind  to  the  acceptance  of  the  ulti- 
matum. In  order  to  effect  the  formal  conclusion  of  peace,  it  was 
resolved  to  hold  a  congress ;  and  as  an  evidence  that  France  was 
once  more  the  pivot  for  European  politics,  Paris  was  fixed  on  as  the 

The  congress  (Plate  VI.)  was  opened  Februarys  25,  1856;  and, 
to  Austria's  supreme  displeasure,  England  carried  her  point,  that 

VuL.  XIX.— 5 


Sardinia  should  be  admitted  on  a  footing  of  full  equality.  England 
was  represented  by  Lords  Clarendon  and  Cowley ;  France,  by  Count 
Walewski,  who  was  president,  and  the  Baron  Bourqueney  ;  Austria, 
by  Count  Buol  and  von  Hübner ;  Turkey,  by  the  grand  vizier,  Ali 
Pasha,  and  Djemil  Bey;  Sardinia,  by  Count  Cavour  and  the  ]\Iar- 
quis  Yillaniarina.  Prussia  was  at  first  unrepresented  ;  but,  inasmuch 
as  she  was  one  of  the  signatories  to  the  Straits  Convention  of  1841, 
she  received  an  invitation  later,  and  on  March  18  von  Manteuffel 
and  von  Hatzfeld  took  then-  seats  in  the  congress. 

Immediately  on  its  meeting  a  general  armistice,  till  March  31, 
was  decreed ;  and  on  the  day  before  this  was  to  expire,  —  namely, 
the  30th,  —  peace  was  concluded.  The  first  article  declared  the 
neutralization  of  the  Black  Sea;  Russia  bemg  allowed  to  retain  in 
it  only  the  ships  necessary  for  its  coast  service,  whose  number  and 
strength  should  be  settled  in  a  special  convention.  In  like  manner, 
each  of  the  powers  was  granted  the  right  of  stationing  two  hght 
vessels  off  the  mouths  of  the  Danube  to  protect  the  freedom  of 
its  navigation.  Much  more  bitterly  did  Russia  contest  the  second 
article,  which  concealed  the  cession  of  territory  demanded  from  her 
under  the  title  of  "  a  rectification  of  frontiers  in  favor  of  ^Moldavia." 
]More  resolutely  than  all  the  others  had  Austria  insisted  on  the  re- 
moval of  Russia  from  tlie  mouths  of  the  Danube.  When  she  carried 
her  point,  Count  Orloff  whispered  into  the  ear  of  Count  Cavour, — 
"  Austria's  representatives  little  think  how  many  tears  and  how  much 
blood  this  rectification  of  boundaries  will  cost  their  land."  A  special 
commission  was  decreed  for  carrying  out  the  works  for  the  clearing 
the  mouths  of  the  Danube  of  the  sand-bars,  with  which  Russia 
had  purposely  allowed  them  to  be  choked  up  to  the  hindrance  of 
navigation.  The  Porte  pledged  itself  to  grant  to  the  Danubian 
principalities  —  whose  unification  was  fustrated  through  its  op- 
position, and  that  of  Austria  —  an  independent  national  administra- 
tion, for  devising  measures  towards  which  a  commission  should  sit 
in  Bucharest.  Both  principalities,  as  well  as  the  immunities  and 
rights  of  Servia,  were  declared  to  be  under  the  common  guardianship 
of  the  powers.  Further,  the  Porte  announced  the  issue,  at  England's 
desire,  of  a  firman,  on  February  21,  concerning  the  conservation  of 
its  Christian  subjects'  rights  and  liberties,  as  well  as  the  reforms  to 
be  introduced  into  its  own  administration;  the  powers,  thereupon, 
expressly  disclaiming  all  desire  to  found  upon  this  communication 
any  claim  to  interference  in  Turkey's  internal  affairs.    On  the  motion 

RESULTS    OF    THE    WAU.  67 

of  France  the  congress  further  decLared  Turkey's  entrance  into  the 
common  law  of  Europe,  and  guaranteed  the  integrity  of  her  territory. 

Thus  was  an  end  put  to  this  memorable  war,  that  had  cost  France 
80,000  men,  10,240  of  whom  fell  in  the  battle-field;  England  lost 
22,000,  of  whom  2800  were  slain  in  fight;  Sardinia,  2200.  Turkey's 
loss  was  estimated  at  35,000.  Of  Russians  had  perished,  mostly  by 
disease,  about  800,000.  Especially  it  was  epoch-making  for  the 
history  of  the  art  of  war.  It  demonstrated  the  inability  of  wooden 
war-ships  to  compete  with  land-fortresses,  and  thereby  gave  the  im- 
pulse to  their  conversion  i  ito  iron  batteries,  while  it  showed  that  the 
transport  of  immense  bodies  of  troops  was  only  possible  through  the 
aid  of  steam.  In  it,  too,  more  humane  principles  were  for  the  first 
time  recognized  in  regard  to  the  position  of  neutrals,  though,  in  this 
instance,  only  provisionally.  The  United  States  had  been  successful 
in  establishing  these  principles  as  a  norm  for  all  time  in  its  treaty 
with  Russia  of  July  22,  1854.  Finally,  in  it  France  and  England 
renounced  the  right  of  issuing  letters  of  marque. 

Napoleon's  darling  project  of  converting  the  congress  into  a 
general  European  one,  for  the  revision  of  treaties  and  the  transforma- 
tion of  the  map  of  Europe,  was  frustrated  through  the  opposition  of 
England.  "  That,"  said  Lord  Clarendon,  "  means  the  Rhine 
boundary  for  France,  the  restoration  of  Poland,  the  transmutation  of 
the  German  Confederation,  and  the  absorption  of  its  small  states  into 
Austria  and  Prussia."  For  the  Poles,  Palmerston  would  very  gladly 
have  said  a  word  to  gratify  the  public  sentiment  of  England ;  but  he 
had  to  yield  to  the  conviction  that  Russia  would,  in  no  circumstances, 
even  discuss  the  subject.  Cavour  had  to  congratulate  himself  on 
better  success.  Here  he  saw  the  first  out-sprouting  of  that  crop 
whose  seed  had  been  sown  amid  Sardinian  blood  in  the  Crimea.  He 
submitted  to  the  representatives  of  France  and  England  a  memorial 
on  the  situation  in  Italy,  and  received  from  Clarendon  the  promise 
that  the  congress  would  not  separate  till  he  had  had  an  opportunity 
to  speak  a  word  for  his  country.  In  Napoleon's  programme,  too, 
the  transformation  of  Italy  constituted  a  prominent  feature  :  but  his 
occupation  of  Rome,  as  well  as  regard  for  the  pope,  and,  still  more, 
for  his  owTi  clergy,  formed  obstacles  to  his  speaking  plainly  out.  He 
ultimately  consented,  however,  to  a  free  discussion  of  Italian  affairs, 
as  well  as  of  those  of  Greece.  On  the  ground  of  these  preliminary 
talks,  Walewski,  on  April  8,  proposed  to  the  congress  an  interchange 
of  ideas  on  several  matters  that  demanded  solution,  instancing,  in  the 


first  place,  the  condition  of  Greece,  and  then  the  unsatisfactory  state 
of  matters  in  the  States  of  the  Church  and  Naples.  Instantly  Buol 
was  on  his  feet,  objecting  vehemently  to  the  congress  dealing  with 
any  subject  outside  its  competence,  and  threatening  it,  in  case  it 
should  persevere,  with  Austria's  withdrawal.  Cavour  saw  plainly 
that  here  he  could  attain  nothing  definite.  On  the  other  hand, 
Austria,  by  obstinately  rejecting  all  interference  in  any  shape,  and 
addressing  a  circular  to  the  several  Italian  governments  denying 
Cavour's  right  to  speak  in  the  name  of  Italy,  lost  the  opportunity  of 
withdrawing  with  honor  from  an  untenable  position.  In  regard  to 
Greece  the  English  representatives  declared  nothing  could  be  done 
so  long  as  Otho  I.  sat  on  the  throne  ;  and,  as  his  deposition  Avas  be- 
yond the  competence  of  the  congress,  it  restricted  itself  to  an  un- 
meaning declaration.  One  equally  meaningless  was  directed  against 
the  unbridled  licence  of  the  French  fugitives'  press  in  Belgium.  As 
a  sop  to  the  peace-party  in  England,  Clarendon  prevailed  on  the 
congress  to  record  its  wish,  that  nations  before  appealing  to  arms 
should  call  in  the  good  offices  of  some  friendly  power  as  a  mediator. 
The  congress  closed  its  proceedings  with  a  declaration  (April  16) 
elevating  into  a  principle  of  international  law  the  practice  which  had 
been  followed  during  the  war  at  sea.  This  is  embodied  in  four 
provisions:  Privateering  is  abolished;  the  neutral  flag  covers  the 
enemy's  goods,  except  contraband  of  war ;  neutral  goods  under  a 
hostile  flag  cannot  be  seized  unless  they  are  contraband  of  war ;  a 
blockade  to  be  binding  must  be  effective.  Spain,  INIexico,  and  (on 
formal  grounds)  the  United  States  declined  adhesion  to  them. 

Amid  all  the  variety  of  matters  with  which  this  many-sided  congress 
busied  itself,  that  which  was  the  ostensible  cause  of  the  war  was 
passed  over  in  silence.  Of  the  Holy  Places  not  a  word  was  spoken. 
Just  before  its  close  England,  France,  and  Austria  entered  into  a 
separate  provisional  secret  treaty  for  the  further  protection  of  Turkey, 
and  prescribing  the  common  procedure  which  every  violation  of  the 
Treaty  of  Paris  would  infer  as  a  consequence.  Such  an  alliance, 
though  entered  into  without  any  very  definite  object,  appeared  to 
save  Austria  from  entire  isolation,  and  to  lend  her  a  sort  of  moral 
support.  But  when  this  treaty  became  public,  through  its  being 
laid  before  the  English  parliament,  it  served  to  add  fresh  fuel  to 
Russia's  exasperation  against  her  former  ally. 



THE  very  boundlessness  of  the  claims  put  forth  by  the  late  czar 
now  served  to  make  Russia's  sense  of  her  humiliation  all  the 
keener,  and  it  was  soon  seen  that  she  was  by  no  means  disposed  to 
carry  out  the  peace  conditions  in  a  spirit  of  honor  and  loyalty. 
Counting  on  the  dissolution  of  the  Anglo-French  alliance,  she  not 
only  construed  every  ambiguous  point  so  as  to  evade  anything 
implied  in  it  disadvantageous  to  herself,  but  she  did  not  hesitate  to 
violate  the  direct  terms  of  the  treaty.  Instead  of  simply  evacuating 
Kars,  Muravieff  continued  to  hold  it  till  he  had  utterly  destroyed 
its  fortifications,  wliile,  in  Bessarabia,  Russia  levelled  the  fortresses 
of  Ismail  and  Reni  with  the  ground,  sold  all  the  public  buildings, 
and  obstinately  delayed  the  rectification  of  its  boundaries.  The 
main  rock  of  contention  in  regard  to  the  last  matter  was  constituted 
by  Bolgrad,  south  of  which  the  new  line  decreed  by  the  congress 
was  to  run.  The  Russians  maintamed  that  the  place  meant  was 
New  Bolgrad,  lying  several  miles  to  the  southward,  the  possession 
of  which  would  assure  them  contact  with  the  navigation  of  the 
Danube.  The  isles  l;>*ing  off  the  mouths  of  the  Danube  formed 
another  apple  of  discord.  After  long  contention  it  was  agreed,  in 
November,  1856,  to  resummon  the  Congress  of  Paris  ;  and  this  on  its 
meeting  adjudged  Bolgrad  to  IMoldavia,  compensating  Russia  by 
another  slice  of  Bessarabia. 

But  what  was  regarded  as  of  highest  import  in  St.  Petersburg 
was  that  Russia,  in  order  not  only  to  repair  her  enormous  losses,  but 
also  to  re-enter  on  the  path  of  progress  from  which  the  deceased 
czar  had  for  a  generation  diverted  her,  had,  for  the  first  time  in  her 
history,  to  renounce  the  energetic  role  she  had  played  in  regard  to 
her  outside  policy.  "  Russia  does  not  nurse  her  wrath  ;  she  rallies 
herself,"  were  the  reassuring  words  in  which  Prince  Gortchakoff 
(Fig.  21)  announced  to  foreign  courts  her  change  of  attitude, 
and  the  reduction  of  her  army ;  and  the  cessation  of  recruitmg  for 




four  years  bore  testimony  to  the  good  faith  of  the  assurance.  The 
promotion  of  his  people's  material  interests  lay  nearer  Alexander's 
heart  than  any  craving  for  foreign  conquest.  The  disorder  of  the 
state  finances  had  its  date  from  before  the  Crimean  war.  After  a 
vain  attempt  to  restore  the  silver  currency,  the  government  had  re- 
course, in  1843,  to  that  last  resort  of  desperate  states,  —  bank- 
ruptcy, —  by  setting  the  bank  assignats  entirely  out  of  circulation, 
redeeming  these  to  the  amount  of  595,000,000  rubles  by  170,000,000 

rubles  of  newly  created 
notes  of  the  Imperial 
Bank,  put  into  forced 
circulation.  But  after 
the  minister  of  finance 
was  empowered,  in  1855, 
to  meet  all  extraordinary 
war  expenses  by  the 
temporary  issue  of  let- 
ters of  credit  which  the 
state  pledged  itself  to 
redeem  at  latest  within 
tliree  years  after  the  ces- 
sation of  the  war,  the 
business  world  gave  it- 
self no  further  trouble 
about  the  vast  amount 
of  paper-mone}'  in  cir- 
culation. Further  ex- 
traordinary issues  be- 
came necessary  to  meet 
the  deficiency  caused  by 
the  war.  Landed  property  sank  in  value,  the  half  being  in  pledge 
to  the  banks  of  credit;  the  national  debt  ran  up  to  1,520,000,000 
rubles.  In  1859  the  capital  of  the  various  banks,  and  the  vested 
funds  of  corporations,  benevolent  institutions,  churches,  and  foun- 
dations, even  the  sums  pending  between  parties  at  law,  were  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  the  finance  minister.  The  new-fangled  plan  of 
publishing  the  state  budget  (adopted  in  1862)  satisfied  only  those 
who  had  faith  in  its  figures. 

Ever  since  1825  a  ban  had  been  laid  on  the  intellectual  develop- 
ment of   the  country.      Before   this   time   its  yon ng  aristocracy  had 


il- — Prince  Alexander  Gortchakoff. 


been  wont  to  receive  their  education  abroad,  but  then  an  embargo 
was  laid  on  any  lengtliened  foreign  residence.  The  nobles  now 
looketl  ior  honor  and  prestige  only  in  so  far  as  they  were  able  to 
enter  into  the  official  bureaucrac}'.  Appointments  were  conferred, 
not  on  the  most  competent,  but  on  such  as  wei-e  most  adept  or  most 
ostentatious  in  subordinating  themselves  implicitly  to  the  will  of  the 
czar.  The  whole  public  service  was  now,  indeed,  practically  limited 
to  little  more  than  a  painful  observance  of  petty  formalities  and  a 
rigorous  system  of  police  supervision,  the  most  potential  of  all  the 
offices  of  state  being  the  chief  of  the  '  third  department '  (the  secret 
police).  The  terror  inspired  by  the  revolutions  of  1849  suggested 
to  Nicholas  the  scheme  of  closing  the  universities  of  his  empire 
(except  Dorpat  and  Helsingfors),  long  regarded  with  suspicion  as 
the  foci  of  liberal  ideas,  and  of  supplying  their  place  with  military 
technical  schools,  and  even  these  situated  at  Avide  distances  from 
each  other.  The  full  carrj'ing  out  of  this  idea  was,  indeed,  post- 
poned for  the  time ;  but  the  universities  were  subjected  to  the 
strongest  restrictions  in  respect  not  only  of  the  subjects  taught,  but 
of  the  tone  of  the  teaching,  and  placed  under  the  supervision  of 
martinet  and  ignorant  generals  with  the  name  of  curators,  while  the 
study  of  philosophy  was  given  over  to  the  hands  of  the  orthodox 
clergy.  The  number  of  students  at  each  institution  was  limited 
to  300,  and  their  doors  were  virtually  closed  to  the  lower  classes. 
All  indeed  in  any  way  associated  with  scientific  culture  seemed,  as 
if  of  set  purpose,  stimulated  to  hate  of  the  government  sj^stem. 
Hand  in  hand  witii  the  Russianizing  of  the  alien  races  within 
the  empire  went  the  systematic  proselytizing  of  Protestants  and 
Catholics  to  the  orthodox  church,  with  which  the  United  Greek 
church  also  was  compelled,  on  the  simple  behest  of  the  czar,  to 
associate  itself. 

The  conviction  of  the  untenability  of  this  system,  and  his  own 
more  humane  and  enlightened  views,  constituted  the  Czar  Alex- 
ander's motives  for  attempting  reforms  in  it.  The  removal  of  Count 
Alexis  Orloff,  the  all-potent  head  of  the  third  department,  the  iron 
rigor  of  whose  administration  had  made  revolutionaries  innumerable, 
and  his  replacement  by  the  more  moderate  Dolgoruki,  lifted,  as  it 
were,  a  mountain  from  the  heart  of  Russia ;  the  rigid  quarantine 
against  the  outside  \^'orld  was  raised ;  the  stringent  provisions  im- 
pending over  the  universities  were  repealed ;  the  press  was  conceded 
a  degree  of  freedom  it  had  not  known  for  years ;   large  numbers  of 


exiles  were  allowed  to  return  from  Siberia  ;  railways  —  discounten- 
anced to  the  utmost  of  his  power  by  iS'icholas  —  were  promoted ; 
municipal  institutions  organized ;  even  the  jury  system  was  intro- 
duced into  the  courts  of  justice.  "  Reforms,"  the  czar  said  to  his 
nobles  at  jNIoscow  on  the  occasion  of  his  coronation,  "  must  begin 
from  ahove ;  we  would  not  have  them  originate  from  beneath." 
What  he  had  mainly  in  view  in  these  words  was  at  once  the  most 
difficult  and  the  most  inevitable  of  the  life-tasks  before  him, — 
namely,  the  abolition  of  serfdom. 

Serfdom  was  first  recognized  as  a  legal  institution  in  the  reign 
of  Peter  the  Great;  but  it  was  under  Catharine  II.  that  it  was  ex- 
tended over  the  whole  empire,  even  to  provinces  sucli  as  Little 
Russia,  where  it  had  previously  scarcely  been  known.  The  serious 
drawbacks  involved  in  it,  however,  made  themselves  so  soon  sensible 
that,  as  early  as  the  time  of  Alexander  I.,  serious,  though  resultless, 
consultations  were  held  with  a  view  to  its  abrogation.  Nor  was 
Nicholas  better  disposed  toward  it ;  his  main  objection  being  that  it 
made  the  nobles,  in  some  measure,  independent  of  the  crown. 
Various  committees  appointed  by  him  busied  themselves  with  the 
question.  Through  the  decision  that  serfs  could  give  evidence  on 
oath  in  criminal  cases,  they  were  recognized  as  enjoying  a  certain 
degree  of  personality.  In  1842  they  were  granted  the  privilege  of 
entering  into  contracts,  and  in  1847  the  still  higher  one  of  becoming 
purchasers  of  their  owner's  property,  in  the  event  of  its  being  put 
up  to  auction  for  debt,  and  so  of  constituting  themselves  indepen- 
dent landowners.  This  last  privilege  was,  however,  withdrawn  in 
the  following  year;  and  Nicholas's  dread  of  publicity,  in  which 
he  saw  something  revolutionary,  but  which  alone  could  have  over- 
come the  opposition  of  the  nobles,  prevented  any  other  effective 
measure  being  adopted.  On  the  whole,  the  situation  of  the  serf 
continued  to  be  one  of  heavy  oppression.  The  number  converted 
into  freemen  through  voluntary  emancipation  increased  but  slowly ; 
and  even  this  means  of  deliverance  was  shut  off  by  the  outbreak  of 
the  Crimean  war.  And  yet  it  was  this  war  that  gave  the  impulse 
for  the  overthrow  of  the  system.  As  conscription  made  the  serf  a 
freeman,  in  order  not  to  injure  the  nobles  too  deeply  in  their  agri- 
cultural interests  by  frequently  repeated  levyings,  the  period  of 
service  had  been  lengthened  out  to  twenty-five  years.  But  this,  on 
the  other  hand,  made  a  war-reserve  impossible  ;  and  the  want  of  such 
had  been  most  severely  felt  in  the   Crimean  struggle.     Wherefore 


Emperor  Alexander  II.  of  Russia. 

History  of  All  Nations,  Vol.  XIX.,  page  73. 


one  of  the  first  reforms  introduced  by  the  new  war  minister,  Miljutin, 
was  to  limit  the  period  of  service  to  seven  years,  —  a  condition 
which  made  the  continuance  of  serfdom  impracticable.  In  January, 
1857,  a  new  secret  committee  commenced  its  sittings,  under  the 
presidency  of  the  sovereign,  to  devise  measures  for  its  conclusive 
abrogation ;  but,  thanks  to  the  studied  obstacles  interposed  by  the 
interested  parties,  the  work  went  forward  but  slowly.  The  nobles 
of  the  different  governments,  who  insisted  on  being  heard  in  their 
interests,  became  divided  into  an  opposition  majority  and  a  con- 
senting minority.  At  the  very  least,  they  demanded  indemnification 
in  the  form  of  political  privileges  for  the  material  sacrifices  they 
expected  to  be  called  on  to  make.  But  the  czar  (Plate  VII.)  did 
not  let  himself  be  diverted  from  his  purpose.  In  1858  eight  hun- 
dred thousand  crown-peasants  received  their  freedom ;  and  the  pre- 
rogatives of  the  landowners  over  their  seigniorial  bondmen  were 
very  materially  restricted.  The  whole  work  was  crowned  by  the 
ukase  of  March  3,  1861,  abolishing  the  system  after  a  transition 
period,  during  which  the  peasants  should  be  temporarily  held  to 
labor,  and  decreeing  a  complete  re-ordering  of  the  whole  agrarian 
relations,  along  with  the  institution  of  local  judges  known  as 
'Arbitrators  of  the  Peace.'  By  June  1,  1865,  the  better  half  of 
the  whole  body  of  bondsmen,  amounting  to  five  millions  of  men, 
had  become  free  renters  or  virtual  proprietors  of  their  lands.  The 
administration  of  the  newly  organized  peasant  communities  (Mirs) 
was  ordered ;  and  to  each  of  these  a  portion  of  arable  land  was 
allotted  in  perpetual  usufruct,  on  account  of  which  each  peasant 
had  to  perform  a  settled  proportion  of  work,  the  whole  community 
being  held  responsible  for  its  performance. 

A  revolution  of  so  deep-reaching  a  character  could  not  be  accom- 
phshed  without  producing  serious  social  convulsions.  The  relations 
of  the  nobles  to  their  properties  became  perplexingly  confused  and 
unsatisfactory ;  disorders  broke  out  in  various  places,  due  to  the 
impatience  or  conceited  vanity  of  the  peasants  themselves,  to  not  a 
few  of  whom  that  bequest  of  bondage  — hatred  of  work — converted 
the  intended  benefit  into  a  loss ;  others  were  seized  by  a  wild 
passion  for  destruction,  of  which  a  series  of  incendiary  fires  in  May, 
1862,  gave  too  palpable  evidence.  Even  among  those  of  them  of 
a  higher  order,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  solace  themselves  for 
the  yoke  they  had  to  bear  by  secret  draughts  of  the  poison  of  rad- 
ical   and   socialistic   ideas,  an  uneasy  spirit   of    ill-defined  craving 

74  RUSSIA,    ENGLAND,    AND    THE   EAST. 

began  to  manifest  itself.  The  even  yet  suspiciously  overwatched 
student  became,  as  the  harbinger  of  a  l)etter  future,  the  first-fruits 
of  the  change  in  the  public  sentiment.  Teaching  was  promulgated 
from  the  chairs  unimpeached,  at  variance  with  all  the  received  con- 
ceptions of  autliorit}' ;  young  people  of  the  middle  and  lower  ranks 
poured  in  streams  into  the  universities,  and  carried  thence,  instead 
of  a  defective  education,  a  very  decided  system  of  "  views.''  The 
czar  became  alarmed  at  the  bad  spirit  getting  possession  of  the 
youth,  and,  with  the  view  of  bridling  it,  nominated  Admiral  Putjatin 
as  minister  of  instruction.  The  new  minister's  autocratic  and 
maladroit  attempt  to  undo  all  the  liberal  gains  of  the  last  years  by 
a  simple  stroke  of  his  pen,  provoked,  in  1861,  serious  risings  of  the 
students  in  St.  Petersburg  and  Moscow,  in  which  the  public  took 
their  part  with  such  passion  of  energy  that  Putjatin  and  his  tools 
had  to  give  way.  Even  the  highest  classes  read  with  avidity  the 
organ  of  the  revolutionaries,  "  The  Bell "  (^Kolokol^,  appearing  from 
1851  in  London  and  later  in  Geneva,  w^hose  editor,  A.  Herzen,  knew 
how,  despite  all  the  vigilance  of  the  government,  not  only  to  dis- 
seminate his  views  widespread  over  all  Russia  and  among  all  ranks, 
but  also  to  spice  his  columns  with  news  concerning  the  most  secret 
affairs,  derived,  no  one  knew  how,  from  the  most  exclusive  circles. 
For  many  years  this  journal  continued  to  be  a  power  in  the  land,  till 
its  influence  was  sapped,  partly  by  the  position  which  the  fanatical 
fugitive  from  Siberia,  Bakunin,  attained  on  it,  and  partly  by  the 
greater  liberty  accorded  to  the  native  press.  The  nobles  and  cul- 
tured classes  indulged  in  the  delusive  dream  that  the  czar  would 
convert  his  uncle's  ideas  into  reality,  and  grant  the  people  a  voice  in 
making  the  laws  at  the  expense  of  some  portion  of  his  autocratic 
authority.  Through  this  hope  the  concessions  made  by  him  to  the 
Finnish  estates,  and  to  the  patriotic  longings  of  the  Poles,  were 
hailed  as  the  precursors  of  reforms  in  Russia. 

With  Nicholas  and  Paskevitch  the  two  chief  enemies  of  Poland 
passed  away  close  upon  each  other.  At  the  Congress  of  Paris 
Count  Orloff  had  put  aside  Lord  Clarendon's  plea  for  tliis  country 
with  the  remark  that  his  master  purposed  to  grant,  of  his  own 
free  will,  all  the  favors  he  asked  for  it.  Alexander  IL,  on  his  visit 
to  Warsaw  in  May,  1856,  gave  expression  to  his  sincere  desire  for 
Poland's  reconcilement.  But  his  appended  warning  —  "  No  illu- 
sions " —  had  no  meaning  for  a  people  who  knew  not  how,  by  loyal 
and  prudent  conduct,  to  merit  the  gift  of  nationality.     The  measures 


adopted  by  him  with  ;i  view  to  conciliation  failed  of  their  end ;  the 
Poles  remained  malcontent.  On  November  20,  18<)0,  —  the  thirtieth 
anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Grochow  —  there  was  a  bloody  conflict 
between  the  populace  of  the  city  and  the  police.  The  day  after,  a 
deputation,  headed,  by  the  archbishop,  delivered  to  Prince  Gortcha- 
koff  a  petition  to  the  czar  praying  for  the  restoration  of  the  institu- 
tions assured  to  them  by  Alexander  I.  The  Agricultural  Society, 
founded  by  Count  Andrew  Zamoiski,  an  active  minister  in  the  last 
revolution,  transformed  itself  more  and  more  into  a  political  club 
constituting  the  centre  of  anti-Russian  agitation.  Numerous  am- 
nestied fugitives  testified  their  gratitude  for  the  clemency  which 
permitted  their  return  by  systematically  inciting  the  masses  to 
revolt.  Nevertheless,  the  czar  still  believed  he  could  persevere 
in  the  path  of  gradual  and  well-considered  reform,  in  concert 
with  the  small  Ijut  influential  party  of  the  nobles  which  continued 
true  to  a  policy  of  reconciliation.  The  head  of  this  party,  the 
Marquis  Wielopolski,  was  summoned  as  a  counsellor  to  St.  Peters- 
burg ;  and  on  ^Nlarch  26,  1861,  a  ukase  appeared  making  many  im- 
portant concessions,  —  the  institution  of  a  Polish  council  of  state, 
consisting  one-half  of  government  officials,  the  other  of  free  mem- 
bers ;  of  a  council  of  education,  exclusively  Polish,  with  Wielopol- 
ski or  its  head;  and  finally  of  elective  government,  district  and 
municipal  councils.  But  in  the  eyes  of  the  fanatical  nationalists, 
the  marquis,  precisely  >)ecause  he  had  dealings  of  any  kind  wdth 
Russia,  w^as  a  traitor  to  his  country,  and  doubly  a  traitor  by  recogniz- 
ing the  cession  of  the  Polish  provinces  of  Lithuania,  White  Russia, 
and  the  Ukraine  as  the  basis  of  an  accommodation  with  the  Muscovite 
government.  The  Poles  rejected  the  hand  held  out  to  them;  even 
the  Catholic  clergy  ranged  themselves  on  the  popular  side,  although 
the  czar  had  made  approaches  to  the  Vatican,  and  was  making  prep- 
arations to  give  bona  fide  effect  to  the  concordat  of  1847,  hitherto 
existing  merely  on  paper.  On  the  occupation  by  soldiery  of  the 
Bernardine  Church,  which  had  been  prepared  for  the  celebration  of 
the  Kosciusko  festival,  the  administrator  of  the  diocese  of  Warsaw 
decreed  the  closing  of  all  the  churches  of  the  capital ;  and  wdioever 
neglected  or  refused  to  conform  to  the  order  for  a  general  national 
fast  found  himself  exposed  to  maltreatment  by  the  populace.  On 
October  14  the  whole  land  was  declared  in  a  state  of  siege,  the  Agri- 
cultural Societ}^  having  been  already  closed. 

The  contradictoiy  character  of  the  measures  emanating  from  St 


Petersburg,  vacillating  as  they  did  between  severity  and  conciliation, 
made  the  confusion  absolute  and  nullified  all  Wielopolski's  efforts  for 
accommodation,  thus  delivering  the  land  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the 
radicals  ("Reds").  Suddenly,  on  June  8,1862,  Poland  was  startled 
by  the  nomination  of  the  Grand  Prince  Constantino  as  its  governor, 
and  Wielopolski  as  vice-president  of  its  council  of  state,  by  which 
he  was  made  head  of  the  whole  civil  administration  of  the  land. 
Concurrently  with  this  the  five  governments  received  native  Poles 
as  their  governors.  The  emancipation  of  the  Jews  was  announced  ; 
the  way  paved  for  the  elevation  of  the  peasant  class  by  the  relief 
granted  them  from  forced  labor  and  other  seigniorial  prerogatives;  an 
investigation  of  their  grievances  was  promised  to  the  Catholic 
clergy ;  even  the  University  of  Warsaw  was  reopened,  and  its  chairs 
filled  wätli  native  teachers ;  while  on  October  1  the  governor  opened 
the  sitting  of  the  state-council  with  an  address  in  Polish.  But  the 
cra\'ings  of  the  Poles,  once  aroused,  were  not  to  be  satiated  by  any 
such  half-measures.  A  meeting  of  the  nobles,  called  by  Count  Zamoi- 
ski,  utterly  disclaimed  all  interest  in  any  such  palliative  measures,  de- 
claring their  want  of  confidence  in  any  government  but  a  native  one, 
and  that  they  would  never  rest  satisfied  till  all  the  provinces  of 
the  Pohsh  nation  were  reunited  with  it.  To  this  resolution  the 
nobility  of  Podolia  and  Lithuania  adhered.  Murderous  assaults  on 
the  Grand  Prince,  General  Lüders,  and  Wielopolski  gave  the  impulse 
for  the  institution  of  a  secret  tribunal  which  let  loose  its  assassin- 
emissaries  on  the  enemies  to  the  cause.  This  frenzy  determined  the 
public  sentiment  of  Russia.  The  liberals,  who  up  to  this  time  did 
not  conceal  their  sympathy  with  Poland,  now  turned  their  backs  on 
it.  Only  revolutionary  "  Young  Russia  "  any  longer  saw  allies  in  its 
Polish  confreres.  London  was  rife  with  preparations  for  a  Russo- 
Polish  rising;  but  the  vessel  wliich  was  to  have  conveyed  Bakunin 
and  his  confederates  to  the  coast  of  Lithuania  was  laid  under  em- 
bargo in  Malmö  by  the  authorities  of  Sweden. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  discouraging  disillusions,  the  Grand 
Prince  and  Wielopolski  did  not  let  themselves  be  diverted  from  the 
path  of  reform.  But  they  regarded  it  as  indispensable  that  the  real 
mstigators  to  mischief  should  be  rendered  innocuous;  and  this  was 
the  underlying  motive  for  the  decree  of  conscription  for  the  whole 
kingdom  issued  on  September  20,  1862,  and  put  into  execution  on 
January  15,  1863.  According  to  instructions  —  meant  to  be  secret, 
but  which  did  not  remain  so  —  the  decree  was  to  strike  especially 

THE  POLISH  RISING    OF  1863-1864.  11 

the  section  of  the  population  suspected  of  revolutionary  tendencies, 
wherefore  the  wonted  exemption  of  students  and  other  youths  of 
the  cultured  classes  was  on  this  occasion  held  in  abeyance.  With 
true  Russian  barbarity  these  arbitrarily  determined  recruits,  in  War- 
saw and  other  towns,  were  dragged  from  their  beds  at  night  by 
sokliers  and  policemen.  Many,  however,  who  had  received  timely 
warning  rescued  themselves  by  flight  to  the  forests,  and,  there 
gathering  themselves  into  armed  bands,  often  engaged  in  bloody 
skirmishes  mth  the  regular  troops.  This  conscription  was  the  torch 
which  set  fire  to  the  inflammable  material  accumulated  in  readiness. 
The  secret  committee  issued  a  call  to  arms,  and  the  sale  of  Cossack 
horses  ordered  by  the  government  from  motives  of  economy  facili- 
tated the  creation  of  an  insurgent  cavalry.  ]\Iieroslawski  was  called  to 
the  dictatorship.  To  allui-e  the  lower  classes  to  the  standards,  every 
patriot  peasant  was  promised  free  possession  of  his  httle  farm,  and 
each  portionless  combatant  for  the  fatherland  the  ownership  of  two 
acres  of  land.  Nevertheless,  the  cause  found  less  general  acceptance 
among  the  country  people  than  with  the  townsmen,  nobles,  and 
clergy.  The  insurgents'  frequent  declarations  that  their  quarrel 
was  with  the  Muscovite  government  alone,  and  that  Prussia  and 
Austria  were  no  further  concerned  in  it  than  that  their  Polish  dis- 
tricts were  looked  to  for  volunteers,  money,  arms,  and  moral  support, 
attained  their  object  only  so  far  that  Austria  maintained  to  the 
rising  a  sort  of  neutrality  bordering  on  friendliness.  Prussia,  on  the 
other  hand,  by  placing  four  army  corps  on  her  frontiers,  and  by 
other  energetic  measures,  relieved  Russia  of  half  her  task,  and  there- 
by occasioned  the  insurgents  to  direct  their  main  strength  upofi  the 
south  and  southeast,  and  to  take  the  Galician  frontier  as  their  base 
of  operations.  Here  alone  did  the  insurgents  make  a  stand  worth 
naming ;  the  hope  of  foreign  aid  cherished  by  the  Poles  proved  al- 
together illusory.  After  a  resistance  of  seven  days,  Mieroslawski  saw 
himself  compelled  to  flight  over  the  borders;  and  his  rival,  Langie- 
wicz,  who  thereupon  assumed  the  dictatorship,  had  the  same  fate. 
On  the  whole,  this  rising  exhibited  the  same  miserable  spectacle  of 
internal  dissensions  that  all  the  previous  ones  had  done. 

After  the  flight  of  Langiewicz  the  national  government  itself  under- 
took the  command-in-chief,  declaring  every  attempt  upon  the  dicta- 
torship high  treason,  and  making  itself  formidable,  not  by  open  war, 
but  by  the  secrecy  in  which  it  enveloped  itself.  Its  ramifications 
permeated  all  classes  of  society ;  it  forbade  the  payment  of  all  taxes ; 


rejected  the  czar's  offers  of  amnesty ;  laid  hands  on  twenty-two 
million  florins  of  state-funds;  and  executed  its  penal  sentences 
through  its  own  peculiar  pohce  —  while  the  authorities,  despite  their 
most  anxious  efforts,  were  entirely  unable  to  discover  its  locality. 
The  Catholic  clergy  persevered  in  fomenting  the  movement;  and 
after  the  hanging  of  a  convicted  Capucliin  friar,  the  vicar-general  for- 
bade all  music  in  the  churches,  and  even  the  tolling  of  bells.  In 
St.  Petersburg  the  battle  between  the  liberals  (still  in  favor  of  con- 
cihation)  and  the  Old  Russian  party  continued  long  undecided, 
till  the  nomination  of  Muravieff  to  the  governor-generalship  of 
Lithuania,  and  of  Count  Berg  to  the  presidency  of  the  Polish  council 
of  state,  proclaimed  the  victory  of  the  latter.  Both  went  to  work  with 
implacable  stringency,  the  former,  indeed,  with  absolute  ferocity. 
Severely  penal  repression  of  all  demonstrations,  extraordinary  forced 
contributions,  executions,  deportations  en  masse,  followed  on  each 
other  with  fearful  rapidity.  The  peasants  were  instigated  to  betray 
their  lords  by  the  bribe  of  having  their  rented  plots  changed  into 
freehold  possessions ;  every  higher  office  was  filled  by  a  Russian. 
In  August,  1863,  the  Grand  Prince  Constantine  left  Warsaw;  in  the 
following  year  the  supreme  head  of  the  secret  government,  with 
several  of  its  members,  fell  into  the  authorities'  hands ;  and  with  the 
execution  of  five  of  these,  on  June  18,  1864,  and  the  deportation  of 
the  rest  to  Siberia,  the  last  spark  of  the  rebellion  was  quenched. 

Severely  —  though  not  unmeritedly  —  did  the  Poles  expiate  their 
frenzy,  through  a  more  ruthless  encroachment  on  their  nationality 
than  they  had  ever  hitherto  known.  Indeed,  almost  all  that  had  been 
left  to  them  was  now  lost.  The  subordination  of  all  their  institu- 
tions and  administration  to  the  ministries  in  St.  Petei-sburg,  with  the 
new  partition  of  the  land  into  ten  governments  and  fifty-eight  circles, 
effected  its  complete  administrative  absorption  into  Russia.  Rus- 
sian was  made  the  language  of  the  law-courts  and  the  higher  semi- 
naries, while  the  native  nobility,  through  the  emancipation  of  their 
peasants,  were  shorn  of  half  their  wealth.  To  dry  up,  once  for  all, 
the  sources  of  support  which  the  revolt  had  found  in  the  religious 
houses,  114  of  the  197  in  existence  were  finally  closed.  Education 
was  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  clergy ;  and  the  ukase  of  May  22, 
1867,  subordinated  the  Catholic  church  of  Poland  to  the  Russo-Cath- 
olic  college  of  St.  Petersbug,  and  inhibited  the  clergy  from  any 
direct  communication  with  the  Vatican. 

From    the    time    of    the    Polish   revolt   a    distinctly  perceptible 


change  set  in  among  the  governmental  and  social  circles  of  Russia. 
Up  to  this  period  the  liberals — the  admirers  and  disciples  of  Euro- 
jjean  culture  —  had  enjoyed  the  ascendancy ;  but  the  shipwreck  of 
all  attempts  at  reform  in  Poland  now  transferred  the  predominance 
to  the  Slavoj)hiles,  who,  full  of  faith  in  the  grand  historical  mission 
of  the  Slavs,  saw  safety  only  in  the  rejection  of  all  west  European 
influences,  and  in  a  return  to  the  Old  Russian  type  of  nationality. 
This  party  directed  its  efforts  to  two  ends,  —  one  domestic,  the  other 
external.  By  the  attainment  of  the  former  of  these  it  would  know 
itself  clear  of  all  un-Russian  historical  organizations  existent  within 
the  empire,  and  the  danger  would  be  averted  of  imperial  absolutism 
finding  support,  in  the  decisive  hour,  among  the  still  alien  and  Euro- 
pean-disposed sections  of  the  population  in  opposition  to  the  will  of 
the  real  Russian  people.  Scarcely,  therefore,  was  Poland  subjected 
when  a  campaign  was  opened  against  the  Baltic  pro\dnces  imder  the 
leading  of  Juri  Samarin.  The  systematic  vilification  of  the  compli- 
cated political  and  social  relations  of  these  provinces,  which  enjoyed  a 
degree  of  administrative  independence,  moral  and  intellectual  culture, 
and  general  prosperity  that  made  them  the  envy  of  the  rest  of  Russia, 
had  its  origin  not  alone  in  hate  of  their  Teutonic  aristocracy,  but  also 
in  the  conviction  that  their  hereditary  independent  institutions 
formed  a  bar  to  the  realization  of  the  Slavophiles'  ideal  democratic 
future.  To  be  freed  from  these  impediments  in  the  readiest  way 
possible,  the  party  was  prepared  provisionally  to  concede  milimited 
authority  to  the  government,  otherwise  so  much  the  object  of  its  sus- 
picions. The  first  open  announcement  of  the  government's  change 
of  attitude  thus  induced  was  through  the  ukase  of  December,  1865, 
decreeing  a  rigid  censorship  of  the  Baltic  press,  at  the  same  time  that 
it  granted  freedom  from  such  restriction  to  the  press  of  the  two  caj)i- 
tals.  The  other  aim  of  the  party — the  external  —  is  known  as 
Panslavism.  For  well-nigh  a  quarter  of  a  century  a  conviction  of 
the  community  of  the  interests  of  all  the  Slavic  races  had  been 
gaining  ground  in  Russia.  The  Hungarian  campaign  of  1849 
had  kindled  a  desire  for  the  extension  of  Russia's  sphere  of  power 
so  as  to  comprise  all  west  and  south  Slavdom ;  and  the  enthusiasm 
for  the  Ban  Jellachich  was  not  for  him  as  a  loyal  suljject  of  his  sov- 
ereign, but  as  the  foremost  champion  of  Sla^äc  nationality:  and 
Nicholas  had  regarded  the  situation  with  unconcealed  satisfaction. 
But  it  was  not  till  the  close  of  the  Crimean  War  that  this  tendency 
waxed  into  a  veritable  power.     The  millenary  of  the  empire,  cele- 


brated.  in  1862,  bore  an  avowed  Slavic  impress;  and  the  desire  of 
Alexander  II.  to  propitiate  the  Poles  had,  as  one  of  its  motives,  the 
hope  that  conciliated  Poland  would  form  a  bridge  leading  to  western 
Slavdom.  Even  a  vision  of  the  disintegration  of  the  Austrian 
empire,  and  the  annexation  of  its  Slavic  provinces,  floated  before  his 

The  Crimean  War  had  rescued  Turkey  from  being  swallowed  up 
by  Russia  in  her  character  of  protector  of  the  Greek  Christians. 
Panslavism  now  threatened  her  with  a  similar  fate,  by  preaching  all 
the  more  loudly  its  doctrine  of  the  fellowship  of  the  southern  Slavs 
with  their  Russian  kin.  Even  independently  of  this,  the  war,  instead 
of  saving  Turkey,  had  only  added  to  the  number  of  the  causes  tend- 
ing to  her  dissolution,  and  accelerated  their  operation.  From  the 
Congress  of  Paris  she  received  the  fatal  gift  of  being  able  to  incur 
debt  by  borrowing  ;  and  Sultan  Abdul-Aziz,  brother  and  successor  of 
Abul-Medjid  (Fig.  22),  who  died  June  25, 1860,  made  so  reckless  a  use 
of  this  power  that  he  soon  delivered  the  shattered  credit  of  his  empire 
over  as  a  plaything  to  the  bourses  of  Europe.  This  led  of  necessity 
to  an  ever-stronger  application  of  the  tax-screw  to  his  Christian  sub- 
jects, and  no  less  consequentially  to  their  growing  discontent.  The 
firman  of  1856  remained  a  dead  letter;  and  Europe's  tutelage,  under 
which  the  congress  had  placed  these  peoples,  only  manifested  itself 
through  the  jealousy  with  which  the  powers  watched  each  other, 
Turkey  being  left  to  deal  with  them  as  she  would. 

Precisely  at  this  juncture  a  profound  movement  stirred  the  world 
of  Islam.  Turkey  felt  herself  doubly  outraged  by  the  new  conces- 
sions made  to  these  Christians,  in  that  she  regarded  herself  as  the 
victor  in  the  war.  Her  pride,  religious  as  well  as  national,  was  in 
arms.  Fanatics  returning  from  Mecca  secretly  preached  a  holy  war ; 
and  their  announcement  that  the  hour  for  the  extermination  of  the 
infidels  had  come  occasioned  a  murderous  butchery  of  the  Christians 
in  Jiddah,  Arabia,  in  June,  1858.  In  Syria  religious  hatred  was 
aggravated  by  race-hate  in  the  case  of  the  Christian  JMaronites 
and  the  Mohammedan  Druses  of  the  Lebanon.  The  Turkish  au- 
thorities were  wilfully  blind  to  the  preparation  being  made  by  the 
latter  for  the  impending  conflict,  and,  as  if  of  set  purpose,  denuded 
the  region  of  troops.  After  the  Druse  attack  on  the  Maronite  vil- 
lages near  Beirut,  in  May,  1860,  the  Turkish  commander  ordered 
the  Christians  to  lay  down  their  arms,  in  return  for  his  promise  of 
protection,  and  then  gave  them  over  to  their  enemies,  who   mas- 



sacred  all  without  mercy,  the  Turkish  soldiery  taking  part  in  the 
slaughter.  The  mania  for  murder  spread  to  Damascus ;  and  for  six 
days  its  governor  looked  calmly  on  at  the  festival  of  death,  during 
which  the  greater  part  of  the  Christian  quarter,  even  the  consulates, 
was  destroyed.  The  Arab  patriot,  Abd-el-Kader,  who  liad  retired 
hither,  nobly  intervened  as  guardian  of  the  hunted  Giaours ;  but  he 

Fig.  22.  —  Sultan  Abdal-Medjid.     From  the  Lthugiapli  by  F.  Jentzen  ;  original 
painting  by  J.  H.  Kretschmer. 

stood  alone.  The  report  of  these  atrocities  roused  the  righteous 
indignation  of  the  west,  but  the  mutual  jealousies  of  the  cal)inets 
prevented  any  common  action.  Napoleon,  indeed,  who  gladly  wel- 
comed any  opportunity  for  a  stage-effect  that  could  take  up  the 
minds  of  his  subjects,  was  captivated  by  the  prospect  of  unfolding 
the  tricolor  on  the  Lebanon.     But  this  purpose  of  his  met  with  little 

Vol.  XIX.— 0 


countenance  from  the  other  powers ;  and  it  was  not  till  a  protocol 
had  been  signed  at  Paris,  on  August  3,  pledging  the  renunciation  of 
all  views  to  acquisition  of  territory  or  of  exclusive  advantages,  either 
political  or  commercial,  that  6000  French  troops  were  shipped  to 
Syria,  under  command  of  General  d'  Hautpoul-Beaufort,  and  accom- 
panied by  an  international  commission.  Within  four  days  the  French 
executed  158  culprits  in  Beirut.  Meanwhile,  to  anticipate  foreign 
interference,  the  Porte  had  despatched  tliither  16,000  men,  under 
Fuad  Pasha,  with  full  powers  to  repress  disorders.  In  accordance 
with  Turkish  precedent,  Fuad  would  willingly  have  left  malefactors 
of  higher  rank  unmolested  ;  but,  at  the  instant  requisition  of  the  com- 
mission, he  was  compelled  to  open  an  investigation  into  the  doings 
of  the  Supreme  Council  of  Damascus ;  and,  to  prevent  the  unbe- 
lievers from  pressing  onwards  to  the  Holy  City,  condemned  the 
governor  and  several  of  the  high  officials  to  death  or  other  con- 
dign punishment.  Besides  a  compensation  of  75,000,000  piastres 
(13,125,000)  to  the  sufferers,  the  Porte  had  to  organize  a  new  ad- 
ministrative system  for  the  Lebanon,  with  a  Christian  governor  and 
a  native  police.  On  this  being  accomplished,  English  jealousy  com- 
pelled the  withdrawal  of  the  French. 

The  mutual  jealousies  of  the  great  powers,  and  the  strained  rela- 
tions consequent  thereupon,  constituted  the  conditions  that  enabled 
the  Christian  races  of  the  Balkan,  with  the  countenance  of  Russia, 
stiU  further  to  loosen  their  new  relations  with  the  Porte  as  ordained 
by  the  Congress  of  Paris.  The  beginning  was  made  in  the  two 
Danubian  principalities.  After  the  expiration,  in  July,  1856,  of  the 
septennial  term  for  which  their  hospodars,  in  terms  of  the  Treaty  of 
Balta  Liman,  held  office,  the  future  political  organization  of  these 
lands  gave  rise  to  much  excited  controversy  during  the  administration 
of  the  officers  provisionally  appointed  by  the  Porte.  The  main  ques- 
tion was,  whether  they  should  remain  separate  or  be  unified  into  one 
state.  But  this  question,  as  well  as  all  the  subordmate  ones,  was, 
like  all  others  among  these  politically  crude  peoples,  deeply  colored 
by  an  admixture  of  personal  and  purely  selfish  interests.  After  some 
resistance  on  the  part  of  Moldavia,  the  divans  of  the  two  principali- 
ties, in  October,  1857,  gave  their  voice  for  conjoining  them  into  one 
neutral  state,  —  Rumania,  —  with,  a  hereditary  dynasty.  But  as 
the  Porte  interposed  energetic  objections  to  this,  the  powers  A^dth- 
held  their  sanction.  The  plan  preferred  by  them  was  that  Moldavia 
and  Wallachia  should  each  have  its  own  hospodar  and  divan ;  but 


that,  without  prejudice  to  their  relation  of  vassalage  to  the  Porte, 
they  should  have  one  common  supreme  court  of  justice  and  one 
council  of  state  consisting  of  sixteen  members.  But  this  bit  of  arti- 
ficial patchwork  went  to  pieces  on  the  spot.  The  election  of  the 
noble,  Alexander  Cusa,  in  January,  1859,  as  lifelong  prince  of  Mol- 
davia, and  immediately  thereupon  to  the  same  position  for  Wallachia, 
practically  constituted  the  longed-for  state  of  Rumania  ;  and  nothing 
was  left  the  powerless  Porte  but  to  accommodate  itself  as  best  it 
could  to  circumstances. 

The  example  of  Rumania  worked  powerfully  on  the  other  Chris- 
tian peoples  of  European  Turkey.  The  Servians  dreamed  of  a  great 
hereditary  kingdom  of  Servia,  which  should  comprise  also  Bosnia, 
the  Herzegovina,  and  Montenegro.  Because  the  strongest  oppo- 
sition to  this  scheme  was  looked  for  from  Austria,  their  prince, 
Alexander,  son  of  Black  (Kara)  George,  made  himself,  through  his 
adhesion  to  this  power,  so  obnoxious  to  his  people  that  he  was  com- 
pelled to  abdicate.  Immediately  Milosh,  who  had  been  expelled  in 
1842,  now  an  old  man  and  a  devoted  adherent  of  Russia,  but  held 
in  the  highest  esteem  by  the  Serbs  as  their  liberator  from  the  yoke 
of  Turkey,  was  called  back  to  the  vacant  throne.  On  his  death,  in 
September,  1860,  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Michael,  during  whose 
rule  the  powers,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  perpetual  bickerings 
and  collisions  between  the  people  and  the  Turkish  soldiery,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1862,  came  to  an  agreement  highly  to  the  advantage  of 
Servia,  by  which  Turkey's  right  of  military  occupation  was  restricted 
to  four  citadels,  including  that  of  Belgrade.  In  Herzego\dna  the 
rising  of  the  Christian  peasants,  under  Luka  Vukalovitch,  supported 
by  Prince  Xikita  of  Montenegro,  who  had  succeeded  his  murdered 
uncle,  Danilo,  in  1860,  took  such  proportions  that  the  Austrians 
moved  out  of  Ragusa  mth  the  view  of  interposing.  But  when  Omer 
Pasha  advanced  against  Cettinje,  the  prince  submitted  to  the 
Porte's  ultimatum  without  gaining  the  strip  of  coast  he  so  ardently 
desired.  Among  the  long-suffering  Bulgarians  the  movement  at  first 
assumed  an  ecclesiastical  aspect.  Stimulated  by  their  lower  clergy, 
who  were  bitterly  opposed  to  a  foreign  hierarchy,  whether  Grecized 
Slav,  or  Turcized  Greek,  the  people  demanded  a  native  exarchate 
and  a  service  in  their  own  tongue.  They  attained  both  objects 
through  the  help  of  Russia,  which  attached  more  importance  to  a 
close  association  with  Turkish  Slavdom  than  to  the  S}Tnpathies  of 
the  Greek  element  and  its  domineering  church  potentates.     We  caij 


thus  see  how  the  awakening  of  the  Slavic  races  of  the  Balkan  to 
political  consciousness  was  effected  at  the  cost,  not  only  of  Ottoman 
supremacy,  but  of  Greece  as  well,  whose  high-flown,  fondly  cherished 
dream  of  expanding  its  little  peninsular  state  into  a  new  Byzantine 
empire  became  thus  dissipated  into  thin  air.  This  little  classic  king- 
dom still  suffered  severely  from  the  crudity  of  its  organization  and 
the  desolating  effects,  moral  as  well  as  material,  of  the  war  of  Hbera- 
tion.  The  childless,  incapable  King  Otho  became,  through  the  three 
years'  occupation  of  their  capital  by  the  French,  an  object  of  odium 
to  his  subjects,  who  held  him  responsible  for  tliis  humiliation.  In 
1862  the  popular  discontent  found  expression  in  an  unsuccessful 
military  insurrection,  which,  notwithstanding  the  clemency  shown  to 
the  culprits  by  the  sovereign,  renewed  itself  mthin  the  year  while 
the  royal  pair  were  making  a  progress  through  the  disaffected  ]\Iorea. 
Hurriedly  taking  ship  for  Athens,  Otho  reached  the  Piraeus,  to  find 
the  proclamation  of  his  own  deposition  and  the  nomination  of  a  pro- 
visional government,  consisting  of  Bulgaris,  Kanaris,  and  Rufos ;  and 
instantly  departed  for  his  native  country  without  setting  foot  on 
Hellenic  soil.  Ignoring  the  treaty  of  1832,  which  excluded  princes  of 
ruling  houses  from  the  throne,  the  Greeks  almost  unanimously  made 
choice  of  Queen  Victoria's  son,  Alfred,  duke  of  Edinburgh,  as  Otho's 
successor,  in  the  hope  that  he  would  effect  the  reunion  of  the  Ionian 
Islands,  sorely  wearied  of  British  protection,  with  the  kingdom,  as 
well  as  of  the  brethren  of  their  race  still  under  Turkish  sway.  On 
this  prince  declining  the  proffered  honor,  their  ultimate  choice 
(March  30,  1863)  fell  on  a  minor,  namely,  Piince  AMlliam  of  Den- 
mark, who  had  the  advantage  of  being  brother-in-law  to  the  heirs- 
apparent  of  both  England  and  Russia.  He  ascended  the  throne  with 
the  title  of  George  I.,  bringing  with  him  the  Ionian  Isles  as  a  dowry. 
Russia  found  indemnification  for  the  reserve  she  imposed  on  her- 
self in  respect  of  European  affairs  in  the  uninterrupted  expansion  of 
her  territories  and  influence  in  Asia.  Even  the  Crimean  War  brought 
no  check  here.  In  the  Caucasus,  where  the  chief  Schamyl  had 
established  a  sort  of  theocratic  commonwealth,  and  inspired  the 
bold  mountaineers  with  the  resolution  to  fight  for  their  liberty,  the 
resistance  waxed  gradually  less  obdurate,  especially  after  new  military 
roads  made  the  mountains  less  inaccessible.  Even  the  outbreak  of 
the  Crimean  "War  failed  to  call  Schamyl  into  action,  and  the  allies 
did  nothing  to  win  him  as  an  ally.  After  the  war  the  Russians 
threw  themselves  with  redoubled  "vdgor  upon  the  Caucasus.     Schamyl 


was  able  to  maintain  himself  in  his  last  fastness,  Ghunil)  in  Daghestan. 
only  till  September,  1859,  when  he  was  carried  off  a  prisoner  to  St. 
Petersburg.  The  subjugation  of  the  Caucasus  was  soon  complete  ; 
400,000  expatriated  Cii-cassians  were  settled  by  the  Porte  in  Bul- 
garia, others  in  Asia  Elinor.  After  Japan  had  opened  its  ports  to  the 
United  States  and  England,  Admiral  Putjatin,  who  in  1853  had 
been  sent  out  to  explore  the  Japanese  waters  and  the  coast  of 
Manchuria,  concluded  in  1855  a  treaty  gaining  the  same  privileges 
to  Russia,  and  further  ceding  to  her  the  island  of  Saghahen,  rich  in 
beds  of  coal,  as  well  as  the  northern  Kuriles.  The  conflict  of  Eng- 
land with  China  gave  occasion  to  another  extension  of  Russian 
territory  and  influence  in  Eastern  Asia.  In  1856  the  Lower  Amur 
land  was  incorporated  under  the  name  of  "  The  Coast  District  of 
Eastern  Siberia,"  and  Putjatin,  Russia's  ambassador  at  the  court  of 
Peking,  was  adroit  enough  to  avail  himself  of  China's  straits,  due  to 
her  struggle  with  England,  to  secure  by  the  treaty  of  Aigun  (May  28, 
1858)  the  cession  of  the  whole  left  bank  of  the  Amur,  together  with 
the  coast  region  on  the  right,  a  territory  covering  some  300,000 
square  miles.  Notwithstanding  China's  efforts  at  prevention,  a  lively 
trade  at  once  developed  itself  between  the  empires,  with  Kiakhta  as 
its  emporium.  Shortly  thereafter  the  Khalka  Tatars  —  between  the 
province  of  Irkutsk  and  the  great  MongoHan  desert  —  acknowledged 
the  sway  of  Russia,  while  she  gradually  made  her  way,  across  steppes 
and  wastes,  to  the  heart  of  ]\Iid-Asia.  After,  by  little  and  little,  in- 
corporating three  millions  of  Kirghiz,  erecting  the  fort  of  Aralsk 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Sir-Daria,  and  constructing  a  flotilla  on  the  Sea 
of  Aral,  Perovski,  in  the  middle  of  the  Crimean  War,  subdued  the 
robber  khan  of  Khiva,  and  annexed  the  upper  region  of  the  Sir- 
Daria  to  the  empire.  With  this  conquest,  the  immemorial  trade- 
routes  of  Inner  Asia  fell  into  Russia's  hands,  the  Caspian  became 
covered  with  Russian  vessels,  and  an  efl^ectual  check  was  im- 
posed upon  the  plundering  Turkoman  tribes.  With  growing 
anxiety  England  saw  these  advances  that  made  Russia  more  and 
more  her  rival  for  ascendancy  in  Asia.  Much  to  her  relief,  Gortcha- 
koff,  in  November,  1864,  indicated  the  line  leading  from  the  Lake  Issi- 
Kul  by  way  of  Tchemkend  to  the  Sir-Daria  as  Russia's  natural 
boundary  in  these  regions,  which  she  would  not,  out  of  regard  to  her 
own  interests,  overpass.  Scarcely  was  the  line  reached,  when  Gen- 
eral Tchernayeff  (1865)  crossed  it  wdthout  scruple,  captured 
Tashkend,  the  emporium  of  the  Middle  Asiatic  and  Chinese  trade, 


and  took  possession  of  the  whole  of  Turkestan  as  a  Russian  province. 
On  May  14,  1868,  General  Kaufmann  entered  Samarkand.  The 
khan  of  Bokliara  also  became  a  vassal  of  Russia. 

England,  during  these  years,  enjoyed  greater  internal  repose  than 
almost  any  one  of  the  states  of  the  Continent.     Since  the  Chartist 
fiasco  of  1848,  she  had  experienced  no  movement  whose  promoters 
spoke  of  an  appeal  to  arms.     It  was  different  in  Ireland.     There  the 
aspirations  with  which  the  great  agitator,  O'Connell,  had  inspired 
the  people  still  glowed  in  many  hearts.      It  is  true  that  the  "  Young 
Ireland  "  party  was  composed  mainly  of  journalists,  students,  littera- 
teurs, and  embryo  poets ;  but  the  Continental  revolutions  of  1848 
operated  to  convert  this  semi-sentimental  literary  organization  into  a 
poHtical  confederacy.     Smith  O'Brien,  a  man  of  family  and  large 
possessions,    but   whose  head  was  turned  by  the  adulation   of  the 
people,  was,  with  Meagher,  at  its  head.     But  a  more  extreme  faction 
broke  away  from  this  under  the  leadership  of  John  Mitchel,  and  de- 
clared for  an  immediate  appeal  to  arms  ;  its  organ,  "  The   United 
Irishman,"  proclaimed  weekly  the  virtues  of  vitriol.     As  the  existent 
laws  were  not  adequate  to  deal  with  such  reckless  patriotism,  the 
government  armed  itself  with   stronger  and  sharper  measures,  and 
Mitchel  was  sentenced    to  transportation  for  fourteen   years.     On 
"  Yomig  Ireland  "  becoming  thereupon  more  noisily  demonstrative 
the  habeas  corpus  act  was   suspended,  and  warrants  issued  for  the 
arrest  of  the  ringleaders  ;  and  after  a  brief  collision  with  the  police  the 
'  rebellion'  was  at  an  end.     O'Brien  and  JNIeagher  were  sentenced  to 
death,  but  the  penalty  was   commuted  into  transportation  for  life. 
Later  Meagher  and  Mitchel  succeeded  in  making  their  escape,  and 
with  that  the  "  Young  Ireland "    movement  vanished   from     sight. 
But  the  evils  in  which  it  had  its  origin  were  in  no  measure  remedied. 
It  seemed  as  if  custom  had  made  the  people  of  England  blind  to 

But  they  were  moved  to  real  excitement  when  Pope  Pius  IX., 
encouraged  by  the  Catholic  tendencies  of  the  Anglican  church,  in  a 
bull  "  given  at  St.  Peter's  in  Rome  under  the  seal  of  the  fisherman," 
September  20,  1850,  re-established  a  hierarchy  in  England,  which 
should  derive  its  titles  from  its  respective  sees,  "  which  we,  by  this 
present  decretal,  erect  into  distinct  apostolic  provinces."  In  ac- 
cordance with  this  all  England  was  partitioned  into  dioceses,  and 
placed  under  the  care  of  an  archbishop  and  twelve  bishops.  Cardmal 
Wiseman,  a  learned  priest,  and  eminent  preacher  and  controversialist, 


but  a  man  of  overweening  episcopal  arrogance,  was  named  arch- 
bishop of  Westminster.  Since  the  Reformation  no  cardinal  had  been 
seen  within  the  borders  of  England.  The  cry  of  "  No  Popery " 
resounded  anew  from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other ;  and  the  arch- 
bishop's pastoral  letter,  with  its  defiant  announcement  that  England 
again  took  her  place  in  the  glorious  constellation  of  the  whole  body 
Catholic,  was  not  calculated  to  allay  the  excitement.  Lord  John 
Russell,  than  whom  there  was  no  more  zealous  advocate  of  toleration, 
in  an  open  letter  to  the  bishop  of  Durham,  denounced  the  pope's  ar- 
rogance in  the  strongest  terms  as  inconsistent  with  the  queen's 
supremacy,  the  rights  of  the  church  of  England,  and  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  nation.  Mass  meetings,  day  after  day,  gave  even 
more  vigorous  expression  to  their  condemnation  of  the  pope's  pro- 
cedure, and  petitions  without  number  were  sent  up  to  the  queen  and 
parliament.  Cardinal  Wiseman  was  personally  insulted  in  Liverpool, 
and  his  effigy  was  burned  everj^where  in  place  of  that  of  Guy 
Fawkes.  Never  had  the  generation  witnessed  such  an  outbui-st  of 
indignation.  The  government  introduced  a  bill  to  prohibit  Roman 
Catholic  priests  assuming  titles  derived  from  any  place  or  district 
within  the  United  Kingdom.  But  on  the  inapplicabihty  of  this  to 
Irehind  making  itself  obvious,  the  substance  was  so  far  dropped  out 
of  the  bill  as  to  leave  little  more  than  a  general  declaration  against 
the  assumption  of  illegal  titles. 

England  suffered  a  severe  loss  in  the  death,  on  July  2,  1850, 
of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  who,  if  not  her  greatest,  was  her  most  patriotic 
and  most  upright  statesman.  The  whole  nation  mourned  him,  only 
Palmerston  expressing  liimself  coolly  on  the  subject.  In  point  of 
fact,  the  accident  left  Palmerston  the  most  influential  statesman  in 
England.  The  stand  he  took  on  the  side  of  the  peoples  and  against 
the  governments  during  the  convulsions  of  1848-1849,  although 
dictated  by  anything  rather  than  by  a  love  for  the  democracy,  had 
gained  him  from  the  Continental  governments  the  title  of  '  Lord 
Firebrand,'  and  the  character  of  a  patron  of  the  Revolution  and  a 
time-server.  Endowed  vnth  a  peculiar  faculty  for  foreign  politics, 
and,  once  engaged  in  a  conflict,  ready  to  sacrifice  everything  for 
^-ictory,  he  often  bore  himself  towards  other  states  with  an  easy 
recklessness,  that,  when  exhibited  to  the  weaker,  almost  assumed 
the  character  of  brutal  insolence.  This  Greece  experienced  in  a 
marked  manner  on  the  occasion  of  two  British  subjects  invoking 
the  help  of   their  government  against  that  of  Hellas.     The  appel- 


lants  were  men  of  very  different  type,  —  the  one,  Dom  Pacifico,  a 
Portuguese  Jew,  whose  house  the  mob  of  Athens  had  plundered 
out  of  revenge  for  having  been  prohibited  from  celebrating  Easter 
in  their  customary  way  by  burning  Judas  Iscariot ;  the  other,  Fin- 
lay,  the  historian  of  Greece,  a  part  of  whose  property  in  Athens  had 
been  seized,  in  spite  of  his  protest,  to  be  converted  into  the  royal 
garden.  Convinced  that  France  stood  in  the  background,  and  was 
weaving  an  intrigue  against  England,  Palmerston  insisted  most  per- 
emptorily on  satisfaction ;  and  since  the  Greek  government  hesitated 
to  comply,  a  British  squadron  appeared  off  the  Piraeus,  in  January, 
1850,  and  laid  an  embargo  on  all  the  Greek  shipping  in  the  harbor. 
Greece,  thus  brow-beaten,  appealed  for  support  to  the  two  other  pro- 
tecting powers ;  l)ut  these  received  in  London  the  scantily  civil 
intimation  that  this  was  a  matter  between  England  and  Greece 
alone,  and  one  with  which  other  powers  had  nothing  to  do.  The 
wily  Jew  took  advantage  of  the  situation  to  swell  his  claim  to 
an  immoderate  amount.  Even  the  House  of  Lords  passed  a 
resolution  disapproving  of  the  high-handed  procedure  of  the  min- 
ister, but  Palmerston  was  adroit  enough  to  give  it  the  color  of 
being  motived  solely  by  the  desire  that  every  Englishman  abroad 
should  feel  himself  secure  of  the  protective  arm  of  his  government. 
After  his  brilliant  speech  in  defence  of  this  policy,  the  House  of 
Commons  voted  approval  of  his  conduct.  Out  of  regard  to  Russia 
and  France,  however,  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  settle  the  matter 
by  a  compromise. 

Even  the  queen  not  seldom  complained  of  Palmerston's  arbi- 
trary modes  of  procedure,  and  with  the  prince  consort  —  in  whom 
he  saw  her  irresponsible  private  minister  —  his  relations  were  not  a 
little  strained ;  but  this  affected  his  conduct  but  little,  his  rule  of 
action  being  based  on  the  conviction  that  so  long  as  he  enjoyed  the 
confidence  of  the  country  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  any  one. 
When  his  premature  approval  of  Napoleon's  coup  d'Stat  led  to  his 
exclusion  from,  power,  all  the  world  held  his  career  as  definitely 
closed;  but  within  a  few  weeks  he  avenged  himself  on  his  late 
colleagues  by  defeating  them  through  his  amendment  on  their  militia 
bill.  Lord  Derby  formed  a  new  cabinet ;  but  as,  besides  himself  and 
Disraeli,  its  meml)ers  were  men  of  slight  political  capacity,  while 
his  position  was  surrounded  by  difficulties  in  connection  with  the 
corn-laws  and  the  navigation-act,  and,  above  all,  through  the  grow- 
ing popularity  of  the  free  trade  policy  of  the  Manchester  School,  he 


felt  himself  compelled  to  resign,  December  16,  1852.  A  new  ad- 
ministration (Coalition)  was  formed  under  Aberdeen,  the  leader  of 
the  Peel  party,  with  Gladstone,  now  forty-three  years  of  age,  as  its 
leading  spirit.  Even  as  early  as  1838  this  statesman  had  made 
his  name  heard  by  his  book,  "  The  State  in  its  Relations  to  the 
Church,"  and  he  rendered  it  more  illustrious  through  his  brilHancy 
as  a  debater,  and  by  being  the  most  perfect  master  of  parhamen- 
tary  eloquence  among  the  Peelites.  To  the  surprise  of  every  one, 
Palmerston  also  entered  the  ministry ;  and  the  wonder  was  height- 
ened when  he  undertook  not  the  foreign  office,  with  which  he  was 
regarded  as  indissolubly  associated,  but  the  home  department,  with 
which  he  had  had  hitherto  nothing  to  do.  The  desire  of  binding  the 
new  ruler  of  France  more  closely  to  England  was  probably  the 
main  reason  for  his  recall.  But  neither  had  this  cabinet  a  long 
life.  Russell's  withdrawal  and  Roebuck's  motion,  of  which  we 
have  spoken,  brought  about  its  fall ;  and  Palmerston's  elevation  to 
the   premiership   was   now  inevitable. 

The  Crimean  War  was  the  last  occasion  on  which  Ensfland 
interfered  independently  in  Continental  relations.  Parliament  and 
people  were  alike  wearied  out  with  the  strain  put  upon  her  by  this 
struggle ;  and  she  developed  more  and  more  a  disposition  to  inter- 
fere in  foreign  affairs  only  in  a  diplomatic  way,  and  to  let  her 
internal  prosperity  be  disturbed  as  little  as  possible  by  outside 
complications.  The  inability  of  the  fleet  to  cope  with  coast  forti- 
fications, made  manifest  in  the  war,  and  the  Continental  tendency 
towards  colossal  land  forces  raised  by  conscription,  with  which 
England  could  not  vie,  tended  to  conform  this  disposition.  All 
the  more  earnestly,  therefore,  did  she  address  herself  to  opportune 
reforms  at  home.  The  attempts  to  open  the  doors  of  Parliament 
to  Jews  had  more  than  once  been  approved  by  the  Lower  House, 
and  as  often  frustrated  by  the  Lords.  But  after  the  carrying  of 
Russell's  motion  for  the  omission  of  the  formula  *'  on  the  true  faith 
of  a  Christian  "  from  the  oath  administered  to  a  Jew,  Disraeli,  him- 
self a  Jew  l^y  birth,  had,  as  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  Baron  Rothschild  take  his  seat  (July,  1858) 
as  one  of  the  representatives  of  the  city  of  London,  and  Jewish 
emancipation  thereby  converted  into  a  reality.  The  long  antiquated 
rule  requiring  each  member  to  prove  that  he  was  a  landed  proprietor 
was  superseded  by  one  requiring  a  county  member  to  show  that  he 
was  worth  X600  a  year;  a  borough  member,  .£300.     The  yeixv  1857 


saw  the  abolition  of  the  penalty  of  transportation,  first  enacted  in 
1717,  Botany  Bay  having  been  selected  as  the  penal  settlement  in 
1787,  and,  later,  Van  Diemen's  Land  and  Norfolk  Island.  The 
colonists  had  long  protested  against  the  system,  but  in  vain,  till  the 
discovery  of  the  Australian  gold-fields  put  an  end  to  it  conclusively. 
In  1856  Cyrus  M.  Field,  an  American  merchant,  came  to  Liverpool 
to  advocate  the  laying  of  a  submarine  telegraph  cable  across  the 
Atlantic.  The  idea  seemed  to  the  English  mind  cliimerical ;  yet  it 
met  a  better  reception  than  did  the  scheme  of  the  French  engineer, 
Ferdinand  de  Lesseps,  for  cutting  a  canal  through  the  Isthmus  of 
Suez,  a  few  months  later.  Politicians,  capitalists,  engineers,  with 
one  voice  scouted  this,  its  especial  opponent  being  Palmerston,  be- 
cause by  it  Egypt  would  be  still  more  completely  cut  off  from  the 
Turkish  empire  and  a  way  opened  to  the  East  Indies. 

The  events  occurring  beyond  seas,  within  the  wide  sphere  of 
Britain's  influence  and  interests,  stirred  her  peaceful  home-life  only 
on  the  surface.  Wranglings  went  on  persistently  with  China,  who, 
notwithstanding  the  terrible  civil  war  which  lacerated  her  southern 
provinces,  tried  to  escape  from  the  obligations  of  the  peace  of  1842. 
All  attempts  hitherto  made  by  the  native  Chinese  to  eject  the  Tsing 
dynasty  from  its  conquest-won  throne  had  failed  through  their  dread 
of  the  Manchu  troops.  After  the  war  Avith  England  revealed  the 
weakness  of  these  warriors,  these  attempts  gained  in  boldness  and 
persistence.  In  1851  an  adventurer  of  the  name  of  Hung-siu-tsuen 
had  himself  proclaimed  emperor  in  the  province  of  Kwangsi ;  and  on 
his  capture  of  Nanking,  in  March,  1853,  this  city  was  designed  as 
the  central  point  or  capital  of  the  new  empire  of  Tai-ping,  or  Univer- 
sal Peace.  Although  Emperor  Hung,  whose  head  had  been  turned 
by  the  teaching  of  the  missionaries,  gave  himself  out  as  the  younger 
brother  of  Christ,  the  revolt  was  in  reality  nothing  more  than  a 
Chinese  uprising  against  Manchu  domination.  Hung  afflicted  this 
richly  cultivated  district  with  atrocious  cruelty,  but  was  never  able 
to  press  farther  towards  the  north  than  the  Yang-tse-Kiang ;  and  the 
recapture  of  Nanking,  on  July  16, 1864,  by  troops  —  the  '  Ever  Victo- 
rious Army '  —  which  had  been  organized  on  the  European  model  by 
the  American,  Ward,  and  the  Englishman,  Gordon,  made  an  end  of 
the  rebellion,  after  it  had  cost  not  far  from  two  million  lives.  Before 
the  fall  of  the  city  the  Tai-ping  emperor  (Tien-wang)  put  an  end 
by  cremation  to  his  own  life  and  those  of  his  mves. 

The  more  impotent  the  Peking  government  had  shown  itself  to  be 


in  dealing  with  this  rebellion,  the  less  were  the  English  disposed  to 
rest  quiescent  under  such  rude  demonstrations  of  vigor  as  that  given 
by  Yeh,  governor  of  Canton,  in  his  seizure  of  the  lorcha,  or  cutter, 
"  Arrow,"  navigating  the  Si-Kiang  under  the  British  flag.  The  crew 
were  imprisoned  on  the  charge  of  piracy,  and  the  British  consul's 
demand  for  their  release  refused  on  the  plea  that  the  vessel  was  not 
English  but  Chinese,  without  any  right  to  carry  British  colors.  The 
Chinese  exasperation  over  the  coolie-trade,  through  which,  under  the 
pretext  of  hiring  free  labor,  the  British  tried  to  make  up  for  the  loss 
of  slaves  in  their  colonies,  had  doubtless  a  part  in  prompting  this 
energetic  action  of  the  mandarin.  But  Sir  John  Bowring,  the  Brit- 
ish governor  of  Hong  Kong,  at  once  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and 
demanded,  not  only  compensation,  but  a  pledge  that  no  such  occur- 
rence should  be  repeated  in  the  future,  threatening  reprisals  unless 
full  satisfaction  were  given  within  forty-eight  hours.  The  dread  of 
consequences  induced  Yeh  to  comphance ;  but  Bowring,  neverthe- 
less, caused  Admiral  Seymour  to  cannonade  Canton,  and  destroy  a 
large  number  of  junks.  To  tliis  violent  procedure  Yeh  replied  by 
setting  a  price  on  the  head  of  every  Englishman.  The  matter  at- 
tracted great  attention  in  England  ;  and,  although  the  House  of  Lords 
rejected  a  vote  of  censure  on  the  British  authorities  in  China,  —  pro- 
posed by  Lord  Derby,  —  the  Lower  House,  on  the  motion  of  Cobden, 
supported  by  Gladstone,  Disraeli,  Roebuck,  Lytton,  and  Russell, 
adopted  such  a  vote  by  a  majority  of  sixteen.  Yet,  though  the 
modern  world  had  scarcely  seen  such  a  flagrant  abuse  of  the  power 
of  the  stronger,  Palmerston,  trusting  to  the  popular  feeling  in  regard 
to  the  sacredness  of  the  British  flag,  instead  of  resigning,  appealed 
to  the  country  and  carried  a  triumphant  victory.  Cobden  and  the 
other  leaders  of  the  Manchester  party  lost  their  seats,  and  '  the  great 
war-minister '  returned  to  office  stronger  than  ever. 

Suddenly,  however,  England  received  a  shock,  such  as  had 
scarcely  been  known  to  history.  On  July  23,  1857,  London  cele- 
brated the  centenary  of  the  battle  of  Plasse}^  which  established 
British  rule  in  India ;  and  almost  simultaneously  with  this  a  mutiny 
broke  forth  in  that  land  that  shook  her  sway  to  its  very  foundations. 
Undoubtedly  India  had  been  indebted  to  British  rule  for  many  bless- 
ings. The  administration  of  Lord  Dalhousie  (governor-general  from 
1847),  especially,  had  been  distinguished  by  a  series  of  the  most 
beneficent  reforms,  —  among  which  may  be  reckoned  the  construc- 
tion of  highways,  railroads,  and  canals,  the  institution  of  the  tele- 


graph,  and  of  a  postal  and  native  educational  system,  the  promotion 
of  irrigation,  and  the  suppression  of  infanticide  and  widow-burning. 
lie  added  the  Panjab  to  the  empire ;  and,  after  Lord  Gough  had 
subdued  the  Sikhs  and  driven  their  confederates,  the  Afghans,  back 
through  the  mountain-passes,  he  overran  Burma,  and  compelled  its 
king  to  cede  the  province  of  Pegu,  Moreover,  the  death  of  every 
Indian  prince  was  made  a  pretext  for  declaring  that  his  domains  had 
fallen  into  the  empire.  In  this  way  Nagpur,  Satterah,  Jhansi,  and 
Berar  were  annexed  in  succession,  and  finally  the  kingdom  of  Oudh, 
which  alone  contributed  a  population  of  from  four  to  five  millions. 
The  costHest  and  most  tangible  trophy  of  his  successes  was  the  fa- 
mous Koh-i-nur  diamond,  surrendered  by  the  maharajah  of  Lahore 
to  Dalhousie,  and  by  him  sent  to  Queen  Victoria. 

These  innovations,  deeply  affecting  the  conditions  of  Hindu  life, 
and  the  overthrow  in  rapid  succession  of  so  many  thrones  regarded  as 
sacred,  roused  a  wave  of  excitement  that  passed  through  the  whole 
native  population,  and  stirred  it  up  to  redoubled  antipathy  to  foreign 
rule.  Fanatics  promulgated  an  old  prophecy  that  this  rule  was  to 
endure  only  for  a  hundred  years ;  the  Afghan  war  had  shown  that 
British  soldiers  were  not  invincible ;  the  mischances  of  the  Crimean 
War,  which  Oriental  fantasy  had  exaggerated  extravagantly,  and, 
above  all,  the  successes  of  Russia  in  Asia,  had  impressed  the  Hindus 
Avith  the  conviction  that  England's  power  was  on  the  wane.  More- 
over, they  knew  that  she  was  on  the  eve  of  hostilities  with  China, 
and  that  General  Outram,  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force,  was 
in  motion  upon  Persia,  against  which  the  governor-general  had  de- 
clared war,  because  it  had,  at  the  instigation  of  Russia  and  in  viola- 
tion of  its  engagements  with  England,  compelled  the  surrender  of 
Herat.  The  fulness  of  time  for  a  rising  seemed  to  have  come,  and 
a  spark  only  was  needed  to  start  the  inflammable  material  into 
flame.  This  spark  was  supplied  by  the  introduction  among  the 
native  (Sepoy)  troops  of  the  Enfield  rifle,  whose  cartridges,  opened 
with  the  teeth,  were  said  to  be  greased  with  a  mixture  of  tallow  and 
lard.  To  the  Hindu  the  cow  is  a  sacred  animal ;  to  the  Mohamme- 
dan the  swine  is  unclean.  Although  the  governor-general  had  caused 
this  nnnor  to  be  denied  on  authority,  the  Sepoys  remained  fast  in 
their  conviction  that  this  was  part  of  a  plot  against  their  religion  as 
well  as  against  their  cherished  system  of  caste.  A  spirit  of  disaffec- 
tion diffused  itself  everywhere ;  whole  bodies  of  troops  refused  to 
handle  the  new  weapons,  and  the  severe  punishments  inflicted  served 


only  to  enhance  the  embitterment.  Military  grievances,  national 
hate,  and  religious  fanaticism  all  conspired  to  the  same  end.  Native 
princes,  too,  participated  in  the  movement ;  and  —  what  the  English 
never  dreamed  of — Mohammedans  and  Hindus  forgot  their  reUgious 
antipathies  to  unite  in  accomplishing  the  overthrow  of  British  su- 
premacy in  India.  In  the  north  there  were  120,000  Sepoys  in  the 
British  service  ;  of  Europeans  but  22,000.  The  native  troops  in  all 
the  three  presidencies  amounted  to  300,000 ;  the  European,  to  only 
43,000,  and  of  these  5000  were  in  the  field  against  Persia,  the  rest 
being  dispersed  over  an  immense  extent  of  territory.  The  prospects 
for  a  revolt  could  scarcely  be  more  favorable. 

On  May  10,  1857,  witliin  a  year  after  Lord  Canning  became  Dal- 
housie's  successor,  the  mutiny  broke  openly  forth  at  Äleerut.  The 
Sepoys  massacred  their  officers  and  other  Europeans,  and  liberated 
eighty  of  their  comrades  who  had  been  sentenced  to  ten  years'  im- 
prisonment for  insubordination.  The  European  troops,  indeed,  ral- 
lied and  repelled  the  mutineers  ;  but  the  latter  now  threw  themselves 
into  Delhi,  and,  proclaiming  the  octogenarian  king  —  a  descendant  of 
Timur  and  a  pensioner  of  the  East  Indian  Company  —  emperor  of 
India,  planted  the  flag  of  rebellion  on  his  palace.  Immense  quanti- 
ties of  warlike  supplies  fell  into  their  hands ;  the  Sepoys  of  the 
neighboring  districts  joined  them ;  the  mutiny  had  become  a  national 
and  religious  war. 

Although  warning  voices  had  not  been  wanting  to  admonish 
England  of  her  peril,  yet  the  tidings  of  the  outbreak  struck  her 
like  a  thunderbolt.  The  news  of  the  wholesale  massacres,  especially 
of  the  atrocious  cruelties  perpetrated  on  defenceless  women  and 
children,  sent  a  thrill  of  horror  through  the  heart  of  the  nation  that 
sank  all  thought  for  the  preservation  of  India  in  its  thirst  for 
vengeance.  Fortunately  Lord  Canning  did  not  let  himself  be  carried 
away  by  this  furor  of  passion,  but  acted  with  thoughtful  discretion. 
On  his  own  responsibility  he  retained  the  troops  destined  for  China, 
and  used  them  for  the  suppression  of  the  rising.  Luckily  for  him 
the  war  with  Persia  was  of  short  duration.  Through  the  mediation 
of  France  it  was  brought  to  a  close  by  a  peace  signed  in  Paris, 
March  4,  1857,  according  to  which  the  shah,  in  consideration  of 
England's  retrocession  of  her  conquests,  evacuated  Herat,  and 
pledged  himself,  in  the  event  of  future  comphcations  with  Afglianis- 
tan,  to  call  on  the  good  offices  of  England.  The  efforts  to  preserve 
the    presidencies   of    Madras   ^nd   Bombay  from    the  contagion    of 


rebellion  proved  successful;  while  the  Sepoys  stationed  in  Lahore 
were  disarmed,  and  the  Northwest  Provinces  thus  made  safe.  The 
Panjab  was  held  in  obedience  by  Chief  Commissioner  General  John 
Lawrence,  and  by  this  the  most  indispensable  condition  secured : 
viz.,  a  basis  for  operations  against  Delhi.  Moreover,  certain  of  the 
native  princes  and  rulers  continued  steadfast  in  their  loyalty  to  Eng- 
land, particularly  the  Maharajah  Sindhia  of  Gwalior,  and  Rani, 
princess  of  Jhansi,  who,  in  the  uniform  of  a  cavalry  officer,  led  her 
troops  to  battle  in  person. 

But  all  this  did  not  prevent  the  mutiny  from  breaking  out  at 
other  points,  while  the  siege  of  Delhi  was  dragging  along  its  slow 
length  under  many  difficulties.  In  Lucknow,  Sir  Henry  Lawrence, 
governor  of  Oudh,  had  to  retire  with  men,  women,  and  cliildren 
into  the  fortified  residence,  and  there  sustain  a  harassing  siege  till 
he  was  killed  by  a  shot.  The  commandant  of  Cawnpore,  General 
Sir  Hugh  Wheeler,  had  called  on  him  for  help ;  but  as  not  a  man 
was  to  be  spared  from  Lucknow,  Sir  Hugh  addressed  liimseK  to  his 
neighbor.  Nana  Sahib,  esteemed  as  loyal,  who  hurried  to  him  with 
well-feigned  readiness.  In  reality  Nana  was  athirst  for  revenge, 
because  the  English  government  had  denied  him  a  competent  pen- 
sion. No  sooner  had  he  arrived  than  he  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  mutineers.  The  English  —  465  men,  280  women,  and  as 
many  children  —  hemmed  in  at  the  magazine,  heroically  repulsed  all 
assaults.  Nana,  in  despair  of  mastering  them  by  force,  pledged  him- 
self that  they  should  have  free  departure  on  condition  of  delivering 
up  their  arms.  There  was  no  alternative  left  them.  But  when  they 
were  in  the  act  of  embarking  on  the  Ganges  the  men  were  treacher- 
ously attacked  and  shot  down,  while  the  women  and  children  were 
seized  as  prisoners.  But  General  Havelock,  with  1000  English 
soldiers  and  six  cannon,  was  already  on  the  march,  and,  after  forcing 
his  way  in  the  face  of  numerous  bands  far  superior  in  numbers, 
appeared  before  CaAvnpore.  Infuriated  with  rage.  Nana  massacred 
his  defenceless  prisoners,  throwing  several  while  yet  alive  into  a 
well,  and  then  ventured  a  battle  before  the  city-gates.  Defeated,  he 
sought  refuge  amidst  the  jungles  and  swamps  of  Nepal  and  was 
never  more  heard  of.  His  lieutenant  and  accomplice,  Tantia  Topi, 
was  captured  at  a  later  period,  and  hanged.  Delhi,  after  a  long 
and  obstinate  siege,  was  taken  by  storm  by  General  Archidale  Wilson, 
the  king  with  his  family  captured,  his  palace  looted,  three  of  his 
princes  shot  down  without  formality,  and  he  himself  sentenced  to 


transportation.  General  Outram — now  back  from  Persia — was  sent 
to  Oudh  with  unlimited  authority,  but  generously  resigned  to  Have- 
lock  the  noble  task  of  relieving  Lucknow,  and  dehvering  those  shut 
up  in  it  from  the  fate  of  the  Cawnpore  victims.  Havelock  forced 
his  way  thither  in  the  face  of  heavy  opposition,  but  was  himself 
shut  in,  and  had  to  wait  till  Sir  Colm  Campbell  —  now  named 
commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  in  India  —  reheved  him  in  turn, 
and  conveyed  his  sick  and  wounded,  women  and  children  in  safety 
to  Calcutta.  Worn  out  with  his  heroic  labors,  Havelock  died  on 
November  24.  Campbell  thereupon  took  Cawnpore ;  and  on  March 
19,  1858,  the  resolutely  defended  Lucknow  —  the  two  main  foci  of 
rebellion.  The  mutiny,  conducted  without  plan  or  system,  now 
gradually  died  out,  and  the  warrior  gave  place  to  the  executioner, 
who  carried  out  his  task  with  merciless  severity  and  unwearied 
assiduity.  On  May  1,  1859,  England  was  able  to  celebrate  the  sup- 
pression of  the  mutiny  by  a  day  of  general  thanksgiving. 

The  rising  resulted  in  putting  an  end  to  the  rule  of  the  East 
India  Company.  In  point  of  fact  the  administration  of  India  had 
for  a  long  time  been  out  of  its  unhmited  control.  The  Board  of 
Directors  was  only  partially  nominated  by  the  company,  the  govern- 
ment also  naming  a  part,  while  through  the  Board  of  Control  it  had 
the  power  of  reviewing  and  modifying  the  decrees  of  the  company. 
The  governor-general  was  named  by  the  crown.  The  company  had 
the  power  of  recalling  him.  On  the  whole,  the  system  of  double 
government  had  long  been  found  to  be  cumbrous  and  unworkable. 
The  revolt  simply  demonstrated  the  impossibihty  of  continuing  it. 
Already,  in  1853,  the  privileges  of  the  company  had  not  been  re- 
newed, as  usual,  for  a  definite  period,  but  only  till  parliament  should 
otherwise  determine  ;  and  now  by  enactment  of  the  latter  the  entire 
government  of  India  was  vested  in  the  crown,  September  1,  1858. 
Queen  Victoria  was  jDroclaimed  sovereign  throughout  all  India,  and 
Lord  Canning  became  her  first  viceroy. 

The  Indian  mutiny  had  operated  to  defer  the  war  with  China. 
In  this  England  now  found  a  coadjutor  in  France,  who  had  long 
felt  herself  aggrieved  by  the  Middle  Empire,  through  the  refusal 
of  satisfaction  for  the  murder  of  her  missionaries.  Moreover,  it 
seemed  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  very  seasonably  expedient  to  unite 
his  arms  once  more  with  those  of  England,  and  that  in  an  enterprise 
presenting  few  difficulties.  As  the  Chinese  remained  obdurate,  Can- 
ton was  taken  possession  of  by  the  united  fleets,  and  the  Mandarin 


Yeh  made  prisoner.  But  not  till  the  allies  proceeded  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Pei-ho  River,  and,  capturing  the  forts  there,  sailed  up  the 
stream,  did  the  pride  of  the  Chinese  government  abase  itself.  The 
Treaty  of  Tientsin,  concluded  by  it  with  Lord  Elgin  and  Baron 
Gros  (June  26-27,  1858),  granted  to  England  and  France  the  right 
of  maintaining  embassies  at  the  court  of  Peking,  and  reciprocal  rights 
to  the  Emperor  of  China  at  London  and  Paris.  Toleration  was 
secured  for  Christians,  and  freer  ingress  for  the  ships  of  the  allies 
into  Chinese  waters,  and  for  their  subjects  into  the  interior  of  the 
country.  China  paid  the  costs  of  the  war,  and  Europeans  were  no 
longer  to  be  branded  as  barbarians.  Russia  and  the  United  States 
became  parties  to  the  treaty.  The  French  Admiral  Rigault  de 
Genouilly  took  advantage  of  his  presence  in  Eastern  waters  to 
demand,  in  concert  with  Spain,  satisfaction  from  the  king  of  Annam 
for  the  murder  of  missionaries  and  Christian  converts  in  his  terri- 
tory. On  February  17,  1859,  he  captured  Saigun,  defeating  an 
army  advancing  to  its  relief.  The  king  of  Annam .  thereupon  sued 
for  peace,  but  the  negotiations  fell  through.  Not  till  1866  did  hos- 
tilities come  to  a  close,  and  France  enter  upon  the  by  no  means 
tranquil  possession  of  a  new  colony. 

The  Peace  of  Tientsin  was  but  short-lived.  When  the  represen- 
tatives of  England  and  France  were  on  their  way  to  Peking  for  the 
exchange  of  ratifications  they  found  their  way  barred  by  the 
(restored)  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pei-ho  river,  whose  command- 
ants declared  themselves  without  authority  to  permit  their  passage. 
They  offered,  indeed,  to  apply  to  Peking  for  such  authority;  but 
Admiral  Hope,  regarding  this  as  only  one  of  the  customary  Chinese 
evasions,  attempted  to  effect  the  passage  by  force,  but  was  repulsed. 
Although  the  British  government  manifested  little  desire  to  proceed 
to  extremities,  it  allowed  itself  to  be  overruled  by  the  French  em- 
peror, who  was  anxious  at  once  to  give  the  world  assurance  of  the 
firmness  of  the  English  alliance,  and  to  satisfy  his  clergy  of  his  care 
for  their  interests,  as  well  as  to  gratify  his  people's  craving  for  a 
new  sensation.  On  August  30,  1860,  the  allies  made  themselves 
masters  of  the  Kaku  forts  at  the  mouth  without  firing  a  shot,  then 
captured,  after  an  obdurate  struggle,  those  lying  on  the  left  bank, 
whereupon  the  rest  surrendered,  and  the  way  was  open  to  Tientsin. 
A  mandarin  of  the  first  class  was  found  here,  and  preliminaries  of 
peace  were  agreed  on.  On  a  sudden  the  Chinese  diplomat  vanished. 
The  whole  thing  was  a  ruse  to  give  the  Chinese  cornmander,  San-ko- 


li-tsin,  time  to  organize  renewed  resistance.  The  approach  of  winter 
counselled  prompt  action,  and  the  allied  generals  decided  to  march 
on  Peking.  On  the  way  they  were  met  by  Prince  Tsai  and  War- 
Mmister  Khung,  but  again  the  object  was  only  to  gain  time.  Of 
six  Englishmen  and  twelve  Frenchmen  who,  through  treachery,  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Chinese,  some  were  murdered,  and  the  others 
barbarously  maltreated.  Advance  was  barred  by  50,000  Tatars, 
who,  in  the  battle  that  ensued,  were  completely  routed.  Even  this 
did  not  altogether  discourage  the  Chinese,  At  the  bridge  of  Palikao, 
crossing  the  canal,  the  allies  were  again  assailed  by  immense  masses 
of  Tatar  horsemen,  armed,  however,  only  with  matchlocks  or  bows, 
and  wholly  ignorant  of  the  art  of  war.  .  These,  too,  were  cleared  out 
of  the  way  and  the  road  stood  open  to  Peking.  Prince  Kong,  the 
emperor's  younger  brother,  now  made  his  appearance  with  a  petition 
for  cessation  of  hostilities ;  but  as  the  Chinese  refused  the  imme- 
diate release  of  the  prisoners,  the  advance  was  continued  unchecked. 
For  the  first  time  European  feet  trod  the  streets  of  the  capital  of  the 
Heavenly  Empire,  which,  up  to  this  time,  fancy  had  exaggerated 
beyond  measure.  They  found  it,  as  well  as  the  imperial  palace, 
deserted.  The  permission  granted  to  his  troops  by  the  French  com- 
mander-in-chief, Montauban  (Fig.  23)  to  cany  away  '  mementoes ' 
from  the  latter  resulted  in  the  most  shameful  looting  of  the  elegant 
buildings  filled  with  costly  objects  of  all  kinds.  The  summer  pal- 
ace —  Yuen-Ming-Yuen  —  with  all  its  irreplaceable  treasures.  Lord 
Elgin  gave  to  the  flames  in  retribution  for  the  inhuman  treatment 
of  the  captives.  Yet  the  situation  of  the  alHes  —  to  whom  the  court, 
which  had  taken  refuge  in  Manchuria,  was  inaccessible  —  began  to 
become  critical,  when,  thanks  to  the  exertions  of  Prince  Kong,  and 
the  mediation  of  the  Russian  minister,  peace  was  concluded,  October 
25,  1860.  This  conceded  to  the  European  powers  the  right  of  hav- 
ing representatives  in  Peking,  and  opened  Tientsin  and  other  cities 
to  commerce,  guaranteed  a  war  indemnity  of  8,000,000  taels,  made 
emigration  from  China  free,  and  ceded  to  England  the  district  of 
Cowloon.  Shortly  thereafter  (August,  1861)  the  emperor  Hienfong 
died;  and  Prince  Kong,  who  acted  as  regent  for  his  youthful  nephew, 
Tungchi,  taught  by  experience,  renouncing  the  traditional  Chinese 
system  of  isolation,  concluded  commercial  treaties  with  other  coun- 
tries, including  Prussia,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Denmark.  The  west- 
ern powers  lent  the  regent  armed  assistance  in  suppressing  the 
Tai-ping  rebellion. 

Vol.  XIX.— 7 



Fig.  23.  —  Montauban,  Count  of  Talikao.     From  a  photograph. 

JAPAN.  99 

Unacceptable  as  this  great  change  might  be,  and  was,  to  the 
people  and  officials  of  China,  yet  the  epoch-making  fact  was  accom- 
plished of  the  opening  of  Eastern  Asia  and  its  introduction  into  the 
community  of  nations.  China's  neighbor  nationality,  Japan,  on 
recognizing  the  inevitable,  submitted  yet  more  readily  to  the  same 

The  heaven-born  head  of  tliis  empire,  the  Mikado,  or  Tenno, 
descended  from  a  dynasty  that  reached  back  to  the  seventh  century 
before  Christ,  —  the  oldest  on  earth,  —  exercised  his  function  mainly 
through  the  royal  commander-in-chief,  the  Shogun,  or  Tycoon,  side 
by  side  with  whom  the  feudal  aristocracy  of  the  Daimios  gradually 
developed  itself.  But  after  several  of  these  princes  had  made  a  vain 
attempt  in  the  twelfth  century  to  usurp  the  secular  government  to 
themselves,  the  power  of  the  ]\likado  was  gradually  reduced  to  a 
shadow  by  that  of  the  Shogun  — -  now  become  hereditary,  —  and  his 
person  was  detained  in  inaccessible  seclusion.  Intercourse  with 
neighboring  lands  and  immigration  from  them  was  free  till  the  end 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  even  the  introduction  of  Christianity  —  at 
first  through  designing  Portuguese,  then  through  the  superabundant 
zeal  of  the  Jesuits  —  met  no  impediment,  several  even  of  the 
Daimios  consenting  to  baptism.  However,  in  1582,  after  the  peas- 
ant-born Hideyosi  (who  later  assumed  the  title  of  Taikosama  or  Uni- 
A'ersal  Ruler)  attained  through  adoption  the  dynasty  of  the  Shogun, 
and  had  to  contend  with  a  rising  of  the  Daimios  mainly  dependent  on 
Christian  support,  he  not  only  inaugurated  a  system  of  ruthless  per- 
secution of  the  Christians,  but  closed  the  empire  "  forever "  to  all 
foreigners  with  the  exception  of  the  Chinese,  to  whom  (as  later  to 
the  Dutch)  entry  was  conceded  at  a  few  points  under  the  most 
stringent  restrictions.  Natives  were  forbidden  to  leave  the  country 
on  pain  of  death.  Nor  was  a  breach  effected  in  the  iron  wall  of  ex- 
clusion till  the  United  States  gained  an  interest  in  the  matter  by  the 
acquisition  of  California  and  the  rapid  development  of  San  Francisco, 
and  desired,  accordingly,  commercial  relations  wdth  the  western 
shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  especially  harbors  of  refuge  for  her  whal- 
ing fleets.  Then  Commodore  Perry  compelled  the  Shogun  to  sub- 
scribe the  treaty  of  ]\Iarch  31,  1854,  by  which  the  United  States 
acquired  the  right  of  taking  in  wood,  water,  and  provisions  in  the 
harbors  of  Hakodadi  and  Simoda,  and  of  prosecuting  trade  and  es- 
tablishing consulates  there.  These  privileges  were  shortly  after  ex- 
panded and  extended  to  the  other  sea-faring  nations.     A  Japanese 



embassy  visited  Paris  and  London.  But  the  very  suddenness  of  the 
revolution  gave  rise  to  a  violent  reaction.  The  Daimios'  hate  for 
foreigners  found  expression  not  only  in  acts  of  violence  —  for  which 
reprisals  were  exacted  —  but  was  directed  also  against  the  Shogun, 
respect  for  whom  died  away  before  the  exactions  of  the  naval  powers 
and  the  popular  discontent.  In  1866  open  civil  war  broke  out, 
which  ended  in  1868,  with  the  entire  abolition  of  the  Shogunate,  and 
the  restoration  of  the  governing  power  to  the  ISIikado,  wlio  trans- 
ferred his  residence  to  Yedo,  henceforth  named  Tokio.  At  the  same 
time  the  feudal  power  of  the  Daimios  was  utterly  broken,  and  Japan 
entered  on,  and  with  the  single  exception  of  Satsuma's  revolt  in  1877 
persevered  in,  the  path  of  European  progress,  hitherto  so  strange,  at 
a  rate  that  has  astonished  the  world. 



THE  Crimean  War  was  the  grandest  triumph  of  the  Second  Em- 
pire. Napoleon  had  restored  to  France  that  halo  of  martial 
glory  of  which  she  had  been  so  long  deprived,  and  had  dictated  a 
peace  to  Europe.  The  birth  of  a  son  seemed  to  give  the  assurance 
of  permanence  to  the  dynasty.  The  oracle  which  had  hitherto  given 
its  responses  from  St.  Petersburg  was  now  consulted  in  Paris,  where 
the  threads  of  European  policy  centred.  The  visit  of  Prince  Fred- 
erick William  of  Prussia,  bridegroom  of  the  English  princess  Victoria, 
to  the  imperial  court,  in  December,  1856,  was  the  signal  for  a  formal 
pilgimage  of  princes  and  crowned  heads  to  the  Tuileries ;  and  the 
oldest  dynasties  vied  with  each  other  in  their  courtesies  toward  the 
new  potentate.  During  the  Universal  Exposition  the  empire  showed 
itself  in  its  most  brilliant  aspect.  Day  after  day  there  were  reviews 
in  the  Champ-de-Mars  or  festivities  in  the  Tuileries.  The  baptism 
of  the  prince  imperial  was  celebrated  with  unexampled  pomp ;  the 
legate  who  represented  Pope  Pius  IX.  as  godfather  brought  the 
empress  the  consecrated  golden  rose. 

At  home  the  new  sovereignty  seemed  fixed  immovably,  the  clergy 
constituting  one  of  its  strongest  stays.  As  this  body  had  promoted 
the  election  of  Louis  Napoleon,  so  now  it  placed  all  its  resources  at 
his  disposal  and  glorified  the  chosen  of  the  people  as  a  new  Constan- 
tine  and  Charlemagne.  The  Falloux  instruction  law  of  1850  had, 
as  it  were,  set  the  seal  of  consecration  on  the  alliance  and,  although 
it  later  experienced  modifications  by  which  the  power  of  the  clergy 
was  limited  in  favor  of  that  of  the  prefects,  the  former  were  still  left 
abundant  scope  for  extending  their  spiritual  sway  over  the  minds  of 
men.  At  Salette  in  Dauphine  the  Virgin  appeared  to  shepherd- 
children,  and  the  place  became  a  pilgrim-shrine.  The  capture  of 
the  Malakoff  on  Mary's  birthday  the  Ultramontane  bishops  ascribed 
to  this  special  homage  to  the  Mother  of  God ;  and  the  emperor 
dedicated  a  portion  of  the  cannon  captured  in  Sebastopol  for  a 
colossal  statue  in  her  honor  that  should  testify  to  all  time  to  the 



boud  of  union  between  the  empire  and  the  church.  When  on  Janu- 
ary 3,  1857,  Archbishop  Sibour  of  Paris  was  murdered  in  the  Church 
of  St.-Etienne  by  an  unfrocked  priest  (Verges),  the  Ultramontanes 
gave  it  to  be  understood  that  this  was  his  punishment  for  his  opposi- 
tion to  the  dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Conception.  Nevertheless,  the 
law  of  1850  was  accepted  by  the  clerics  as  an  instalment  only ;  and 
Fortoul,  minister  of  instruction,  actually  conceded  the  correctness  of 
their  view  by  laying  the  axe  to  the  root  of  the  University,  so  hated  by 
them.  Of  this  once  so  proud  and  so  powerful  institution,  there  re- 
mained now  little  more  than  the  name.  The  most  renowned 
professors  were  compelled  to  desist  from  teaching  or  voluntarily 
tendered  their  resignations.  The  University  was  then  partitioned 
into  twenty-seven  academies,  the  High  Council  of  Instruction  was 
subverted,  the  College  de  France,  the  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
and  the  other  high  schools  of  science  '  reformed,'  robbed  of  their 
independence  and  of  the  power  of  naming  their  own  members,  which 
henceforth  were  often  intruded  on  them  for  state  reasons.  The 
philosophical  and  literary  courses  in  the  middle  schools  were  so  far 
restricted  that  in  1854  Fortoul  was  able  to  boast  he  had  restored  the 
Trivium  and  Quadrivium.^ 

All  this  tended  to  minimize  the  danger  threatened  the  govern- 
ment from  the  side  of  the  Legitimists.  Though  the  partisans  of 
"  divine  right "  could  not  do  otherwise  than  theoretically  condemn 
the  principle  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  on  wliich  the  empire 
professedly  rested,  yet  they,  with  the  exception  of  the  bigoted 
royalists,  generally  made  their  peace  with  it ;  and  many  of  them 
went  so  far  as  to  accept  office  from  the  new  government.  Nor  did 
the  Orleanists  furnish  more  matter  of  dread.  The  middle  classes, 
from  which  this  party  was  mainly  recruited,  lived  in  such  awe  of 
socialism  and  of  the  system  of  espionage  by  which  they  were 
environed,  that  they  did  not  dare  to  give  even  a  sign  of  life,  while 
the  princes  of  Orleans,  who  hurried  hither  on  the  news  of  Decem- 
ber 2,  found  there  was  nothing  for  them  to  do.  The  judicial  class, 
among  whom  were  found  Dupin,  Portalis,  and  so  many  other  emi- 
nent Orleanists,  gave  in  their  adhesion  without  scruple,  so  that  it 
may  be  said  the  whole  party  of  order  accommodated  itself  to  the 
new  rule  in  order  to  be  saved  from  a  republic.     Guizot,  Salvandy, 

1  The  number  of  "  Arts"  embraced  in  the  full  mediaeval  course  of  learning  was 
seven  :  Grammar,  Logic,  and  Rhetoric  (constituting  the  Trivium)  ;  Music,  Arithmetic, 
Geometry,  and  Astronomy  (the  Quadrivhan).  — Tr. 



Duchätel  and  others  labored  for  a  fusion  of  the  Orleanists  and 
Legitimists,  and  contemplated  the  adoption  of  the  count  of  Paris  l>y 
the  childless  count  of  Chambord  (Fig.  24).  Nemours  went  to 
Frohsdorf  to  meet  the  latter ;  and  the  head  of  the  elder  line  returned 
the  visit,  in  1854,  at  the  house  of  the  widowed  queen,  Marie  Amelie, 
in  England.  But  the  plan  was  wrecked  on  the  insuperable  opposi- 
tion of  the  duchess  of  Orleans,  who  perfectly  recognized  its  essential 

Fig.  24.  —  Comte  de  Chambord.     Prom  a  photograph. 

impracticability.  The  workingmen's  party  and  Socialism  vanished 
from  sight  with  December  2.  It  is  true  the  vanquished  of  that  day 
ralhed  at  points  beyond  the  French  border,  in  order  to  organize  new 
centres  of  conspiracy ;  but  almost  every  one  of  the  governments  ex- 
pelled the  refugees  out  of  regard  for  the  emperor,  England  alone 
offering  them  an  asylum.  The  press  was  bridled  by  the  new  system 
of  '  warnings '  invented  by  Rouher  (Fig.  25),  and  press-offences 
were  withdrawn  from  juries,  and  left  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  criminal 



police  courts.  A  second  conviction  ^\dtliin  a  year  (in  certain  cir- 
cumstances a  single  one)  sufficed  to  infer  suppression  of  the  paper ; 
a  simple  ministerial  order  suspended  it  for  two  months.  Foreign 
journals  could  be  circulated  only  with  the  consent  of  the  govern- 

Fig.  25.  —  Eugene  Rouher.     From  a  photogi-aph. 

If,  after  such  triumphs,  the  empire  required  further  justification 
for  its  existence,  it  seemed  to  find  this  in  the  unparalleled  material 
progress  of  the  nation.  Within  a  year  the  indirect  taxes  increased 
by  61,000,000  francs,  the  five  per  cent  rentes  rose  from  fifty-six  to 
eighty-two.     The  brilliantly  successful  convereion  of  the  latter  into 



four  and  a  half  per  cents  not  only  relieved  the  state  treasury,  but 
threw  cheaper  capital  on  the  market  to  the  animation  of  the  spirit  of 
enterprise.  Nor  did  Napoleon  let  this  lack  for  encouragement  from 
above.  The  last  measures  of  the  time  of  his  dictatorship  had  been 
the  authorization  for  the  establishment  of  land-banks  of  credit,  and 
of  agricultural  chambers  in  the  departments.  In  the  Credit  Mobilier, 
—  an  invention  of  the  brothers  Pereyre  —  there  now  arose  a  new  kind 

Fig.  26.  — Baron  Haussmann,  Prefect  of  the  Department  of  the  Seine. 


From  a 

of  banks  calculated  to  attract  the  mass  of  small  capitalists,  and  so  to 
call  new  industrial  enterprises  into  life.  The  construction  of  canals 
and  railroads  was  stimulated.  With  the  nomination  of  Haussmann 
(Fig.  26)  as  prefect  of  the  Seine  a  new  era  dawned  for  Paris,  which 
changed  the  old  capital,  with  its  narrow,  crooked,  many-cornered 
streets,  into  a  new  city,  strategically  laid  out,  with  wide,  elegant 
boulevards  and  broad,  straight  thoroughfares.  To  the  appropriation 
for  these  works  of  180,000,000  francs,  the  city  itself  added  a  third. 


The  Bois  de  Boulogne  was  converted  into  a  charming  park  ;  and  with 
the  removal  of  the  unsightly  structures  which  separated  the  Tuile- 
ries  from  the  Louvre,  began  the  construction  of  that  complexity  of 
palaces,  the  completion  of  which  the  emperor  celebrated,  August  13, 
1857,  by  the  institution  of  the  St.  Helena  medal. 

One  main  object  in  undertaking  these  great  operations  was  the 
providing  of  remunerative  employment  for  the  working-classes.  The 
problem  of  how  to  amehorate  the  condition  of  the  lower  classes  had 
long  before  this  exercised  the  mind  of  the  political  exile  and  prisoner 
of  Ham.  With  this  end  the  suspension  of  all  public  works  on 
Sundays  and  holidays  was  ordained,  as  well  as  a  reform  in  the 
administration  of  the  badly-ordered  hospitals,  'homes,'  and  pawn- 
shops, while  the  bureaus  for  information  regarding  work  were  organ- 
ized under  rules.  But  the  true  motive  in  all  that  was  done  for  the 
fourth  estate  was  not  a  humane,  but  a  political,  one.  Elevated  by 
the  masses  to  the  supreme  power,  the  emperor  had  nothing  so  much 
to  fear  as  their  discontent.  The  satisfying  of  their  needs  or  cravings 
was,  therefore,  the  prime  object  in  the  system  of  the  Second  Empire. 
Not  loyalty,  but  material  interests,  bound  the  masses  to  it ;  and  this 
impressed  it  with  the  stamp  of  materialism.  The  readiness  with 
which  the  higher  orders,  despite  their  aversion  to  the  empire,  imi- 
tated it  in  this  baser  feature,  gave  alarming  evidence  that  concur- 
rently with  this  brilliant  rehabilitation  of  France  in  respect  of  external 
power,  in  the  country  itself  there  was  going  on  a  process  of  de- 
terioration and  degeneracy  in  political  and  ethical  morality,  for  which 
the  system  of  government  was  largely  responsible.  The  world  of 
rank  and  culture,  now  that  it  could  no  longer  occupy  itself  with 
great  political  questions,  fell  into  a  state,  not  of  lethargy  merely,  but 
of  corruption.  Giving  itself  up  to  idle  and  frivolous  small  talk,  it 
found  its  chief  entertainment  in  the  vices  of  the  court  and  city,  and 
called  into  being  a  peculiar  variety  of  the  periodical  press,  that  pur- 
sued scandal  as  a  specialty,  and  shamelessly  paraded  before  the  public 
eye  the  most  carefully  hidden  secrets  of  private  life.  The  Academy, 
retaining  only  the  shadow  of  its  former  greatness,  would  have  fallen 
altogether  out  of  remembrance,  had  it  not  been  that  in  the  universal 
silence  imposed  on  France  by  the  coup  d'etat,  it  alone  preserved  the 
privilege  of  speech.  To  make  the  characterlessness  of  the  daily 
press  complete,  the  communication  of  official  information  was  trans- 
formed in  the  hands  of  the  prefects  into  a  formal  subvention  of  cer- 
tain papers,  while  others  were  in  the  pay  of  financial  magnates,  and 


promoted  the  game  of  the  bourse,  i.e.,  the  spoliation  of  the  little 
capitalists  for  the  benefit  of  the  great. 

Then,  again,  the  spirit  of  enterprise  set  on  fire  from  above  —  that 
'  democratization  of  capital '  through  the  Credit  Mobilier  and  similar 
institutions,  by  which  the  government  proposed  to  itself  to  play  the 
part  of  Providence  in  regard  to  the  people's  means  —  unchained  a 
mania  for  speculation,  a  sort  of  crazy  dance  around  tlie  golden 
calf,  which  became  all  the  madder  the  less  the  people  found  a  coun- 
tervailing influence  in  their  appreciation  of  higher  interests.  Paris 
became  not  only  th«  centre  of  universal  stock-jobbing,  Init  the  head- 
quarters of  a  luxury  that  scattered  gold  with  full  hands,  and  rev- 
elled in  the  indulgence  of  sensuous  gratifijcation.  If  the  stream  of 
gold  seemed  for  a  moment  to  slacken,  a  new  issue  of  shares  set  it 
again  aflow.  In  this  strange  social  maelstrom  an  entirely  new  class 
of  parvenus  developed  itself,  consisting  of  speculators,  wire-pullers, 
and  the  like,  suddenly  arrived  at  wealth,  who  shared  among  them- 
selves the  spoils  of  the  covj)  cVetat.  In  vain  did  the  emperor  strive 
to  free  himself  from  such  associates.  Once  in  their  toils  he  could 
do  no  other  than  follow  them.  The  new  society  gave  tone  to  the 
court  of  the  Tuileries.  All  its  outside  pomp  and  splendor  were  un- 
availing to  hide  the  pool  of  filth,  libertinage,  scandal,  favoritism,  and 
vulgar  baseness  seething  below.  The  development  of  an  immoderate 
luxury  naturally  provoked  questions  regarding  the  sources  of  the 
wealth  that  fed  it ;  and  unsavory  rumors  began  to  float  about  regard- 
ing equivocal  speculations  even  by  persons  in  the  highest  positions. 
The  prince  consort  detected  even  in  those  about  the  person  of  the 
emperor  somewhat  of  the  odor  of  the  canteen  and  the  barracks.  It 
was  the  part  of  no  one  so  much  as  of  the  first  lady  of  the  land  to 
inspire  her  court  circle  with  a  nobler  spirit,  but  for  this  the  Empress 
Eugenie  (Plate  VIII.)  was  qualified  by  the  culture  neither  of  her 
head  nor  heart.  Notwithstanding  her  beauty,  she  did  not  under- 
stand how  to  win  the  love  of  a  people  whose  pride  was  little  grati- 
fied by  ha\'ing  a  parvenue  for  their  sovereign.  Just  as  little  was 
her  husband  qualified  to  drag  his  court  up  out  of  the  mire ;  not  so 
much,  probably,  because  he  himself  set  it  a  miserably  dissolute  exam- 
ple, as  because  he  sacredly  cherished  the  principle  of  his  uncle,  that 
men  are  most  easily  ruled  through  their  vices. 

Thus  the  empire  became  immeshed  more  and  more  in  its  own 
essential  contradictions.  It  boasted  that  it  was  based  on  the  true 
democracy,   and  was  bondage ;  it  promised  its  people  a  golden  age, 


and  slaughtered  freedom  of  thought ;  it  announced  itself  as  peace, 
and  was  born,  lived,  and  died  in  war ;  it  swaggered  like  a  bully,  and 
was  in  terror  for  its  life.  Intrinsically  unable  to  maintain  itself  in 
a  land  which  had  lost  the  power  of  enduring  a  permanent  form  of 
government,  it  required  the  glory  of  a  commanding  position  abroad 
to  secure  for  any  time  its  sway  at  home.  But  even  this  glory- 
resembled  the  i(/ms  fatnvs  which  deludes  men  into  the  morass. 
It  bore  in  its  bosom  germs  that  were  to  develop  later  so  fatally  for 
France, —  viz.,  Italian  unity  and  an  aggravation  of  the  rivalry  between 
Austria  and  Prussia. 

The  personal  character  of  the  emperor  operated  to  enhance  the 
difficulties  of  the  situation.  Napoleon  III.  held  himself  specially 
called  to  determine  the  lot  of  the  nations.  He  justly  recognized  the 
power  that  national  sentiment  has  acquired  in  modern  times,  but  the 
principle  of  nationality  that  he  deduced  therefrom  was  to  be  made 
serviceable  to  him  in  destroying  the  relics  of  the  tieaties  of  1815. 
Among  the  projects  engendered  in  his  brain,  that  of  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  Italy  in  a  national  sense  had,  since  the  failure  of  the  Vienna 
conference,  taken  a  more  defined  form.  His  own  personal  traditions, 
as  well  as  those  of  his  family,  pointed  in  the  same  direction ;  and 
the  reconfirmation  of  Austria's  hegemony  over  the  petty  princes  of 
the  peninsula  was  as  repugnant  to  the  new  principle  as  to  French 
self-love.  The  more  that  he  was  thus  brought  into  opposition  to 
this  power,  the  more  did  he  cultivate  closer  relations  with  Russia. 
Even  as  early  as  the  Congress  of  Paris  this  was  apparent.  Count 
Morny,  France's  representative  at  the  coronation  at  Moscow,  was 
received  with  marked  distinction.  In  July,  1857,  a  commercial 
treaty  was  concluded  between  the  empires,  while  a  personal  meeting 
of  their  sovereigns,  accompanied  by  their  ministers  Gortcliakoff 
and  Walewski,  at  Stuttgart,  led,  if  not  to  a  closer  bond  of  alliance, 
at  least  to  a  better  understanding. 

The  state  of  matters  in  the  various  Italian  states  had  become 
so  intolerable  as  to  make  its  longer  endurance  impossible.  On  the 
Lombardo-Venetian  provinces  the  hand  of  the  conqueror  pressed 
heavily ;  and,  far  from  trying  to  conciliate  the  people  through  mild- 
ness, he  had  made  martial  law  the  sole  law  in  the  land.  The 
supreme  court  was  removed  from  Verona  to  Vienna,  and  oppressive 
taxation  seemed  to  vie  with  the  silk-worm  disease  in  reducing  the 
people  to  abject  poverty.  Austria's  short-sighted  brutality  had 
thoroughly  alienated  the  subject  Italians.     In  Modena  the  childless 


condition  of  Duke  Francis  V.  made  it  probable  that  his  land  would 
soon  be  an  inheritance  of  the  Austrian  crown.  Duke  Charles  III. 
of  Parma  thought  only  of  pleasure  and  the  means  to  indulge  it,  for 
which  end  the  arbitrary  proscriptions  of  private  property  proved 
specially  effective.  On  March  26,  1853,  this  lascivious  tyrant  was 
slain  by  a  stiletto  in  an  unknown  hand,  and  five  days  thereafter  the 
judge  intrusted  with  the  investigation  of  the  murder  met  the  same 
fate.  The  widowed  duchess  (daughter  of  the  duchess  of  Berry), 
anxious  only  for  the  preservation  of  the  throne  for  her  six-year-old 
son  Robert,  called  men  of  liberal  sentiments  to  her  council,  and  to 
meet  the  land's  complete  financial  ruin  pledged  her  private  property 
for  a  loan,  restricted  the  expenses  of  her  court,  reduced  the 
civil  list  by  a  half,  and  granted  the  exiles  the  right  of  return.  It 
was  all  too  late.  The  embitterment  over  the  ignominies  suffered  by 
the  people  found  vent  in  a  revolt.  At  once  the  Austiians  pressed 
in  from  all  sides  for  its  suppression ;  but  the  judges  who  had  con- 
demned the  ringleaders  to  death  fell  one  after  the  other  under  the 
stiletto.  Soon  the  courageous  duchess  had  to  appear  against  the 
brutal  General  Crenneville  in  defence  of  the  dignity  of  her  crown 
and  the  rights  of  her  land.  She  demanded,  and  at  the  Congress  of 
Paris  achieved  the  withdrawal  of  the  Austrians  (who  held  now  only 
Piacenza),  and  refused  to  renew  the  customs'  union  with  their 

Tuscany,  too,  remained  till  1855  in  the  occupation  of  the 
Austrians.  Although  the  grand  duke  had  been  restored  by  his  o\Ani 
people,  yet  the  emperor  of  Austria,  the  head  of  his  house,  did  not 
save  him  this  humiliation.  A  veto  was  put  upon  his  contem- 
plated re-establishment  of  the  constitution ;  it  had,  on  the  contrary, 
to  be  completely  abrogated.  The  press  Avas  gagged.  The  concordat 
Avith  the  papal  chair  of  April  25,  1851,  rescinded  the  clause  in  the 
constitution  guaranteeing  religious  equality.  Jewish  doctors  were 
permitted  to  treat  none  but  Jewish  patients;  and  the  family  of 
iNIadai,  to  the  scandal  of  the  whole  civilized  world,  were  thrown  into 
prison  for  reading  the  Bible  Avith  their  maid-servant.  In  Naples 
the  bigoted  and  imperfectly  educated  King  Ferdinand  II.  had  but 
one  thought, —  the  abasement  and  subjugation  of  the  middle  classes. 
For  this  end,  and  to  make  the  re-enactment  of  a  constitution  im- 
possible, he  availed  himself  of  the  purposely  instigated  excesses  of 
the  populace,  and  by  shutting  up  his  land  against  the  rest  of  the 
world  sought  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  the  Revolution,  and  thus  to 


obviate  any  pretext  for  foreign  interference.  The  local  authorities 
were  chosen  from  the  most  incapable  and  most  servile  of  the  people ; 
fathers  were  denied  permission  to  send  their  sons  into  the  greater 
cities  for  the  completion  of  their  education  ;  ultimately  even  the 
reading  of  the  official  journals  in  the  coffee-houses  was  forbidden. 
The  scandalously  corrupt  police  were  practically  omnipotent,  and 
political  persecution  brought  misery  and  despair  upon  thousands 
of  families.  The  number  of  persons  imprisoned  was  estimated  at 
30,000,  and  as  many  kept  themselves  in  concealment  or  voluntarily 
exiled  themselves.  Gladstone,  who  investigated  the  harrowing 
atrocities  of  Neapolitan  'justice,'  and  exposed  them  in  a  letter  to 
Lord  Aberdeen  (which  Palmerston  sent  to  the  other  governments), 
condenses  his  judgment  into  these  pregnant  words:  "This  govern- 
ment is  a  negation  of  God." 

But  nowhere  were  matters  in  a  worse  condition  than  in  the 
States  of  the  Church,  where  Cardinal  Secretary  Antonelli,  wdth  a 
hand  merciless  as  it  was  supple,  had  enforced  the  re-establishment 
of  priestly  domination.  Executions  were  the  order  of  the  day.  The 
discovery  of  traces  of  wide-spreading  plots  in  the  Holy  City  itself, 
whose  threads  led  up  to  JNIazzini  and  the  revolutionary  committee, 
drove  Pope  Pius  IX.  yet  more  unreservedly  into  the  arms  of  the  reac- 
tion. Of  his  so  much  vaunted  reforms  the  last  relics  disappeared. 
The  whole  official  body  was  unreliable;  and  the  spy-system  and  brig- 
andage flourished  side  by  side,  the  latter  to  such  an  extent  that  many 
bishops  were  unable  to  visit  parts  of  their  dioceses.  Of  the  soil,  six- 
tenths  were  held  in  mortmain  ;  three-tenths  were  held  by  princes, 
mostly  relatives  of  former  popes ;  only  one-tenth  was  in  the  hands 
of  private  proprietors.  And  while  the  great  church  estates,  notwith- 
standing the  yearly  deficits,  were  almost  tax-free,  the  small  proper- 
ties were  unmercifully  taxed.  The  papal  army  sank  back  into  its 
old  contemptible  condition.  In  the  city  F'rench  soldiers  were  re- 
quired to  maintain  not  only  the  peace,  but  the  pope's  secular  author- 
ity:  in  the  country,  Austrians.  From  1849  to  1856  the  latter 
executed  500  persons  by  sentence  of  court-martial.  Nothing  tended 
so  much  to  alienate  the  hearts  of  his  subjects  from  the  Holy  Father 
as  this  foreign  occupation.      Religion  itself  suffered  from  it. 

Thus  the  Reaction  and  the  doings  of  its  patron,  Austria,  had  the 
effect  of  directing  the  eyes  of  the  friends  of  freedom  and  country  on 
Sardinia,  whi(;h,  even  after  the  defeat  of  Novara,  was  not  to  be 
moved  to  propitiate  the  clemency-  of  the  victor  by  entering  on  the 


Fi"om  a  photograph. 
History  of  All  Nations,  Vol.  XIX.,  page  HI. 


path  of  retrogression.  The  right  to  independence  achieved,  despite 
this  misadventure,  on  fields  of  blood,  it  had  first  vindicated  at  home 
by  withstanding  the  arrogance  of  the  priesthood,  which,  up  to  18-48, 
had  ruled  uncontrolled  in  palace,  school,  and  family,  had  filled  every 
office  with  its  tools,  and  through  them  had  played  the  spy  on  the 
king  himself.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  the  ministers  d'Azeglio 
and  Siccardi  made  an  effort  for  the  mitigation  of  the  priestly  yoke,  by 
treating  with  Rome  for  some  restriction  on  the  prerogatives  of  the 
clergy.  Baffled  in  this,  the  adminstration  set  to  work  independently, 
and  the  Siccardi  bill  of  February  27,  1850,  subjected  the  clergy  in 
every  relation  to  the  civil  law.  In  order  to  paralyze  the  grasping 
hand  of  mortmain,  it  required  the  consent  of  the  state  to  the  acqui- 
sition of  landed  property  or  to  the  acceptance  of  bequests  or  gifts  by 
ecclesiastical  corporations.  Horror  took  possession  of  the  clerical 
party  at  this  act  of  sacrilege  !  The  Holy  Father  raised  his  hands  to 
heaven,  and  prayed  merciful  God  to  avert  from  the  people  of  Pied- 
mont the  punishment  due  to  such  impiety,  and  protested  against  the 
law.  The  nuncio  left  Turin;  and  its  archbishop  forbade  his  priests 
to  obey  citations  to  the  secular  tribunals,  and  decreed  the  ban  for  all 
who  took  part  in  the  execution  of  the  law.  The  last  rites  were 
denied  the  dying  minister,  Santa  Rosa,  because  he  refused  to  revoke 
it.  On  the  archbishop  himself  refusing  to  appear  before  the  civil 
court,  he  was  condemned  to  imprisonment,  and  on  his  release  left 
Turin  for  Lyons.     The  archbishop  of  Cagliari  shared  his  fate. 

Cavour  (Plate  IX.)  succeeded  Santa  Rosa  as  minister  of  agri- 
culture and  commerce,  October  11,  1850.  The  king,  on  giving  his 
assent,  jocularly  remarked  to  the  other  ministers  :  "  For  myself,  I  be- 
lieve he  will  heave  you  all  out  of  the  saddle."  With  him  the  man 
destined  to  be  the  author  of  Italian  unity  entered  the  ministry. 

Camillo  Benso,  Count  of  Cavour,  was  bom  in  1810,  of  a  rich 
and  noble  family.  At  first  he  chose  the  military  profession ;  but,  his 
hopes  of  taking  the  field  on  the  side  of  France  against  Austiia  being 
frustrated,  he  retired  from  the  army,  and  devoted  himself  to  agricul- 
ture. A  two  years'  residence  in  London  and  Paris  ripened  his  views 
in  regard  to  general  politics  and  political  economy.  An  avowed 
enemy  of  Mazzini  and  "  Young  Italy,"  he  was  none  the  less  an 
ardent  patriot.  He  was  a  partner  with  Balbo  and  d'Azeglio  (Fig.  27) 
in  establishing  the  journal  11  Risorgimeyito.  In  parliament,  where  he 
represented  his  native  city,  Turin,  from  1849.  he  was  the  leader  of  the 
Right  Centre,  without,  however,  distinguishing  himself  as  an  orator. 



But  a  thorough  mastery  of  details,  combined  with  clearness  of  vision, 
practical  ability,  and  decision,  made  him  a  statesman,  while  what 
was  wanting  to  him  in  many-sidedness  was  compensated  by  his  warm 

Fig.  27.  —  Massimo  d'  Azeglio.     From  a  photograph. 

love  for  country,  his  mental  vigor,  indomitable  capacity  for  work, 
and  firm  beHef  in  the  nobility  of  human  nature. 

Cavour's  entry  into  the  ministry  implied  reform  —  energetic, 
indeed,  but  well-considered.  From  the  extremes,  Right  or  Left,  he 
held  himself    equally  aloof.     First  of   all,   in  conformity  with  his 


political  and  free  trade  principles,  he  sought  by  entering  into  com- 
mercial treaties  with  France,  England,  and  Belgium  to  bring 
the  imperfectly  developed  Sardinia  into  immediate  communication 
with  these  civilized  and  politically  advanced  nationalities.  He 
labored  to  cover  the  land  with  a  network  of  railroads,  which,  by  the 
tunnelling  of  Mont  Cenis  (begun  August,  1857)  were  to  connect 
with  the  French  system.  But  he  found,  to  his  sorrow,  how  little  he 
could  reckon  on  most  of  his  colleagues ;  even  the  nation  was  slow  to 
arouse  itself  from  its  lethargy.  The  couj)  cVetat  of  December  2, 
1851,  he  hailed,  therefore,  with  pleasure,  because  he  at  once  com- 
prehended that  it  involved  consequences  which  might  inure  to  the 
advancement  of  the  Italian  cause.  D'Azeglio  himself  indicated 
Cavour  as  his  successor;  and  on  November  4,  1852,  the  latter  took 
his  place  at  the  head  of  the  mimstrv. 

The  first  object  of  the  new  premier  was  to  show  the  world  that 
the  Sardinian  people  knew  how  to  reconcile  order  and  freedom. 
Austria,  incensed,  and  blinded  by  thirst  for  revenge,  believed  that  it 
had  found  in  a  foolish  Milanese  revolt,  which  ]\Iazzini  promoted 
from  Ticino  as  a  republican  prelude  to  a  general  rising  against 
foreign  rule,  the  best  opportunity  for  wreaking  its  vengeance  on  its 
hated  neighbor.  Clear  as  Cavour  had  kept  himself  from  being  in 
any  way  implicated  in  Mazzini's  schemes,  yet  as  representative  of 
Sardinia,  which  rejected  all  admonitions  to  renounce  its  constitu- 
tional aspirations,  he  was  pilloried  before  all  Europe  as  a  member  of 
the  European  revolutionary  committee,  and  so  calumniated  as  to  ap- 
pear in  its  eyes  the  basest  of  mortals.  Although  the  most  searching 
investigation  failed  to  discover  any  trace  of  connection  between  ]Maz- 
zini  and  the  Lombardo- Venetian  emif/res  in  Sardinia,  a  decree  was 
issued  by  Austria,  on  February  13.  1853,  confiscating  the  goods  of 
the  latter.  "  The  Austrians  wished,"  said  Cavour,  "  to  do  us  hurt, 
and  yet  have  proved  of  the  greatest  service  to  us  ;  we  will  extract 
advantage  therefrom,  and  all  the  sooner  cross  the  Ticino."  He  re- 
called the  Sardinian  envoy  from  Vienna  in  token  that  liis  country 
knew  how  to  defend  the  honor  of  Italy. 

The  court  of  Vienna  thought  it  could  best  revenge  itself  by  en- 
gaging more  eagerly  than  ever  before  in  machinations  with  the  Vatican 
and  the  Sardinian  clergy,  to  both  of  which  the  minister  was  doul)ly 
obnoxious  on  account  of  his  moderation  in  church  matters.  All  the 
more  decidedly  was  the  necessity  impressed  on  Cavour's  mind  for  a 
reform  of  church  abuses,  —  as,  the    excessive    number   (forty-one) 

Vol.  XIX.— 8 

114  NAPOLEON  in.    AND    UNITED  ITALY. 

of  archbishoprics  and  bishoprics,  the  bondage  of  the  lower  clergy, 
the  superabundance  of  religious  houses,  and  the  church's  agency 
in  stirring  up  the  country  people  against  the  constitution.  As  the 
Vatican  refused  all  co-operation,  the  government  went  to  work 
independently.  A  threatening  papal  allocution  was  answered  by  the 
sequestration  of  the  archie piscopal  properties.  On  January  22,  1855, 
the  pope  pronounced  sentence  of  excommunication  on  the  authors 
and  executors  of  the  law  laid  before  the  chambers,  without,  however, 
naming  them  personally.  And  when  immediately  thereafter  three 
deaths  occurred  in  rapid  succession  in  the  royal  family  —  the  king's 
mother,  his  wife,  and  his  brother  —  the  finger  of  God  was  clearly 
seen  directed  against  the  despoiler  of  the  church.  For  a  moment 
Victor  Emmanuel  himself  wavered,  but  quickly  recovered  himself. 
Through  the  Rattazzi  law,  May  29, 1852,  those  religious  houses  which 
devoted  themselves  neither  to  preaching  nor  to  care  of  the  sick  were 
closed  to  the  number  of  334,  with  4280  monks,  and  1198  nuns,  and 
their  properties  converted  into  a  special  ecclesiastical  fund  —  not,  as 
the  Radicals  demanded,  turned  into  the  state  treasury. 

The  first  fruits  of  his  daring  policy  in  the  Crimean  War,  Cavour 
gathered  in  the  opportunity  to  take  an  equal  part  in  the  Congress  of 
Paris.  He  availed  himself  of  his  presence  there  to  win  influence 
with  Napoleon,  to  ingratiate  himself  with  Lord  Clarendon,  and  to 
come  to  a  good  understanding  with  Russia.  In  words  of  fire  he  de- 
picted to  the  representatives  of  the  three  great  powers  the  wretched 
state  of  Italy,  specifying  more  particularly  the  condition  of  Naples 
and  the  States  of  the  Church  as  being  a  scandal  to  all  humanity,  and 
the  iron  rule  of  Austria.  But  Napoleon  did  not  yet  see  his  way 
clearly ;  he  desired  that  Cavour  should  first  of  all  go  to  London,  and 
come  to  an  understanding  with  Palmerston.  The  trip  was  made,  but 
found  English  statesmen  too  fully  occupied  by  the  Indian  mutiny  to 
think  of  doing  anything  for  Italy. 

But  the  great  minister  did  not  come  back  from  a  fool's  errand. 
"  We  can  boast,"  he  said,  "  of  one  grand  success.  The  Italian  ques- 
tion is  once  more  elevated  into  a  European  one.  Italy's  cause  can 
no  longer  be  championed  by  demagogues  and  revolutionaries ;  it  has 
been  brought  before  the  congress  by  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  great 
powers.  From  the  congress  it  has  passed  into  public  opinion,  the 
power  to  which,  according  to  the  expression  of  the  French  emperor,  be- 
longs the  decisive  word,  and  which  will  ultimately  carry  the  victory." 
This  impression  gradually  deepened  into  a  conviction  throughout 


Italy.  "  The  Congress  of  Paris,"  said  the  Sicilian  Lafanna,  the  leader 
of  the  National  Union,  "  has  given  the  deathblow  to  the  Italian  gov- 
ernments." "  If  the  new-born  Italy,"  declared  the  former  republican, 
Manin,  "  must  have  a  king,  there  must  be  only  one,  and  that  one  can 
be  no  other  than  the  king  of  Piedmont."  Thus  had  Cavour  given  to 
the  cause  its  two  fundamental  pillars,  —  the  monarchical  principle 
that  trusted  itself  to  the  Revolution,  and  the  Revolution  which  from 
patriotism  stretched  forth  its  hand  to  monarchy.  In  this  way  arose 
the  new  national  party  that  with  wondrous  self-denial  renounced  all 
minor  and  particular  objects  in  order,  with  united  strength,  to  press 
towards  the  grand  goal  —  the  shaking  off  of  foreign  domination. 

To  tills  clearly  defined  effort  Austria  had  nothhig  to  oppose  but 
impotent  rage  or  precipitate  preparations.  Fruitless  as  the  policy 
of  Prince  Schwarzenberg  had  been  in  its  ultimate  results,  it  still  had 
shown  traits  of  boldness  and  decision,  in  which  respects  his  death 
left  a  void  that  could  not  be  filled.  He  was  succeeded,  as  we  have 
seen,  by  Count  Buol  (though  without  the  title  of  prime  minister),  a 
man  of  narrow  horizon,  who  understood  the  conservative  sentiment 
only  thus  far,  that  he  believed  a  soldiery  and  bureaucracy  of  the  least 
possible  culture  and  dubious  morality  to  be  sufficient  for  the  support 
of  the  state.  The  real  soul  of  the  government  was  Alexander  Bach, 
the  democrat  of  1848,  now  metamorphosed  into  Baron  Bach,  and  an 
absolutist  and  centralizer  of  the  most  inflexible  type,  who  believed 
that  with  the  successful  establishment  of  a  clerical  bureaucracy,  he 
would  have  the  surest  means  in  his  hand  for  the  subjugation  of  the 
refractory  Hungarians  and  Italians.  On  the  former  of  these  nation- 
alities a  new  wound  was  inflicted  when  the  crown  insignia  —  sacred 
to  each  Magyar,  and  interred  by  Kossuth  in  his  flight  —  were  redis- 
covered and  conveyed,  not  to  Pesth,  but  to  Vienna.  The  abolition 
of  the  war-ministry  in  1853,  and  the  transference  of  the  entire 
administration  of  military  affairs  to  the  adjutant-general  of  the 
emperor,  Count  Griinne,  deprived  the  finance  minister  of  all  con- 
trol of  the  army,  and  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  the  ever 
growing  disorder  in  the  state  economy.  A  murderous  attempt  on 
the  life  of  the  emperor,  February  18,  1853,  by  a  Hungarian  jour- 
neyman blacksmith,  named  Libenjd  Janos,  was  seized  on  as  a  new 
admonition  to  restore  cohesion  to  the  dislocated  state  by  the  rule  of 
the  church.  The  negotiations  with  the  papal  chair  conducted  by 
the  Cardinal  Archbishop  Rauscher  (formerly  tutor  to  the  emperor) 
and  Count  Thun,  minister  of  worship,  resulted  in  the  concordat  of 


August  18,  1855,  meant  to  give  a  secure  and  enduring  anchor-ground 
for  military-bureaucratic  absolutism  through  the  introduction  of  the 
theocratic  element.  In  regard  to  home  matters  the  concordat  was 
specially  aimed  at  Hungary,  where  Protestantism  was  regarded  as 
"  root-grown  opposition ;  "  in  foreign  affairs  it  was  to  be  the  corner- 
stone of  that  policy  through  which  Austria,  at  the  head  of  the  Re- 
action and  defender  of  the  church,  should  re-establish  her  hegemony 
over  Germany  and  Italy. 

The  church,  as  represented  by  Jesuitism,  was  the  only  ally  on 
wliich  she  could  reckon.  Through  the  immense  sacrifices  of  the 
Crimean  War,  she  had  purchased  for  herself  only  the  hate  of  Rus- 
sia, the  anger  of  France,  the  displeasure  of  England,  and  the  partial 
dissolution  of  her  relations  with  Prussia.  The  Congress  of  Paris 
had  exposed  her  isolation  to  the  whole  world ;  and  her  consciousness 
of  her  friendless  condition  in  face  of  Cavour's  daring  debut  on  the 
political  stage,  and  the  ever-rising  wave  of  national  spirit  in  Italy, 
began  to  occasion  deep  anxiety  in  Vienna.  For  the  first  time  con- 
ciliatory measures  were  tried  with  the  Lombardo-Venetian  kingdom. 
The  best  results  were  hoped  for  from  the  visit  of  the  emperor  and 
his  beautiful  young  bride,  Elizabeth  of  Bavaria.  The  nomination 
of  the  Grand  Duke  Maximilian  as  governor-general  was  expected  to 
confirm  the  favorable  feeling.  The  latter,  with  his  wife,  Charlotte 
of  Belgium,  devoted  themselves  enthusiastically  to  their  mission ; 
but  even  if  their  hands  had  been  free,  and  the  demands  of  the  re- 
estaljlished  pro^dncial  and  central  congregations  had  not  been  sum- 
marily rejected  in  Vienna,  reconciliation  between  Italy  and  Austria 
was  now  beyond  the  bounds  of  possibility. 

The  more  conciliatory  Austria  showed  herself  toward  Italy,  the 
more  bitter  became  the  tone  of  the  Turin  press,  and  the  higher  and 
the  more  defiantly  did  Cavour  bear  the  national  flag.  His  labors 
were  unwearied.  Ruling  like  a  dictator,  he  subordinated  everything 
to  his  one  great  end.  As  finance  minister  his  care  was  to  provide 
the  sinews  of  war ;  as  minister  of  the  interior,  he  moulded  the  public 
sentiment;  as  foreign  minister  he  courted  allies.  He  made  loud 
complaints  of  Austria's  strengthening  the  works  of  Piacenza,  while 
he  himself,  by  fortifying  Casale  and  Valenza  in  connection  with 
Alexandria,  created  a  triangle  in  which  the  Sardinian  army  could 
maintain  itself  till  the  arrival  of  its  allies,  and  further  began  the 
construction  of  a  strong  defensive  harbor  at  Spezia.  jVIanin  insti- 
tuted   a   subscription   for  the  purchase  of  100  cannons.     Mazzini, 


meanwhile,  continued  ceaseless  in  his  ridiculous  and  fruitless  repub- 
lican machinations. 

Whom  Cavour  looked  for  as  an  ally  did  not  admit  of  doubt. 
But  Napoleon  still  hesitated.  What  now  floated  before  his  eyes  was 
a  confederation  of  Italian  states  on  the  type  of  the  German  Con- 
federation, always  open  to  French  influence,  with  Naples,  under  a 
Murat,  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  aggrandized  Subalpine  kingdom. 
But  precisely  here  lay  the  difference  between  his  programme  and 
that  of  the  Turin  statesman.  The  latter,  too,  had  a  confederation 
of  states  as  a  second  object  in  his  eye ;  but  this  confederation  was 
not  to  be  predominated  over  by  any  foreign  power,  but  by  Sardinia ; 
least  of  all  should  it  comprise  a  Napoleonic  state  as  a  member.  Much 
rather  w^ould  he  have  come  to  an  understanding  with  Naples  and 
Tuscany ;  but  King  Ferdinand  rejected  with  horror  any  association 
with  a  government  stained  by  heresies,  ecclesiastical  and  political; 
while  in  Florence  the  grand  duke  and  his  minister,  amid  this  conflict 
of  powers  and  parties,  knew  of  nothing  better  to  do  than  peacefully 
to  continue  the  old  policy  of  plapng  fast  and  loose. 

It  is  probable  that  the  decision  would  have  had  to  be  longer 
waited  for  had  not  the  current  of  events  been  quickened  by  an  unto- 
ward incident.  As  Napoleon  was  on  his  way,  with  his  wife,  to  the 
opera,  on  the  evening  of  January  14,  1858,  an  attempt  was  made  on 
his  life  by  hand-grenades  thrown  at  his  carriage  in  the  rue  Lepel- 
letier.  Ten  persons  were  killed  and  156  womided ;  but,  as  if  by  a 
miracle,  the  imperial  pair  remained  unhurt.  The  perpetrators  were 
seized,  Felice  Orsini,  the  principal  in  the  deed,  a  life-long  revolu- 
tionist, being  discovered  in  his  hiding-place  through  the  treachery 
of  an  accomplice.  His  restless  brain,  it  seems,  had  become  filled 
with  the  fixed  idea  that  the  reason  for  all  his  failures  lay  in  the 
secret  influence  of  the  emperor,  and  that  the  removal  of  this  man  — 
who  alone  could,  but  would  not,  help  Italy  —  was  the  indispensable 
preliminary  for  the  liberation  of  his  country.  From  his  prison 
Orsini  addressed  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  in  which  he  implored  him 
to  restore  that  freedom  to  Italy  which  it  lost  through  the  crime  of 
France  in  1849,  adding  that  the  peace  of  Europe  and  his  (Napoleon's) 
own  would  remain  a  chimera  so  long  as  Italy  was  denied  indepen- 
dence. The  reading  of  this  letter  in  the  court  by  his  advocate,  Jules 
Favre,  produced  a  great  effect,  and  its  publication  in  the  Moniteur  a 
yet  greater. 

Orsini's  attempt  had  the  weightiest  consequences,  both  in  France 


and  abroad.  In  the  former  it  gave  the  signal  for  a  violent  reaction, 
whose  first  blows  were  directed  against  the  press.  Next  the  whole 
country  was  subdivided  into  five  military  districts,  each  under  a 
marshal.  By  an  open  letter  of  February  1,  1858,  the  emperor  de- 
volved the  regency  in  case  of  his  death  upon  the  empress,  and,  if  she 
were  not  then  alive,  on  the  prince  next  of  kin.  He  opened  the 
legislative  chamber  with  a  speech,  in  which,  after  a  glowing  exor- 
dium regarding  the  flourishing  condition  of  the  country,  he  went  on 
to  say,  "  It  has  often  been  asserted  that  in  order  to  rule  France, 
its  people  must  be  fed  incessantly  with  grand  theatrical  effect;  I 
believe,  on  the  contrary,  that  in  order  to  win  the  confidence  of  the 
nation  one  has  only  to  do  good.  The  aim  of  the  empire  is  to  dis- 
seminate over  the  world  the  principles  of  1789,  purged  of  all  abstract 
theories,  without,  in  so  doing,  infringing  in  the  least  on  the  principle 
of  authority.  Absolute  freedom  is  impossible,  so  long  as  there  exists 
in  a  land  a  fraction  which  obstinately  perseveres  in  misunderstand- 
ing the  first  principles  of  every  government,  I  frankly  declare  to 
you,  let  men  say  what  they  may,  that  the  danger  lies,  not  in  the 
immoderate  prerogatives  of  the  government,  but  much  more  in  the 
want  of  repressive  laws."  This  laid  the  groundwork  for  the  pro- 
posal of  a  Draconic  safety-law,  which  the  assembly  passed  almost 
unanimously.  To  insure  its  thorough  execution.  General  Espinasse, 
a  man  of  brutal  energy,  was  made  minister  of  the  interior.  There 
followed  an  outburst  of  rage  against  England.  "  In  this  land  the 
plot  was  hatched ;  the  bombs  were  fabricated  in  Birmingham." 
The  Moniteur  published  addresses  to  the  emperor  from  the  army 
which  were  replete  with  insulting  allusions  to  the  "  murder-den." 
On  January  20  Walewski  (Fig.  28),  addressed  the  menacing  in- 
quiry to  London,  whether  England  meant  to  make  herself  an  asylum 
for  assassins?  Recognizing  the  justice  of  this  complaint,  Palmerston 
laid  a  bill  before  parliament  dealing  with  murderous  conspiracies, 
and  expelled  Victor  Hugo  (Fig.  29)  from  Jersey. 

But  Walewski's  threatening  tone  had  aroused  the  deep  indigna- 
tion of  the  British  public,  which  was  intensified  by  the  suspicion  that 
France  thought  she  could  insult  England  with  impunity  so  long  as 
she  was  occupied  with  the  Indian  mutiny.  Simon  Bernard,  accused 
as  an  accomplice  of  Orsini,  was  acquitted ;  meetings  were  held 
throughout  the  country  protesting  against  any  concession  or  any 
limitation  of  the  right  of  asylum.  On  the  second  reading  of  the  bill 
the  House  of  Commons  accepted  an  amendment  of  Milner  Gibson 



Fig.  28.  —  Count  Walewski,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 



expressing  regret  tluit  the  government,  before  bringing  in  the  measure, 
had  not  replied  in  suitable  terms  to  the  note ;  and  for  a  second  time 
Palmerston's    friendship   for    Napoleon    cost   him    his    place.      The 

Fig.  2'J.  —  Victor  Hugo.     From  the  t'ii,uiu\  iiiij,  by  1'.  Kajou  ;  original  painting 

by  L.  Bonnat. 

Anglo-French  alliance  seemed  imperilled,  but  this  was  too  intimately 
associated  with  material  interests  for  the  emperor  not  to  do  his  ut- 
most to  maintain  it.  Pelissier  rephiced  Persigny  as  ambassador  at 
London,   and    Queen  Victoria's   acceptance   of    an  invitation  to  be 


present  at  the  inauguration  of  the  works  in  tlie  harbor  of  Cherbourg 
set  the  seal  on  the  restoration  of  the  former  rehitions. 

The  emperor,  now  for  a  long  time  accustomed  to  conduct  his 
foreign  policy  without  consultation  with  his  ministers,  despatched  a 
messenger  in  secret  to  Cavour,  with  the  announcement  that  he  was 
ready  to  second  him  in  his  efforts.  At  his  invitation  the  Sardinian 
minister  met  him  at  the  baths  of  Plombieres,  in  Lorraine,  under 
an  assumed  name  and  in  deepest  secrecy ;  and  on  August  20  and 
21,  1858,  the  points  were  agreed  on  which  sliould  constitute  the 
rule  and  aim  of  their  common  action.  Tliese  were  the  creation  of 
a  North  Italian  Kingdom  reacliing  to  tlie  Adriatic ;  the  cessioi;  of 
Savoy  to  France,  and  of  Nice  in  case  of  the  annexation  to  Sardinia 
of  Parma  and  Modena,  with  the  part  of  the  States  of  the  Church 
beyond  the  Apennines ;  the  help  of  France  in  case  Sardinia  were 
attacked  by  Austria. 

To  King  Victor  P^mmanuel  the  tliought  of  giving  up  Savoy, 
the  cradle  of  his  race,  was  a  bitter  one  ;  but  the  sacrifice  was  un- 
avoidable, for  without  a  strong  ally  it  was  hopeless  to  think  of 
driving  Austria  out  of  Italy.  This  painful  feeling  in  some  measure 
overcome,  the  brave  soldier  was  on  fire  to  avenge  his  father's  defeat. 
Cavour,  on  his  return  to  Turin,  devoted  himself  heart  and  soul  to 
making  preparations  for  war ;  all  tasks  were  secondary  to  this. 
Most  repugnant  of  all  was  it  to  Cavour  to  have  to  stoop  to  the  use 
of  duplicity  in  concealing  from  the  Italian  patriots  the  engagement 
into  which  he  had  entered.  "  Let  my  good  name  perish,"  he  wrote, 
"if  only  an  Italy  is  called  into  being."  On  October  19  he  indorsed 
the  plan  for  a  general  rising  laid  before  him  by  the  leaders  of  the 
National  Union,  as  if  he  depended  on  them  and  no  one  else ;  and, 
though  well  aware  of  Napoleon's  antipathy  to  Garibaldi,  he  sum- 
moned this  veteran  champion  of  freedom  —  whose  popularity  and 
self-sacrificing  spirit  made  him  invaluable  in  his  eyes  —  in  deepest 
secrecy  to  liimself,  and  succeeded  in  making  him  sensible  that  iso- 
lated risings  were  useless  or  worse,  and  that  the  popular  strength 
could  only  be  made  of  real  avail  by  being  thoroughly  organized  and 
concentrated  under  the  leading  of  one  head.  He  finished  by  offering 
him  the  leadership  of  the  volunteers.  The  old  hero  —  not  then 
hopelessly  sj)oiled,  as  he  was  later,  by  the  flattery  of  the  radicals  — 
was  all  on  fire  for  the  military  dictatorship  of  the  king,  and  in- 
structed his  partisans  to  undertake  nothing  without  the  assent  of 
Cavour  or  Lafarina. 


On  the  occasion  of  the  New  Year's  reception  of  the  diplomatic 
corps,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  said  to  the  Austrian  ambassador,  Baron 
Hübner,  "  I  regret  that  our  relations  to  your  government  are  not  so 
friendly  as  formerly,  but  I  beg  you  to  assure  the  emperor  that  my 
personal  regard  for  him  is  in  no  respect  altered."  These  words, 
like  a  lightning  flash,  illumined  the  murky  atmosphere.  Austrian 
notes  experienced  a  sudden  fall.  Other  indications  of  the  coming 
storm  followed  forthwith.  On  January  13,  1859,  Prince  Napoleon 
(Fig.  30)  journeyed  to  Turin ;  and,  on  the  30th,  liis  marriage  was 
celebrated  with  the  king's  eldest  daughter,  Clotilde.  The  agreement 
reached  at  Plombieres  was  now  formulated  into  a  treaty,  which 
Cavour  insisted  that  the  emperor  should  sign  with  his  own  hand. 
On  February  3,  at  the  opening  of  the  session  of  the  French  legis- 
lative body,  the  emperor  used  these  words :  "  For  some  time  past  the 
abnormal  state  of  Italy,  where  order  can  be  maintained  only  through 
the  assistance  of  foreign  troops,  has  disquieted  the  diplomatic  world. 
This  is  not,  nevertheless,  a  sufficient  reason  for  believing  in  war. 
Some  may  cry  out  for  it  without  fair  reason,  and  others,  in  their 
unreasoning  fears,  point  out  to  France  the  perils  of  a  new  coali- 
tion. I  sliall  remain  inflexible  in  the  path  of  light,  of  justice,  and 
of  national  honor ;  and  my  government  will  neither  be  driven  nor 
intimidated,  because  my  policy  will  never  be  either  pi'ovocative  or 
pusillanimous."  The  pamphlet  NapolSon  et  Vltalie  had  for  its  object 
the  preparation  of  the  mind  of  the  still  reluctant  people  for  war. 
Legitimists  and  clerics,  timid  conservatives  and  bankers,  were  as  one 
in  deprecating  it.  Victor  Emmanuel,  too,  on  January  10,  opened 
the  Sardinian  parliament  with  a  significant  announcement :  "  Pied- 
mont, the  representative  of  a  grand  idea,  finds  herself  in  a  situation 
not  free  from  peril ;  she  is  not  insensible  to  Italy's  cry  of  anguish." 

Austria's  answer  was  the  despatch  of  30,000  additional  troops  to 
Italy.  The  time  for  reconciliation  was  past.  Maximilian's  adminis- 
tration had  now  to  give  place  to  a  military  one.  Cavour  availed 
himself  of  the  situation  to  urge  on  his  parliament  a  plea  for  the 
means  of  defence.  The  chambers  sanctioned  a  loan  of  50,000,000 
lire,  and  unanimously  agreed  to  refrain  from  embarrassing  the  gov- 
ernment with  questions.  "  We  have  been  led  on  by  degrees,"  wrote 
Cavour,  on  March  20,  to  his  friend  de  la  Rive,  "  into  undertaking  a 
task,  just  and  glorious  indeed,  but  fraught  with  extraordinary  dan- 
ger. We  had  not  sufficiently  taken  into  account  the  selfishness 
developed  in  modern  society  through  material  interests.     In  spite  of 

Fig.  30. — Prince  Napoleon.     From  a  pliutugraph. 


this  obstacle,  I  hope  we  shall  be  successful."  On  March  17  the 
organization  of  a  corps  of  Alpine  rangers  was  ordered,  and  the  com- 
mand given  to  Garibaldi,  Through  the  influence  of  the  National 
Union,  six  to  seven  thousand  volunteers  came  in  from  the  rest  of 
Italy,  and  a  Hungarian  legion  was  soon  under  arms.  But  to  this 
revolutionary  fellowship  Napoleon  took  strong  objections.  While 
Sardinia  was  prompted  by  the  scantiness  of  her  means  and  the  impa- 
tience of  the  Italian  patriots  to  a  speedy  opening  of  the  war.  Napo- 
leon was  wavering  from  day  to  day.  Suddenly  he  declared  that  he 
could  not  take  the  field  before  .  June.  Great  was  the  consternation 
in  Turin.  Victor  Emmanuel  wrote  him  that  his  desertion  of  the 
cause  of  Italy  would  be  more  sensitively  felt  by  Piedmont  than  the 
defeat  of  Novara.  In  such  an  event  he  must  communicate  to 
the  world  the  circumstances  that  had  bionght  him  to  such  an  ex- 
tremity. Cavour  hurried  personally  to  Paris,  and  in  union  with  the 
Prince  Napoleon  succeeded  in  bringing  the  emperor  around. 

Again  matters  took  the  form  of  negotiation.  Count  Buol  availed 
himself  of  the  love  of  the  English  Tory  ministry  for  peace,  with  the 
view  of  moving  it  to  mediation.  On  February  23  Lord  Cowley 
(Fig.  31)  came  to  Vienna  with  the  following  peace-proposals  : 
Austria's  renunciation  of  the  commercial  treaties  ^^dth  the  Po 
duchies ;  evacuation  of  the  States  of  the  Church  by  both  Austrians 
and  French ;  seasonable  reforms  in  all  the  Italian  states.  But  to 
Austria's  inquiry  whether  these  concessions  would  msure  her  pos- 
session of  her  Italian  provinces,  Cavour  gave  the  unequivocal  reply 
that  the  danger  of  a  war  or  a  revolution  could  be  averted  only  by 
the  establishment  of  a  separate  national  government  for  Lombardo- 
Venetia  ;  the  withdrawal  of  the  Austrians  from  the  Romagna ;  the 
recognition  of  the  principle  of  non-intervention  ;  the  inauguration  of 
constitutions  in  Parma  and  Modena;  and  the  re-establishment  of  the 
Tuscan  constitution.  This  effort  of  England  was  backed  up  quite 
unexpectedly  by  Russia,  that  up  to  this  time  had  kept  herself  entirely 
in  the  background.  Recalling  the  agreement  arrived  at  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Paris,  that  before  an  appeal  was  made  to  arms  friendly 
powers  should  be  called  on  to  meditate,  Gortchakoff  proposed  a 
congress.  The  cabinets  of  Paris,  London,  and  Berlin  accepted  the 
proposal ;  and  Austria  did  so  on  March  22,  with  the  proviso  that 
Sardinia  should  previously  disarm.  With  this  condition  Cavour, 
despite  France's  earnest  persuasion,  would  have  absolutely  nothing 
to  do,  and  just  as  little  with  the  congress.     Yet  England  made  one 



more  effort.  She  proposed  that  all  the  Italian  states  —  not  Sardinia 
alone  —  should  be  invited  to  the  congress,  and  that  the  disarmament 
should  be  mutual,  and  under  the  supervision  of  the  great  powers. 
In  order  not  to  stand  before  Europe  as  a  peace-breaker,  Napoleon 
accepted  these  conditions ;  and  on  April  20  he  communicated  this  to 
Turin,  and  advised  it  to  follow  his  example.      Cavour  was  thunder- 

FiG.  31.  — Lord  Cowley. 

struck.  All  seemed  lost.  In  his  despair  he  did  not  believe  he  could 
survive  the  blow.  It  was  Austria's  blundering  aptitude  for  putting 
herself  in  the  wrong  that  was  his  salvation.  From  the  beginning 
Vienna  had  regarded  Sardinia  as  the  vanguard  of  France.  Count 
Buol  demanded  a  general  disarming;  and  on  Walewski  answering 
that  France  had  not  armed  —  had  not  a  man  in  excess  of  her  peace 


establishment — he  cut  loose  from  his  sheet-anchor,  the  English 
proposal,  and  addressed  an  ultimatum  to  Turin,  which  Baron  Kellers- 
berg  delivered  there  on  April  23.  It  demanded  an  explicit  declara- 
tion, whether  the  king's  government  was  willing  without  delay  to 
put  its  army  on  a  peace  footing,  and  disband  the  volunteers,  adding 
that  if  the  bearer  did  not  receive  a  satisfactory  assurance  within 
three  days  the  responsibility  for  the  consequences  would  rest  on 

It  was  not,  however,  mere  rash  obstinacy  that  impelled  Austria 
to  tliis  course.  She  acted  rather  under  the  compulsion  of  necessity. 
After  committing  the  welfare  of  her  state  and  people  unreservedly 
to  absolutism,  and  to  all  that  is  associated  with  absolutism,  it  was 
impossible  for  her  to  endure  a  neighbor  in  Italy  holding  aloft  the 
banner  of  political  and  religious  freedom.  It  was  a  war  of  prin- 
ciples on  which  she  was  entering.  This  was  the  unmistakable  mean- 
ing of  the  manifesto  to  his  people  with  which  the  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph  accompanied  his  declaration  of  war :  "  Austria  defends  the 
most  sacred  possessions  of  humanity  against  the  subversive  doctrines 
now  launched  on  the  world  even  from  thrones." 

What  could  have  fallen  out  more  opportune  for  Cavour  ?  Aus- 
tria, by  ignoring  France's  acceptance  of  the  London  proposal,  sup- 
plied France  with  a  justification  for  the  alliance,  while  Sardinia 
was  now  the  attacked  party.  Its  laconic  answer  said :  "  Sardinia, 
like  the  other  great  powers,  had  given  its  assent  to  England's  pro- 
posals in  a  spirit  of  conciliation.  It  had  nothing  more  to  say." 
Cavour  now  labored  with  redoubled  energy.  In  addition  to  the 
premiership,  the  foreign,  home,  and  naval  departments,  he  now  un- 
dertook that  of  war.  The  chambers  granted  the  king  the  desired 
dictatorship  during  the  continuance  of  the  war.  As  soon  as  this 
became  clearly  imminent,  the  movement  passed  into  the  other  Italian 
states.  Duke  Francis  of  Modena  fled  -with  his  treasures  to  Venice. 
The  returned  duchess  of  Parma  had  to  desert  her  land  a  second 
time.  For  the  future  configuration  of  Italy  much  depended  on 
Tuscany.  If  the  grand  duke  was  able  to  maintain  himself  by  the 
help  of  an  understanding  with  Turin,  then  Italy  would  take  the 
form  of  a  confederation  of  states ;  if  he  did  not  it  would  drift  into 
unity.  On  April  24  Cavour  repeated  his  invitation  to  Florence  to 
join  the  Franco-Sardinian  alliance.  But  the  grand  duke  would,  at 
most,  only  bind  himself  to  neutrality.  This  quickened  the  im- 
patience of  the  national  party  in  his  land,  who  in  large  numbers 


enrolled  themselves  in  Sardinia  as  volunteers,  many  of  them  being 
sons  of  the  foremost  Tuscan  families.  The  Tuscan  officers  declared 
they  could  no  longer  answer  for  their  soldiers.  Vehemently  appealed 
to  by  his  people,  the  grand  duke  at  length  i)ledged  himself  to  alli- 
ance with  Piedmont  and  to  a  constitution.  The  party  of  the  so- 
called  Aristonationalists,  led  by  Ricasoli,  would  willingly  have 
maintained  him  and  his  dynasty  on  the  throne ;  but  when  abdication 
in  favor  of  his  son  was  suggested  he  preferred  to  leave  the  land 
under  cover  of  a  protest.  The  provisional  government,  on  ^lay  8, 
resigned  its  authority  into  the  hands  of  the  Sardinian  envoy,  Bon- 
campagni.  Things  took  a  similar  course  in  the  Romagna.  After 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Austrians,  the  people  raised  the  national  flag, 
the  papal  troops  deserted,  the  authorities  fled,  and  a  provisional  gov- 
ernment seized  the  helm. 

Even  yet  Napoleon  would  gladly  have  delayed.  Immersed  in 
negotiations,  he  had  let  events  outrun  him.  When  the  Austrian 
ultimatum  was  issued,  his  army  was  wanting  in  the  most  essential 
necessaries ;  his  people  had  no  desire  for  war ;  the  clerics  were  only 
partially  silenced  by  the  assurance  that  the  war  would  be  localized  to 
North  Italy.  But  fate,  and  the  stronger  man  in  whose  hands  he 
found  himself,  impelled  him  onwards.  On  April  26  he  caused  it  to 
be  announced  in  A^ienna  that  the  passage  of  the  Ticino  would  be 
regarded  a  declaration  of  war  against  France.  The  Austrian  army 
was  no  longer  under  the  leading  of  the  veteran  Hess,  but,  against  his 
will,  under  that  of  the  master  of  the  ordnance,  Count  Giulay,  known 
only  for  his  poor  success  as  a  corps-leader  in  Hungary,  without 
confidence  either  in  himself  or  his  army,  a  part  of  which  existed  only 
on  paper.  Other  difficulties  pressed  on  the  Austrian  government, — 
want  of  money ;  the  incompleteness  of  its  railroad  system ;  the  gaps 
still  intervening  between  this  system  and  the  Venetian,  which  made 
the  carrying  on  of  war  on  so  remote  a  scene,  a  matter  of  extraordi- 
nary difficulty.  Not  till  April  29  did  the  Austrians,  to  the  number 
of  100,000,  cross  the  frontier,  and,  occupying  Novara,  Vercelli,  and 
Tortona,  and  resting  on  Piacenza,  threaten  the  Sardinian  line  of  re- 
treat by  way  of  Novi  to  Genoa,  as  well  as  the  advance  of  the 
French  from  Genoa.  But  now  Giulay  fell  into  a  state  of  complete 
inaction.  The  cause  for  this  lay  not  so  much  in  the  condition  of  the 
rivers,  swollen  by  heavy  rains,  as  in  the  fear  that  the  French 
might  cross  the  Po  near  Parma,  and  take  him  in  the  rear.  After 
gome  aimless  manoeuvres,  he  retired  on  May  9  l)ehind  the  Sesia,  a 


movement  that  not  only  made  the  worst  impression  on  his  own  men, 
but  gave  the  French  time  to  make  their  appearance. 

On  May  10  Napoleon  left  Paris  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of 
his  army.  "  Italy  free  to  the  Adriatic  "  was  the  war-cry.  Two 
French  corps  descended  from  Mont  Cenis  and  Mont  Genevre  to  Turin. 
Two  others,  with  the  Imperial  Guard  and  war  material,  were  landed 
at  Genoa,  scaled  the  Apennines,  and  occupied  the  valley  of  the 
Scrivia.  The  imperial  head-quarters  were  fixed  at  Alessandria.  As 
the  reports  that  reached  the  Austrian  commander  led  him  to  believe 
that  the  object  of  the  French  was  to  advance  upon  Piacenza,  he  de- 
spatched, on  May  20,  General  Stadion  with  a  strong  force  to  Casteg- 
gio,  of  which  he  took  possession,  and  advanced  upon  Montebello. 
Forthwith  General  Forey  hastened  thither  by  rail,  and,  supported  by 
the  Sardinian  cavalry,  after  an  obdurate  house-to-house  fight,  wrested 
the  place  from  the  Austrians;  but,  as  the  position  was  too  exposed,  he 
returned  whence  he  had  come.  But  while  Giulay  directed  his  at- 
tention exclusively  to  the  southwest,  and  let  himself  be  confirmed  in 
this  by  sham  preparations  for  throwing  bridges  over  the  Po,  he 
really  facilitated  his  enemy's  plan  for  attacking  him  on  his  right. 
This  manoeuvre  was  initiated  by  Garibaldi  and  his  Alpine  rangers, 
who  crossed  the  Ticino  below  Lago  Maggiore.  Meanwhile  the  main 
army  had  broken  up  for  a  grand  strategic  movement.  It  was  a  bold 
and  perilous  operation,  this  flank  marcli  along  the  enemies'  front,  but 
if  successful,  a  decisive  one.  On  May  26  the  French  army  began 
to  move  behind  the  Sardinians,  by  help  of  the  railroad,  from  the  dis- 
trict of  Alessandria  northwards  by  way  of  Casale  toward  Vercelli. 
There  the  Sardinians  under  Cialdini  (Fig.  32)  crossed  the  Sesia,  and 
drove  the  Austrians  from  the  strong  position  they  had  taken  up 
near  Palestro.  Now  at  length  Giulay  had  a  glimmering  perception 
of  the  danger  that  threatened  his  right ;  but  his  attempt  on  the  31st 
to  recover  the  positions  at  Palestro  was  repulsed  with  severe  loss. 
All  Italy  exulted,  Tuscany  and  the  Romagna  being  especially  in- 
spirited. While  the  struggle  was  in  progress  around  Palestro,  the 
French  crossed  the  Sesia  in  force  at  Vercelli ;  on  June  1  they 
occupied  Novara ;  on  the  second  the  left  bank  of  the  Ticino.  For- 
tune had  smiled  on  the  daring  hardihood  of  the  emperor ;  the  Aus- 
trian right  wing  was  effectively  turned. 

Now  at  last  Giulay  became  fully  aware  of  the  situation.  In 
order  to  cover  Milan,  he  withdrew  his  army  behind  the  Ticino,  and 
concentrated  it  around  liosale.     He  was  now  re-enforced  by  two  new 



corps  under  Clam-Gallas,  and  by  General  Hess,  sent  by  the  anxious 
emperor  as  a  counsellor.  While  the  latter  would  have  preferred  to 
lead  the  army  back  to  Verona,  to  the  former  matters  did  not  present 
so  desperate  an  aspect.  In  his  view  the  main  object  was  to  hold 
the  Naviglio  Grande,  a  canal  connecting  Milan  with  the  Ticino, 
crossed  by  three  bridges  at  the  villages  of  Buffalora,  Magenta,  and 
Robecchio.  Giulay's  purpose  was  to  give  his  troops  —  exhausted 
with  their  retrograde  forced  march  and  change  of  front  —  a  day's 
rest ;  but  on  the  3d  the  French  passed  the  bridge  at  Buffalora. 
Confiding  in  the  co-operation 
of  MacMahon,  who  had 
crossed  somewhat  farther 
north,  near  Turbigo,  the 
emperor  on  the  following 
day  delivered  the  attack. 
He  found  Clam-Gallas  on 
the  bow-shaped  height  com- 
manding the  roads  to  INIilan, 
the  village  of  Magenta  con- 
stituting the  key  of  his  po- 
sition. The  ground  in  his 
front  —  covered  as  far  as 
the  canal  with  hedges,  mul- 
berry groves,  vineyards,  and 
rice-fields,  and  traversed  by 
water-courses  and  deep 
ditches  —  presented  serious 
obstacles  to  the  advance  of 
an  enemy,  but,  at  the  same 
time,  made  the  Austrian 
superiority  in  cavalry  and 
artillery  of  little  avail.  When  Clam-Gallas  saw  himself  attacked,  he 
sent  to  the  commander-in-chief  for  re-enforcements.  But  the  French, 
too,  were  in  straits,  and  that  to  such  a  degree,  that  it  was  only  by  the 
exertion  of  their  utmost  strength  that  they  were  able  to  maintain 
themselves.  It  was  a  time  of  deepest  anxiety.  In  painful  solicitude 
the  emperor  awaited  in  San  Martino  the  appearance  of  MacMahon, 
until,  at  last,  the  advancing  sound  of  cannon  thundering  against  the 
Austrian  right  announced  his  attack.  Then  MacMahon  led  his  men 
on  to  the  storm  of  Magenta ;  the  combatants  on  either  side  rivalled 

Vol.  XIX.— 9 

Fig.  32.  —  General  Cialdini. 
From  a  photograph. 

130  NAP  OLE  OX  III.    AND    UNITE  B  ITALY. 

each  other  in  deeds  of  valor.  General  Espinasse  found  here  his 
death.  At  length,  at  half  past  seven  in  the  evening,  the  little  town 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French. 

Both  armies  had  suffered  severely;  both  lay  through  the  night 
on  the  battle-field ;   neither  could  claim  a  complete  victory.     Giulay, 
of  whose  troops  scarce  two-thirds  had  been  engaged,  contemplated 
renewing  the  struggle  on  the  following  day ;  but  Clam-Gallas's  decla- 
ration that  his  corps  was  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  fight,  and  the 
demoralization  of  the  army,  compelled  him  to  rehnquish  the  idea. 
Such  was  the  result  —  astonishing  even  to  the  allies  —  of  the  battle. 
MacMahon  (Plate  X.)  and  Regnault  de  Saint-Angely  were  created 
marshals,  and  the  former,  duke    of   Magenta  as  well.     The  way  to 
Milan  was  now  open.     On  June  8  Napoleon  and  Victor  Emmanuel 
made  their  triumphal  entry  into  the  capital  of  Lombardy.     In  order 
that  the  festivities  in  the  city  might  not  be  disturbed  by  the  Aus- 
trian rearguard,  standing  under  Benedek  at  ^Nlelegnano,  some  eleven 
miles  off.  Marshal  Baraguay  d'Hilhers  attacked  it  on  the  same  day, 
and  drove  it,  after  a  hot  contest,  to  the  bridge  across  the  Lambro. 
On  the  10th  the  Austrians    evacuated  Piacenza,  and  on  the  21st 
not  a  man  of  them  stood  on  the  west  of  the  Mincio.     Middle  Italy 
rose  to  a  man  against  its  governments.     The   little   Austrian  fleet 
retired  to  Pola  in  face  of  the  French  squadron.     A  summons  to  his 
countrymen  by  Klapka  aroused  fears  of  a  new  revolution  in  Hun- 
gary.    The  tardiness  of  the  allies'  pursuit,  however,  gave   the  Aus- 
trians time  to  rally  both  at  home  and  abroad.     The  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph  came  to  Verona,  and  took  on  himself  the  command-in-chief 
of  the  army,  in  place  of  Giulay,  who  was  dismissed  on  June  16. 
In  point  of  fact,  the  veteran  Hess  was  the  real  leader,  excepting  that, 
through  this  duplicate  authority,  the  necessary  unity  was  in  a  large 
measure  sacrificed.     Hess's  force  exceeded   that  of  his  enemies  by 
10,000   men;  his   artillery  was   double   theirs;    and  he   decided   to 
avail  himself  of  this  superiority,  and  of  the  supposed  spell  of  the 
emperor  s  name,  for  the  vigorous  resumption  of  the  offensive.     Only 
a  decided  \ictory  could  restore  Austria's   supremacy  in  Italy,  and 
conjure  away  the  dangers  threatening  on  the  flanks  and  in  the  rear. 
On  the  morning  of  the  23d  the  advance  to  the  Chiese  was  begun. 

On  Napoleon  the  battle  of  Magenta  had  made  a  deep  impression. 
Haunted  by  the  remembrance  of  the  perils  by  which  he  was  there 
encompassed,  he  resolved  henceforth  to  move  with  more  cautious  de- 
liberation, and  to  keep  his  army  so  well  in  hand  as  to  have  it  at  any 

PLATE    X, 

General  MacMahon. 
From  the  painting  by  Eene  Princeteau. 

History  of  All  Kations,  Vol.  XIX.,  page  130. 




moment  ready  for  battle.  Garibaldi  alone  was  detached  to  watch 
the  Tyrolese  sharpshooters.  Moreover,  the  uncertainty  at  head- 
quarters in  regard  to  the  enemy's  designs  operated  as  an  impediment 
to  the  allies'  advance.  Even  Godard  in  his  balloon  failed  to  dis- 
cover the  Austrians'  whereabouts.     Thus  it  happened  that  after  the 


Fig.  33.  —  Map  of  the  District  between  the  Oglio  and  the  Mincio. 

Franco-Sardinians  had  passed  the  Chiese,  the  two  armies  came  unex- 
pectedly into  collision  (June  24).  A  hasty  concentration  was  effected 
on  both  sides.  The  French  directed  their  chief  efforts  upon  the 
village  of  Solferino  (Fig.  33),  the  centre  and  key  of  the  enemy's 
position,  which  extended  from  the  southern  end  of  the  Lake  of  Garda 
in  a  southwest   direction   to    Medole.      Attack   and   defence  were 


conducted  with  the  utmost  determination.  To  relieve  his  hard- 
pressed  centre,  Francis  Joseph  commanded  the  calvary  corps  of 
Wimpffen  to  make  a  charge  upon  the  French  right  wing  that  stood 
at  Guidizzolo  under  Niel.  But  the  manoeuvre  miscarried,  and  only 
weakened  the  centre  by  withdrawing  a  most  necessary  support. 
After  a  struggle  of  several  hours,  Solferino  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  French,  and  the  bleeding  fragments  of  the  Austrians  retired  to 
Cavriana ;  but  neither  this  place  nor  Cassiano  could  they  hold 
against  the  assaults  of  Niel  and  the  Guard.  A  furious  rainstorm, 
closing  the  sultry  and  oppressive  day,  concealed  the  Austrian  retreat 
to  the  jNIincio.  The  Sardinians,  under  La  ]\larmora,  who  constituted 
the  left  vnng  of  the  allies,  when  on  their  march  to  Peschiera,  on  the 
24th,  came  also  unexpectedly  on  the  eighth  Austrian  corps,  under 
Benedek,  posted  on  the  plateau  of  San  ]\Iartino.  Five  times  they 
came  on  to  the  assault,  only  to  be  as  often  hurled  back,  till,  at  seven 
o'clock  in  the  evening,  Benedek  was  compelled,  with  tears  of  rage, 
to  obey  the  command  to  retreat,  and  yield  his  position  to  the 

Both  armies,  victors  and  vanquished,  alike  found  themselves  in 
a  state  of  complete  exhaustion.  The  Austrian  loss  amounted  to 
22,000;  that  of  the  French  to  14,000;  the  Sardinian,  to  5,500. 
The  aspect  of  the  battle-field  was  sickening,  and  suggested  to  the 
Genevan,  Henri  Dunant,  to  call  on  sympathetic  humanity  to  con- 
stitute itself  into  a  society  for  binding  up,  on  the  battle-field,  the 
terrible  wounds  inflicted  by  war.  His  paper,  "  Mercy  on  the  Battle- 
field," gave  the  impulse  for  the  formation  of  the  Red  Cross  Society, 
which  now  embraces  all  lands. 

The  dear-bought  victory  remained  to  the  French,  but  it  was 
incomplete.  The  Austrians  effected  their  retreat  over  the  Adige 
unmolested,  and  found  effectual  shelter  behind  the  strong  works  of 
the  Quadrilateral.  This  most  important  movement,  combined  with 
other  considerations,  disinclined  Napoleon  for  the  further  prosecution 
of  the  war.  He  was  sick  of  the  bickerings  of  his  generals ;  and 
brilliantly  decisive  exploits  beyond  the  Mincio  were  not  to  be  thought 
of, — only  long-protracted  sieges  in  the  hot  season  that  threatened  his 
army  with  deadly  fevers.  The  Italian  national  movement  had  far 
overpassed  the  limits  he  had  set  for  it,  while  he  was  no  little  con- 
cerned in  regard  to  the  secret  views  of  his  ally,  which  might  very 
well  bring  him  into  collision  with  his  clergy  at  home,  and  certainly 
were  inconsistent  with  his  earnest  wish  not  to  quarrel  with  the  pope. 


Even  the  relations  between  the  two  armies  had  become  strained. 
Over  and  above  all  tliis,  every  day  increased  the  danger  that  the  war 
might  expand  into  a  European  one.  The  three  neutral  powers,  — 
and  especially  England  and  Russia,  —  who  had  limited  their  views 
to  the  enlargement  of  Sardinia  by  the  incorporation  of  Lombardy 
and  the  Po  duchies,  the  erection  of  Venice  into  an  independent 
state,  and  an  Italian  confederation,  were  disquieted  by  the  French 
victories,  and  were  treating  with  each  other  in  regard  to  mediation. 
Prussia  even  threatened  to  avail  herself  of  the  national  feelino- 
aroused  in  Germany  for  armed  intervention  on  the  Rhine.  And 
against  all  these  possible  foes,  Napoleon  had  but  one  ally  —  the 
Revolution!  Was  it  not  advisable  for  him — even  with  his  ulti- 
mate aim  not  reached  —  to  call  a  halt,  and  content  himself  with 
the  triumphs  he  had  won  ? 

On  July  6  his  adjutant-general,  Fleury,  carried  to  Verona  pro- 
posals for  an  armistice.  On  the  8th  this  was  concluded  at  Villa- 
franca  ;  on  the  11th  the  two  emperors  met  at  that  place.  It  was  not 
difficult  for  Napoleon  to  show  Francis  Joseph  that  his  proposals  were 
much  more  moderate  than  any  that  could  be  expected  from  the  neu- 
tral powers.  On  the  12th  the  peace  preliminaries  were  signed,  em- 
bracing :  An  Italian  federal  union  under  the  honorary  presidency  of 
the  pope  ;  the  surrender  by  the  emperor  of  Austria  to  the  emperor  of 
the  French  of  Lombardy  (with  the  exception  of  Mantua  and  Pesch- 
iera),  and  the  transference  by  the  latter  of  this  territory  to  the  king 
of  Sardinia ;  Venice  to  have  a  voice  in  the  Itahan  Confederation,  but 
to  remain  Austrian ;  the  return  of  the  expelled  archdukes  to  their 
states,  and  the  issue  by  them  of  a  general  amnesty ;  a  requisition  by 
both  emperors  to  the  pope  for  the  introduction  of  the  indisiDcnsable 
reforms ;  and  a  mutual  guaranty  of  a  full  amnesty  for  all  compro- 
mised persons. 

All  Europe  was  amazed  at  the  sudden  ending  of  the  war:  the  in- 
dignation of  the  Italian  patriots  was  boundless.  Cavour,  on  hearing 
the  news,  flew,  wild  mth  excitement,  to  headquarters,  and  had  a 
violent  scene  with  the  king.  But  the  deed  was  done.  Victor 
Emmanuel  had  not  the  poAver  to  enforce  the  terms  of  his  treaty  with 
France.  To  continue  the  war  single-handed  —  as  he  contemplated 
in  his  first  effervescence  —  was  out  of  the  question  ;  there  remained 
nothing  for  him  but  to  submit  to  the  inevitable.  It  was  otherwise 
with  Cavour,  who  could  not  bring  himself  to  put  his  hand  to  such  a 
settlement.     The  federal  union  that  Napoleon  sought  to  impose  was 



not  that  of  an  independent  Italy  ;  for  it  failed  in  the  first  condition  — 
the  exclusion  of  Austria.  With  Austria  holding  the  keys  of  Lom- 
bardy,  —  INIantua  and  Peschiera,  —  with  her  vassal  archdukes  under  the 
presidency  of  the  pope,  the  federal  union  was  a  mockery ;  the  junction 
of  constitutional  Sardinia  with  absolute  states  subject  to  the  conjoint 
influence  of  two  great  powers  would  be,  not  a  bond  of  national  unity, 
but  a  lasting  source  of  discord.  Without  a  moment's  consideration, 
Cavour,  on  July  19,  gave  in  his   resignation.     Despair  reigned  in 

Fig.  34.  —  General  La  Marmora.     From  a  photograph. 

Venice  ;  despondency  and  wrath  in  Lombardy.  Sullen  silence  was 
the  emperor's  companion  on  his  homeward  journey.  In  such  circum- 
stances the  position  of  the  new  Sardinian  La  Marmora  (Fig.  34) 
-Rattazzi-Dabormida  ministry  was  one  of  extreme  difficulty.  It  could 
not  frankly  accept  the  situation  if  it  would  not  aggravate  the  pre- 
vailing despondency  and  resentment,  and  as  little  dared  it  to  offend 
the  Emperor  Napoleon,  who  was  still  the  mainstay  of  Italy.     In  a 


circular  to  the  Sardinian  envoys,  Dabormida  declared  that  the  king 
would  never  offer  his  hand  to  a  confederation  in  which  Austria  had 
a  part.  The  Confederation  was  dead  ere  it  began  to  breathe.  The 
signature  of  the  definitive  peace  at  Zurich,  on  November  10,  passed 
almost  without  notice,  for  circumstances  had  already  made  it  obsolete. 
Of  all  its  requirements  Austria  had  not  been  able  to  enforce  even  the 
smallest.  The  article  that  reserved  the  rights  of  the  dethroned  arch- 
dukes, and  yet  excluded  their  restoration  through  force,  sounded  like 
a  farce,  and  yet  it  became  the  point  that  determined  the  destiny  of 

For  without  troubling  themselves  in  the  least  about  this  pro- 
vision, the  peoples  of  Middle  Italy  set  about  preparations  for  their 
union  with  Sardinia,  and  that  with  wonderful  quietness  and  order, 
the  only  victim  to  the  popular  fury  being  Colonel  Anviti,  in  Parma, 
the  debaucher  of  the  murdered  duke,  and  the  vile  instrument  of  his 
crazy  despotism.  Farini,  chosen  dictator  of  Modena  and  then  of 
Parma  and  the  Romagna,  united  these  territories  provisionally,  and 
till  they  could  be  formally  incorporated  with  Sardinia,  into  one  gov- 
ernment under  the  name  of  the  '  Royal  Provinces  of  Emiha.'  In 
Tuscany  matters  took  the  same  course  under  the  leadership  of  Baron 
Ricasoli,  after  the  people's  representatives  had  unanimously  declared, 
on  August  1,  that  they  would  neither  recall  nor  receive  back  the 
Lorraine  dynasty.  Although  the  Turin  government  dared  not  to  give 
open  encouragement  to  these  annexations,  yet  it  did  so  underhand 
through  the  king,  and  even  through  Cavour,  notwithstanding  his 
ostensible  retirement.  At  the  request  of  these  provisional  govern- 
ments, General  Fanti  was  sent  to  organize  the  military  force  of  their 
districts  on  a  uniform  system.  Pope  Pius  IX.  alone  offered  re- 
sistance. On  June  16,  the  thirteenth  anniversary  of  his  election,  he 
issued  an  encyclical  against  the  sacrilegious  mutineers,  in  which 
he  urged  the  people  not  to  submit  themselves  to  a  government  that 
had  shown  itself  so  hostile  to  the  legitimate  rights  and  to  the 
servants  of  the  church.  On  the  20th  he  threatened  with  the  greater 
excommunication  all  who  in  any  way  ventured  to  assail  the  secular 
power  of  the  pope.  On  the  same  day  the  papal  Swiss  stormed  the 
insurgent  city  of  Perugia,  and  perpetrated  outrages  that  called  forth 
a  universal  shout  of  execration.  The  secret  police  redoubled  their 
diligence ;  and  whoever  was  denounced  on  account  of  his  poUtical 
opinions  —  though  only  out  of  personal  hate  —  had  to  undergo  a  long 
confinement  among  ordinary  criminals  in  horrible  dungeons. 


As  for  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  the  words  mth  wliich  Cavour 
solaced  his  retirement  proved  themselves  ever  more  true.  "  I  have 
made  him  spring  into  the  water,  now  he  must  swim."  The  capability 
of  free  self-determination  passed  away  from  him.  Threatened  on 
the  one  hand  with  the  wrath  of  the  clergy,  pursued  on  the  other  by 
the  shade  of  Orsini,  overwhelmed  by  the  irreconcilable  contradictions 
in  which  he  had  inmeshed  himself,  he  sank  into  a  policy  that  worked 
counter  to  all  that  occurred,  and  yet  hindered  nothing,  that  wounded 
his  friends  without  conciliating  his  enemies,  and  dealt  out  counsels 
that  he  knew  would  not  be  followed.  The  pope  and  Middle  Italy  — 
that  was  the  problem  he  had  to  solve.  The  former  had  to.  be  recon- 
ciled to  the  Italian  movement  for  nationality ;  out  of  the  latter  an 
independent  state  was  to  be  formed  that  should  act  as  a  counter- 
poise to  the  over-ambitious  Sardinia.  But  the  discreet  and  friendly 
counsel  he  gave  the  pope,  to  grant  of  his  own  motion  a  separate 
administration  to  the  Legations  with  a  lay  government,  received  as 
its  only  answer  an  allocution  to  the  college  of  cardinals  which  de- 
clared all  complaints  to  be  insolent  lies.  This  rude  rebuff  brought 
the  emperor  back  to  liis  old  favorite  idea  of  a  congress  meeting  in 
Paris,  which  should  help  him  out  of  his  embarrassments.  But 
where  to  find  a  common  basis  for  it  amid  so  diametrically  opposed 
interests  and  views  ?  The  pope  required,  as  a  condition  for  his  send- 
ing a  representative,  the  support  of  the  emperor  for  the  restoration 
of  his  secular  rule  in  its  fullest  extent.  The  Ultramontane  press  of 
all  lands  sounded  a  note  of  alarm  in  the  interest  of  the  imperilled 
head  of  the  church.  The  dissolute  Queen  Isabella  of  Spain  was  on 
fire  with  ardor  to  send  troops  for  the  defence  of  the  Holy  See  and 
of  her  Bourbon  relatives  of  Parma  and  Naples.  The  nomination  of 
the  prelate  de  Merode,  a  Belgian,  as  papal  minister  of  war,  showed 
that  the  Vatican  was  resolved  to  wield  other  than  spiritual  weapons 
in  its  defence.  The  scanty  relics  of  the  old  Swiss  troops  were  supple- 
mented by  adventurers  from  all  lands.  From  Austria  came  whole 
shiploads  of  recruits,  most  of  whom  had  served  in  the  army ;  Ireland 
sent  800  men ;  and  there  was  a  Franco-Belgian  corps,  the  Legitimists 
in  which,  few  as  they  were,  amused  themselves  with  the  thought 
that  they  were  the  vanguard  of  an  army  that  might  be  soon  called 
on  to  restore  the  old  order  of  things  in  France  also.  In  Rome  the 
white  cockade  was  worn  openly  ;  General  Lamoriciere  (Fig.  35),  a 
personal  enemy  of  Napoleon,  accepted  the  command-in-chief.  A  new 
source  of  financial  help  developed  itself  in  '  Peter's  Pence,'  a  society 



for  collecting  contributions  under  this  name  to  the  Holy  Father's 
treasury  having  been  formed  in  Belgium  in  1859,  whose  example 
was  quickly  followed  throughout  Catholic  Christendom.  In  an 
encyclical  of  January  19,  1860,  the  pope  addressed  himself  to  the 

Fig.  35.  —  General  Lamoricifere. 

bishops  of  the  whole  world,  declaring  that  in  defence  of  the  States 
of  the  Church  he  was  ready  to  submit  to  a  martyr's  death.  Cavour, 
in  secret,  blessed  the  pope  who  by  his  obstinacy  had  made  a  congress 
impossible.     Napoleon  had  to  resign  himself  to  the  conviction  that 


the  annexation  of  Middle  Italy  to  Sardinia  could  not  be  prevented. 
But  if  this  were  the  case,  he  was  resolved  that  Sardinia  should  at  least 
pay  the  stipulated  price  for  the  acquisition  of  Venice.  This  change 
in  the  imperial  policy  found  expression  in  the  dismissal  of  Walew- 
ski  and  the  appointment  (January  5,  1860)  of  Thouvenel  as  his 
successor,  a  man  more  friendly  to  Italy.  The  first  thing  that  the 
new  foreign  minister  did  was  to  declare  frankly  to  Vienna  that 
it  was  impossible  to  carry  out  the  conditions  of  the  Peace  of  Zurich, 
specially  adverting  to  the  danger  that  the  Italian  movement,  hitherto 
monarchical,  might  assume  a  republican  character. 

A  short  time  thereafter  an  important  change  was  effected  in  the 
Sardinian  ministry.  The  half-hearted  way  in  which  Rattazzi  had 
taken  up  the  Middle  Italian  question,  and  the  readiness  with  which 
he  lent  himself  to  the  scheme  of  a  congress,  had  cost  him  the  con- 
fidence of  the  king  as  well  as  of  the  public.  Garibaldi,  in  his  in- 
dignation, resigned  the  honorary  presidency  of  the  National  Union, 
and  founded  a  new  one,  the  '  Armed  Nation,'  which  should  openly 
carry  revolt  into  the  INIarches.  On  January  16,  Rattazzi  gave  in  his 
resignation,  whereupon  the  king  intrusted  Cavour  with  the  forma- 
tion of  a  new  ministry.  The  new  premier  entered  on  his  office  by 
sending  out  a  declaration  to  the  king's  ministers  at  foreign  courts, 
that  the  re-erection  of  the  little  thrones  was  not  to  be  thought  of, 
incorporation  being  the  only  possible  solution  of  the  Middle  Italian 
question.  He  summoned  Fanti  to  the  war-office,  but  left  him,  not- 
withstanding, the  supervision  of  the  organization  of  the  Middle 
Italian  troops,  and  he  was  soon  able  to  add  to  the  royal  army 
40,000  fairly  disciplined  men,  who  were  forthwith  placed  under 
Sardinian  officers.  Garibaldi  was  allowed  to  give  in  his  resignation 
from  the  Äliddle  Italian  service.  This  he  accompanied  with  a  fare- 
well proclamation  to  his  soldiers,  in  which  he  declared  that  he  was 
in  the  meantime  removed  by  craft,  but  on  the  day  that  Victor 
Emmanuel  called  on  his  warriors  to  fight  for  the  liberation  of  the 
country,  he  would  be  found  at  liis  post  by  the  side  of  his  comrades. 
"  A  heart  of  gold,  but  the  head  of  a  buffalo,"  said  d'Azeglio. 

This  bold  course  Cavour  would  not  have  ventured  to  enter  on 
without  the  support  he  was  sure  of  finding  m  England.  Even  this, 
however,  could  not  obviate  the  necessity  for  ceding  to  France  the 
price  of  her  assistance  against  Austria,  —  Savoy,  the  ancient  patri- 
mony of  the  house  of  Sardinia,  and  Nice,  the  birthplace  of  Gari- 
baldi, with  an  area  of  7400  square  miles,  and  800,000  inhabitants. 

'KING  BOMBA.'  139 

Ever  since  Cavour  had  exposed  to  the  Congress  of  Paris  the  mis- 
rule in  Naples  as  a  menace  to  Europe,  the  western  powers  had  been 
earnest  in  their  intercessions  for  an  amnesty  there,  or  at  least  for 
the  milder  treatment  of  the  political  prisoners.  But  their  labors 
were  thrown  away  on  King  Ferdinand  ('  King  Bomba '),  so  that  in 
October,  1856,  both  England  and  France  broke  off  diplomatic  rela- 
tions with  Naples.  In  the  souls  of  this  monarch's  people  there 
glowed  but  one  political  emotion,  that,  namely,  of  deadly  hate  of 
the  whole  Bourbon  race,  that  had  for  generations  defiled  this  garden 
of  Europe  with  its  tyranny;  and  the  consciousness  of  this  feeling 
impelled  the  government  to  continually  harsher  measures.  These 
were  aggravated  in  an  especial  way  after  an  unsuccessful  rising  in 
Sicily  under  Bentivegna,  and  an  assault  made  by  a  soldier,  jMilano, 
on  the  king,  at  a  review  on  December  8,  in  which  he  received  a  bay- 
onet wound;  180,000  suspects  stood  on  the  police-registers  or  under 
supervision,  or  were  in  confinement.  Yet  the  ground  seemed  to 
shake  ominously  under  the  feet  of  the  government.  On  June  25, 
1857,  some  thirty  Mazzinists  from  Genoa,  among  them  Pisacane,  duke 
of  Giovanni,  Nicotera,  and  others,  seized  the  isle  of  Ponza,  Hberating 
327  prisoners,  ^nd  landed  at  Sapri.  There,  however,  they  found 
among  the  people  only  terror  and  lukewarmness.  The  insurgents 
were  dispersed,  and  Pisacane  was  severely  wounded ;  the  ship  was 
seized,  and  its  crew  —  though  it  was  shown  they  had  been  pressed 
into  the  service  —  thrown  into  prison.  On  England's  energetic 
complaint,  however,  the  engineers,  as  British  subjects,  had  to  be  re- 
leased with  heavy  compensation ;  and  Cavour  compelled  the  ship  to 
be  given  up  free.  As  if  nature  herself  had  conspired  with  tyranny, 
in  December  the  land  was  visited  by  a  succession  of  terrible  earth- 
quakes, through  which  10,000  people  were  killed.  Seventy  of  the 
countless  prisoners  —  among  them  Poerio  —  were  shipped  for  North 
America ;  but  they  compelled  the  captain  to  set  them  ashore  at  Cork, 
and  were  received  with  open  arms  in  England,  whence  they  passed 
to  Piedmont. 

Such  was  the  situation  in  Naples  when  King  Ferdinand,  shortly 
after  the  outbreak  of  war,  died,  on  May  22,  1859,  his  wound  hav- 
ing mortified.  His  son  and  successor,  Francis  II.,  —  a  man  of  no 
strength  of  intellect,  of  Jesuit  training,  withheld  hitherto  from 
all  business  and  from  the  contagion  of  modern  ideas,  —  mitigated 
somewhat  the  sternness  of  his  father's  rule,  but  remained  steadfast 
to  his  neutrality.     Shortly  after  his  entry  on  the  government  the 

140  NAPOLEON  in.    AND    UNITED  ITALY. 

sole  reliable  stay  of  the  old  system  was  taken  from  it  when  the  Swiss 
federal  council,  moved  by  the  occurrences  at  Perugia,  declared  the 
treaties  with  Naples  at  an  end.  Thereupon  the  Swiss  regiments 
mutinied,  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  faithful  individuals,  had 
to  be  disbanded.  Then  the  government  in  its  infatuation  entered 
zealously  into  the  plan  of  crusade  against  the  northern  revolutiona- 
ries concocted  at  Rome ;  and,  by  concentrating  its  troops  with  this 
object  upon  the  northern  frontier,  exposed  the  south,  and  especially 
Sicily,  practically  without  defence  to  the  revolution.  This  island, 
ever  eager  for  separation,  would  have  preferred  to  anything  else  a 
king  of  its  own ;  but  as  this  was  unattainable,  it  took  up  the  war- 
cry  of  Lafarina  and  the  national  party,  "  Italy  and  Victor  Emman- 
uel ! "  Cavour  renewed  to  Francis  II.  the  proposal  which  he  had 
made  some  time  before,  for  an  alliance  for  the  common  ordering  of 
Italian  affairs ;  but  the  king  lent  a  deaf  ear  to  all  good  counsel. 
Through  this  Cavour  was  constrained  to  take  steps  to  obviate  a 
catastrophe  in  Naples,  that,  without  Sardinia's  interference,  could 
have  but  one  of  three  issues,  namely,  either  the  triumph  of  radical- 
ism, or  of  j\Iuratisra,  or  the  confirmation  of  the  present  despotism, — 
each  of  which  implied  equal  danger  for  the  cause  of  Italy. 

The  example  of  Middle  Italy  had  inspired  the  Sicilian  patriots 
with  a  glowing  desire  to  follow  it.  The  time  for  waiting  was  past, 
Cavour  had  reason  to  fear  that  through  longer  inactivity  the  leader- 
ship of  Italy  would  pass  out  of  his  hands.  "  I  hold  it  to  be  neces- 
sary," wrote  Victor  Emmanuel  to  Francis  II.  on  April  15,  1860, 
"  that  you  should  instantly  renounce  your  former  policy.  If  you 
reject  my  counsel,  offered  from  honest  sympathy  for  your  dynasty, 
the  time  may  come  when  I  shall  find  myself  in  the  painful  dilemma 
of  either  imperilling  the  gravest  interests  of  my  crown,  or  of  myself 
becoming  the  main  instrument  in  your  ruin."  On  the  26th  the 
"  Milan  Gazette  "  contained  this  announcement :  "  Such  volunteers 
as  wish  to  go  to  Sicily  will  address  themselves  for  instructions  to  the 
office  of  this  paper."  On  the  night  of  May  6  Bixio  took  possession  — 
ostensibly  by  force  —  of  two  steam  transports  in  the  harbor  of  Genoa, 
on  which  Garibaldi  (Fig.  36),  with  some  thousand  volunteers,  mostly 
old  Alpine  rangers,  embarked.  They  landed  first  on  the  Tuscan 
coast,  near  San  Stefano,  and  took  in  munitions  and  water,  which  had 
been  forgotten.  Pursued  by  two  Neapolitan  men-of-war,  they  reached 
the  harbor  of  Marsala,  and  lay  to  there  behind  two  English  corvettes, 
which  were  purposely  so  deliberate  in  obeying  the  order  to  move  out 



that  the  volunteers  were  able  to  effect  their  landing  unmolested. 
Next  day,  the  12th,  Garibaldi  began  his  march  into  the  interior.  As 
commander-in-chief  of  the  national  army  in  Sicily,  he  took  on  himself, 
in  the  name  of  Victor  Emmanuel,  the  dictatorship  of  the  island,  and 
called  upon  all  Sicihans,  from  seventeen  years  old  to  fifty,  to  arm. 

Fig.  36. — Garibaldi.     From  a  pli olograph. 

But  SO  degenerate  had  the  country  people  become  under  the  debas- 
ing rule  of  the  Bourbons  that  only  a  very  small  number  —  and  these 
mainly  allured  by  the  prospect  of  murder  and  plunder  —  responded 
to  his  summons.  Only  the  wretchedness  of  the  Neapolitan  defence 
enabled  him  to  advance.     After  a  check,  m  which  he  lost  his  cannon, 


he  succeeded,  on  the  27th,  in  getting  possession,  by  a  coup-de-main,  of 
the  lower  town  of  Palermo.  General  Lanza  opened  a  bombardment 
from  the  upper  town,  but,  observing  the  demoralization  gaining  ground 
everywhere  among  the  royal  troops,  his  courage  failed  him.  On  the 
30th  he  concluded  a  truce ;  and  the  ministry,  from  dread  of  the  vol- 
unteers left  behind  in  Tuscany,  ordered  him  to  evacuate  the  city 
immediately  and  return  home.  No  sooner  had  he  left  than  Castell-a- 
mare,  the  old  penal  fort  of  Palermo,  was  torn  down.  By  decree 
the  dictator  expelled  the  Jesuits  from  the  island,  yet  did  not  omit 
to  pay  his  devotions  at  the  shrine  of  St.  Rosalie. 

The  fall  of  Palermo  made  a  deep  impression  in  Naples.  Confid- 
ing in  Napoleon's  jealousy  of  England,  as  well  as  in  his  antipathy 
to  the  volunteers  and  Itahan  unity,  Francis  II.  made  up  his  mind  to 
send  the  moderate-minded  de  Martino  to  Paris  to  invoke  the  emper- 
or's intervention.  Had  Napoleon  been  master  of  his  doings  he  would 
only  too  readily  have  hstened  to  the  prayer,  but  he  could  not  sacri- 
fice tlie  relations  with  England.  After  England  had  declined  his 
proposal  to  prevent,  by  their  combined  fleets,  a  landing  by  Garibaldi 
on  the  mainland,  he  had  no  other  counsel  to  give  the  king  than  to 
come  to  terms  with  Sardinia.  Abandoned  and  in  extremity,  the 
Neapolitan  court  at  length  had  recourse  to  concessions.  On  June  25 
announcements  were  made  of  an  amnesty,  a  new  ministry,  and  a  con- 
stitution; an  alliance  with  Sardinia,  and  the  assumption  of  the 
Italian  colors.  But  the  people,  already  twice  deceived  by  pledges  of 
a  constitution,  were  no  longer  to  be  taken  in  by  fair  promises  ;  and 
on  the  28th  disorders  broke  out,  whereupon  the  city  was  declared  in 
a  state  of  siege.  The  government  had  sunk  so  thoroughly  into  con- 
tempt that  nothing  could  save  it. 

But  the  court  had  not  yet  given  up  the  hope  of  retaining  Sicily. 
The  promise  of  a  separate  parliament,  and  of  a  royal  prince  as  vice- 
roy, would,  it  was  expected,  give  to  things  the  same  turn  they  took  in 
1849.  General  Nunziante  sketched  a  plan  for  the  resubjugation  of 
the  island.  But  the  change  in  the  system  of  government  had  intro- 
duced discord  among  the  generals,  the  measures  fell  into  abeyance, 
and  the  defection  of  Count  Anguissola,  who  went  over  to  Garibaldi 
with  the  steam-frigate  Veloce,  caused  the  royalists  to  doubt  the 
whole  fleet.  In  the  army,  the  system  of  the  late  king  of  making  the 
men  directly  dependent  on  himself,  through  distrust  of  the  officers, 
and  to  the  weakening  of  their  authority,  now  avenged  itself.  The 
officials  in  the  Sicilian  towns  recognized  the  dictator,  and  paid  him 


the  taxes ;  and  he  repHed  to  the  announcement  of  the  Neapohtan 
constitution  by  the  issue  of  a  writ  for  the  Sicilian  elections.  Gen- 
eral Bosco,  who  stood  in  the  northeast  of  the  island,  and  on  July 
17  had  made  a  vain  attack  on  Garibaldi's  general,  Medici,  at  Milazzo, 
now  withdrew  into  the  castle  of  Messina,  whence  he  bombarded  that 
city.  On  the  23d  he  recrossed  to  the  mainland,  as  the  new  constitu- 
tional ministry  would  not,  by  a  reckless  defence,  imperil  the  still 
hoped-for  alliance  with  Sardinia.  On  August  3  the  Sardinio-Italic 
constitution  —  that  is,  the  annexation  of  the  island  to  Sardinia  — 
was  proclaimed. 

The  nearer  the  danger  approached  the  mainland,  the  more  ani- 
mated became  the  excitement  abroad.  The  reactionaries,  and  the 
liberals  everywhere,  saw  in  the  issue  of  the  struggle  in  the  extreme 
south  the  presage  of  their  own  victory  or  defeat.  At  the  entreaty  of 
the  German  princes,  the  czar  addressed  to  Napoleon  an  energetic 
call  to  intervention.  The  emperor  of  Austria  had  an  interview  with 
the  prince  of  Prussia  at  Teplitz.  England  earnestly  counselled  the 
court  of  Turin  to  negotiate  an  armistice  between  Garibaldi  and 
Naples.  Even  Victor  Emmanuel  addressed  Garibaldi  by  letter, 
desiring  him  to  desist  from  further  enterprises.  But  it  was  too  late. 
Garibaldi  begged  to  be  allowed  to  be  disobedient  for  once ;  while 
Cavour  did  not  let  himself  again  be  led  astray,  but  directly  incited 
the  great  guerilla-captain  to  make  an  end  of  the  Bourbon  kingdom 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  expected  war  with  Austria.  He  backed 
up  his  advice  by  the  secret  despatch  of  arms  to  him,  and  sent  Admiral 
Persano  into  the  Straits  to  cover  his  passage  to  the  mainland.  In 
Naples  anarchy  ran  riot  in  expectation  of  Garibaldi's  landing. 
Treachery  lurked  everywhere  around  the  tottering  throne,  and  defec- 
tion was  rife.  Its  own  essential  rottenness  assured  the  fall  of  the 
Bourbon  system  at  the  first  stroke. 

On  August  20  Garibaldi  landed  not  far  from  Reggio.  The  gar- 
rison of  Reggio  capitulated  after  a  short  struggle,  as  did  several 
bodies  of  troops  encountered  on  the  farther  advance.  "  Our  march 
is  a  triumph,"  Garibaldi  telegraphed ;  "  the  people  are  jubilant ;  the 
troops  are  disbanding."  The  courageous  young  queen,  Maria  of 
Bavaria,  tried  in  vain  to  inspire  her  inert  spouse  to  mount  his  war- 
horse,  and,  sword  in  hand,  defend  his  crown.  The  camarilla,  in 
whose  hands  he  was,  would  have  preferred  anarchy  to  the  triumph 
of  a  constitutional  k;ng.  The  precious  hours  were  allowed  to  pass 
away  unimproved.     On  the  evening  of  September  6  the  royal  family 


took  ship  for  Gaeta.  The  day  after,  Garibaldi  took  the  train  in 
advance  of  liis  troops,  and,  accompanied  only  by  a  few  officers,  entered 
the  capital.  Naples  was  beside  itself  with  joy^  Garibaldi  named  a 
liberal  ministry,  and  put  in  force  the  Sardinian  constitutional  law  of 
March  4,  1848. 

Cavour  had  instructed  his  admiral  to  be  in  Naples  if  possible 
before  Garibaldi,  but  the  charm  of  the  Hberator's  name  had  rendered 
this  impracticable.  All  the  more  necessary  did  he  deem  it  to  be  to 
anticipate  liis  arrival  in  the  States  of  the  Church,  so  that  the  guid- 
ance of  the  movement,  now  becoming  too  powerful  to  be  stopped, 
might  not  pass  entirely  out  of  his  hands.  According  to  secret 
arrangements  with  Sardinia,  the  patriots  in  Umbria  and  the  Marches 
rose  on  September  6,  and  called  on  the  king  for  help  against  the  bar- 
barity of  the  papal  mercenaries,  which  was  promised  them  accord- 
ingly. To  the  dissuasions  of  the  diplomats,  Cavour  answered  thus : 
"  If  we  do  not  reach  the  Volturno  before  Garibaldi  reaches  the  Cat- 
tolica,  monarchy  is  lost,  and  Italy  falls  a  prey  to  the  Revolution. 
We  are  forced  to  act."  After  Antonelli  had  bluntly  refused  to  listen 
to  the  call  made  on  him  in  the  name  of  humanity  to  disarm  and  dis- 
band the  rabble  that  called  itself  the  papal  army,  the  Sardinians  under 
Cialdini  crossed  the  frontiers  of  the  States  of  the  Church.  They  were 
everywhere  hailed  by  the  people  as  their  deliverers.  Lamoriciere 
was  utterly  routed  at  Castelfidardo  on  September  18.  Ancona 
capitulated  on  the  29th.  Umbria  and  the  Marches  voted  almost 
unanimously  for  annexation.  The  pope  was  left  master  of  only 
693,000  souls. 

Naples's  turn  came  next.  Here  Cavour  was  in  haste  to  bring 
matters  to  a  conclusion  before  foreign  powers  could  interfere  to  bind 
his  hands.  The  meeting  of  the  czar  with  the  emperor  of  Austria 
in  Warsaw,  in  October,  was  everywhere  regarded  as  a  spuptom  of 
warlike  resolves ;  and  Napoleon,  at  the  vehement  importunity  of  the 
Ultramontanes,  had  ordered  the  corps  of  occupation  at  Rome  to  be 
re-enforced  to  22,000  men.  Whether  Garibaldi,  in  his  wrath  at  this 
barrier  between  him  and  his  goal,  would  submit  to  the  desires  and 
ordinances  of  the  royal  government,  was  matter  of  serious  doubt,  and 
became  more  doubtful  in  proportion  as  foreign  masters  of  phrases, 
like  Ledru-Rollin  and  Alexandre  Dumas,  forced  themselves  in  upon 
him,  and  as  the  fiofht  between  autonomists  and  annexationists  became 
fiercer.  Fortunately  the  marquis  of  Pallavicino-Trivulzio,  named 
by  Garibaldi  as  vice-dictator,  was  able  to  bring  him  back  to  reason, 


and  to  gain  his   assent  to   the  verdict  of  the  plebiscite   in  Naples, 
which  coincided  with  that  of  the  other  provinces.     Without  waiting 
for  this,  Victor   Emmanuel    passed    the    Neapolitan    frontier.       At 
Isernia    a  Bourbon    division  was  dispersed  ;    10,000  royalists  with- 
drew -wdthin  Gaeta,  the  rest  being  driven  over  the  border  into  the 
States   of   the    Church.      Capua   capitulated  on  November  3.      On 
October  25  Garibaldi  met  the  king  at  Trano  ;  on  November  7  the 
latter   entered  Naples ;  but  the   hero,  deeply  hurt  that  not  he,  but 
Farini,  was  named  as  governor-general,  laid  down  the  command-in- 
chief   of  the  southern  army.      In  vain  did  the  king  offer  him  wealth 
and  honor ;  poor  as  he  came,  he  went  back  to  his   goat-island  of 
Caprera.       His  army,  was  disbanded,  and  on  December  1  the  king 
visited   Palermo.     The   appeals  for  help  which  the  besieged  Francis 
emitted  from  Gaeta  met  mth  no  response  ;  his  protests  fell  dead. 
Cialdini  now  plied  the  bombardment  of  the  completely  invested  forl> 
ress  by  sea  and  land.       On  February  13  Gaeta  capitulated,  after  a 
siege  of  101  days ;  and  on  March  12  the  citadel  of  Messina  opened 
its  gates,  and  the  last  trace  of  Bourbon  sway  in  Italy  vanished  forever. 
February  18,  1861,  was  made  memorable  by  the  opening  of  the 
first  Italian  parliament  at  Turin,  its  first  business  being  the  extension 
of  the   Sardinian  constitution  of  1818  to  all  the  Italian  provinces. 
On  ]\Iarch  17  Victor  Emmanuel  assumed  the  title  of  '  King  of  Italy ; ' 
the  first  foreign  states  to  recognize  the  new  kingdom  being  England, 
Switzerland,  and  Greece  ;    thereafter  came    France,  and  somewhat 
later  Prussia.       But  with  the  establishment  of    external  unity  the 
work  was  but  half  accomplished.       "  ]My  task,"  wrote  Cavour  ^^'ith 
truth  to  his  friend  de  la  Rive,  "  is  heavier  and  more  arduous  now 
than  ever.       To  reconstitute  Italy,  to  amalgamate  the  different  ele- 
ments of  which  she  is  composed,  to  bring  into  harmony  the   north 
and  south,  present  as  many  difficulties  as  a  war  A\dth  Austria  or  the 
struggle  with  Rome."       Many  burning   questions   imperatively  de- 
manded prompt  settlement ;  and  everywhere  there  were  wanting  the 
conditions  —  economical  and  moral  —  on  which  to  base  a  great  new 
state.       Sardinia  was    too   small    a  nucleus  for    the    new  members 
easily  to  merge  themselves  in  it ;  the  comparative  facility  with  which 
so  great  results  had  been  attained  tended  to  make  many  oblivious 
of  the  virtues   of  moderation  and  discreet  considerateness ;  the  old 
municipal   spirit  revolted  against  unity ;   the  higher  taxes  and  the 
sudden  change  from  prohibition  to  free  trade  produced  a  material 
depression    that  the  impetuous   southerners  submitted  to  the  more 

Vol.  XIX.— 10 


impatiently  that  hitherto  they  had  been  inclined  to  jealousy  of  the 
north,  and  to  suspect  self-seeking  motives  in  every  public  character  ; 
the  Garibaldians  were  indignant  that  their  general  was  set  aside. 
Cavour,  more  a  politician  than  an  organizer,  was  scarcely  the  man  to 
cope  with  such  difficulties ;  but  greater  than  any  or  all  of  them  was 
that  of  the  relation  of  the  young  kingdom  to  the  Vatican. 

Of  reconciliation  the  Vatican  would  not  hear.  Rome  was  the 
centre  of  a  great,  and,  through  the  help  of  the  French  Legitimists, 
a  formidable,  conspiracy  for  the  overthrow  of  the  new  order.  A 
part  of  the  disbanded  Bourbon  army  was,  with  the  secret  conni- 
vance or  approval  of  the  papal  authorities,  enlisted  for  a  war  of 
brigandage  against  Italy.  The  most  ruthless  bandits,  who  murdered 
their  prisoners  with  all  circumstances  of  cruelty,  appeared  in  the  role 
of  champions  of  the  papal  throne  and  the  altar ;  priests  incited  the 
people  against  the  heretical  king ;  convents  served  as  lurking-places 
for  the  bandits;  and  such  of  these  as  suffered  execution  died, 
through  papal  absolution,  secure  of  heaven.  Within  twenty  months 
these  brigand-warriors  lost  2,293  slain  in  battle,  2,077  prisoners,  and 
959  shot  by  sentence  of  court-martial.  What  specially  aggravated 
the  difficulty  of  reconciling  church  and  state  was  that  the  latter  was 
now  stretching  forth  its  hand  towards  Rome.  An  Italy  without 
Rome  for  its  capital  was  what  no  Italian  could  think  of.  In  this  city 
alone  did  Cavour  see  united  the  great  moral  and  historical  conditions 
which  entitled  it  to  be  the  head  of  a  great  nation ;  and  he  believed  in 
the  possibility  of  getting  possession  of  it  by  amicable  arrangement. 
The  peaceful  separation  of  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  powers  in  such 
a  way  as  to  concentrate  and  strengthen  each  —  a  free  church  in 
a  free  state  —  that  was  the  thought  which  he  shared  with  the  most 
enlightened  spirits  of  Italy,  the  ideal  for  which  his  bosom  glowed, 
and  towards  which  he  strained  with  all  his  strength.  The  papacy, 
spiritually  new-born,  and  relieved  from  all  the  cares  of  secular  govern- 
ment, would  be  able  to  devote  itself  more  entirely  and  more  effect- 
ively to  the  duties  of  its  lofty  calling.  A  merciful  fate  spai-ed  him 
the  pain  of  discovering  how  entirely  his  hopes  deceived  Mm.  Exces- 
sive labors  exhausted  his  bodily  powers ;  and  on  June  6,  1861,  he  ex- 
pired. "  Frate,  Frate,  libera  chiesa  in  lihero  stato  !  "  were  his  latest 
words  to  the  priest  from  whom  he  received  absolution.  He  fell  in  the 
moment  of  victory,  as  much  a  martyr  to  patriotism  as  any  warrior 
that  ever  died  on  the  battle-field.  The  parliament,  deeply  moved, 
suspended   its  sittings  for  three  days ;   there  was  no  friend  of  the 



country  but  mourned  him.  The  majority  that  had  steadily  stood  by 
him  met,  and  pledged  themselves  to  remain  true  to  the  policy  of 
their  great  leader. 

Cavour's  place  remained  void.  He  left  behind  him  no  successor 
capable  of  carrying  through  his  half-accomplished  work.  The  presi- 
dency of  the  ministry  was  undertaken  by  Ricasoli  (Fig.  37),  who 

Fig.  37.  —  Ricasoli.     From  tiie  copper-plate  engraving  by  Metzmacher,  1861. 

found  the  Roman  question  further  from  solution  than  ever.  The 
failure  of  his  attempts  induced  him  to  lay  down  office,  March  3, 
1862,  when  Rattazzi  once  more  accepted  the  presidency.  Neither  did 
he  make  any  progress  in  accommodating  matters  \vith  Rome.  His 
old  friends,  the  Radicals,  whose  views  now  extended  far  beyond  Italy, 
set  their  hopes  confidently  on  him.  From  Brescia,  Kossuth  sent 
forth  a  call  to  the  Magyars,  Slavs,  and  Greeks  for  a  common  eifort 
to  shake  off  the  Austrian  and  Turkish  yokes.  Garilialdi  was  at 
hand,  and  eager  to  restore  to  Italy  all  that  was  wanting  to  her  on 
the  farther  side  of  the  Adriatic ;  for  if  Hungary  and  the  Balkan 
peninsula  were  in  flames,  Austria  must  let  Venetia  go.  But  to  all 
these  plans  England  put  a  sudden  end  by  her  declaration  that  she 
would  suffer  no  encroachment  on  Turkey.  This  directed  Garibaldi's 
attention  to  Rome.     He  preached  throughout  the  Italian  cities  the 



crusade  of  "Rome  and  Victor  Emmanuel."  But  this  did  not  at 
all  harmonize  with  Rattazzi's  views,  who  would  in  no  way  interfere 
with  Rome  Avithout  the  Emperor  Napoleon's  consent.  Indeed,  under 
pressure  from  the  latter,  he  threatened  to  suppress  by  force  any 
attempt  at  filibustering;  wliile  the  king  himself  declared  that  the 
hour  for  seizing  Rome  had  not  yet  come,  and  that  to  him  alone 
belonged  the  right  of  announcing  it.  But  Garibaldi  did  not  be- 
lieve  in  the  good  faith  of  this  declaration.     He  embarked,  on  the 

night  of  August  24,  at 
Catania,  with  3000 
men.  But  Napoleon's 
threat  to  occuj^y  Naples 
itself  in  case  of  neces- 
sity prompted  Turin  to 
act  with  decision.  The 
volunteers,  who  had 
landed  on  the  Cala- 
brian  coast,  came,  on 
August  27,  into  col- 
lision at  Aspromonte 
with  a  division  of  the 
royal  troops  under 
Colonel  Pallavicini, 
and  were  completely 
routed.  Garibaldi,  after 
receiving  a  ball  in  his 
ankle,  gave  himself  up. 
As  Rattazzi  had  done 
as  little  to  realize  Italy's 
longings  for  Rome  as 
his  predecessor,  so,  like 
him,  he  fell  from  power, 
December  1,  1862.  The  Farini-Minghetti  (Fig.  38)  ministry, 
which  succeeded  his,  had  the  courage  to  oppose  itself  resolutely 
to  this  mania  for  Rome  that  fettered  Italy  to  France ;  and  although 
it  shared  in  the  conviction  that  Rome  was  the  natural  and  neces- 
sary capital  of  Italy,  it  determined  to  let  the  question  lie  fallow 
for  a  time.  Without  this  complication  it  had  enough  to  do  with 
financial  difficulties.  Its  year's  deficit  amounted  to  more  than 
260,000,000  lire.     The   government   had    to   have   recourse  to    in- 

From  a  photograph. 


THE    TREATY  OF  SEPTEMBER   15,    IS64.  149 

creasing  the    old    taxes,  and    the    imposition    of    new  ones,  among 
tliese  the  hated  meal-tax. 

]Much  more  annoying  to  Napoleon  than  the  attitude  of  the  Turin 
government  was  the  intractable  obstinacy  mth  which  the  Italian 
people  insisted  on  Rome.  This  embarrassed  him  in  his  Avhole  pohcy, 
and  burdened  him,  in  the  eyes  of  the  whole  Catholic  ^\-orld,  ^dth  a 
responsibility  which  he  was  increasmgly  unwilling  to  bear.  On  this 
question  he  changed  his  foreign  minister,  replacing  Thouvenel  by 
Drouyn  de  I'Huys.  He  felt  the  necessity  of  restraining  Italy;  and 
as  the  Turin  statesmen  desired  nothing  so  much  as  to  be  restrained, 
there  grew  out  of  the  situation  the  treaty  of  September  15,  1864, 
which  disposed  of  the  Roman  question  for  the  immediate  future.  By 
it  Italy  pledged  herself  not  to  encroach  upon  the  present  papal  terri- 
tory, to  prevent  any  attack  on  it  from  the  exterior,  and  declared 
herself  read}'  to  assume  a  just  proportion  of  the  debt  of  the  former 
States  of  the  Church.  France,  in  return,  bound  herself  to  withdraw 
her  troops  gradually  from  Rome  in  conformity  with  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  papal  force,  the  evacuation  to  be  accomplished,  however, 
within  two  yeare.  But  the  treaty  was  to  remain  in  abeyance  till  the 
king  of  Italy  should  have  decreed  the  transference  of  his  capital 
from  Turin  to  some  place  yet  to  be  determined  on. 

The  indignation  of  the  people  of  Turin  at  this  arrangement  was 
Ijoundless,  and  was  the  cause  of  bloody  riots,  and  the  fall  of  the 
Minghetti  administration.  La  ^Marmora  constituted  a  new  ministr}^ ; 
Farini  became  insane.  Garibaldi,  on  his  crutches,  thundered  from 
Caprera  against  the  defilement  of  the  country  by  such  a  conven- 
tion. "With  Bonaparte,"  he  wrote,"  there  is  but  one  convention 
possible  —  the  purging  of  our  land  of  his  presence,  not  in  two  years, 
but  in  two  hours."  On  December  12,  1864,  the  king,  with  heavy 
lieart,  confirmed  the  transference  of  the  capital  to  Florence  (Plate 
XL).  The  Holy  Father  might  well  repeat  the  sigh  from  the  allocu- 
tion of  December  17,  1860 :  "  It  is  hard  for  us  to  decide  whether 
we  are  protected  by  friends,  or  cast  into  the  dungeon  by  enemies. 
Petrus  est  in  vincuUs.^' 



IT  was  the  peculiar  fate  of  the  Second  Empire,  that  its  military 
triumphs  brought  it  only  political  mischances.  Its  Villafranca 
creature  —  the  Italian  Confederation  —  was  doomed  ere  it  begran  to 
draw  breath;  and  the  imperial  government  painfully  concealed  its 
impotence  to  avert  the  misadventure  under  the  guise  of  non-interven- 
tion. It  knew  that  abroad  there  was  confidence  neither  in  its  reli- 
ability nor  its  stability.  Its  alliance  with  the  clergy  was  shattered 
by  the  September  treaty ;  the  democracy  was  excited  at  seeing  free- 
dom and  independence  conferred  on  Italy  by  the  same  hand  that 
denied  them  at  home.  The  younger  generation  made  no  conceal- 
ment of  their  hate  of  the  empire ;  even  the  legislative  body  became 
an  object  of  anxiety  to  it,  especially  after  1859,  when  a  number  of 
republicans  abandoned  their  former  reserve,  and  "  the  Group  of 
Five"  —  among  them  p]mile  Ollivier  —  constituted  themselves  the 
nucleus  of  a  constitutional  opposition.  By  Morny's  advice,  a  de- 
cree of  November  24,  1860,  granted  the  senate  and  chamber  of 
deputies  the  right  of  replying  to  the  speech  from  the  throne  by  an 
address,  which  might  be  discussed  in  presence  of  the  government 
commissioners,  they  taking  part.  In  the  legislative  body  a  free 
debate  was  allowed  on  every  bill  introduced,  and  this  was  taken  in 
shorthand,  and  published  in  the  official  journal.  A  minister  without 
a  portfolio  —  the  so-called  speech-minister  —  defended  the  bills  in  the 

Much  more  important  than  this  homoeopathic  dose  of  freedom, 
which  was  to  inaugurate  the  reconciliation  between  the  empire  and 
the  spirit  of  the  age,  was  the  change  wrought  by  the  emperor  s  per- 
sonal intervention  in  the  economical  relations  of  the  country.  During 
the  Bourbon  and  Orleans  dynasties  the  great  chiefs  of  industry  had 
the  legislation  affecting  customs-duties  and  commerce  entirely  in 
their  own  hands,  and  had  brought  the  system  of  prohibition  and  pro- 
tection up  to  the  highest  point  of  elaboration.  Napoleon  decided  to 
break  with  all  this,  and,  in  the  form  of  an  open  letter  to  his  minister 


FREE   TRADE.  151 

of  state,  unfolded  the  essential  features  of  his  economical  programme, 
which  was  to  usher  in  a  new  era  of  peace  and  prosperity.  These, 
were  :  the  abrogation  of  the  duties  on  wool  and  cotton,  the  gradual 
reduction  of  those  on  sugar  and  coffee,  the  energetic  improvement  of 
the  avenues  of  traffic,  advances  for  the  promotion  of  agriculture  and 
manufactures,  the  institution  of  great  works  of  public  utility,  aboli- 
tion of  prohibitive  duties,  and  the  conclusion  of  commercial  treaties 
with  foreign  nations. 

In  regard  to  the  last  item  a  beginning  had  already  been  made  in 
October,  1859,  when  the  eminent  economist  Michel  Chevalier  visited 
England,  ostensibly  with  reference  to  a  congress  regarding  weights 
and  measures.  The  preHminary  discussions,  which  were  taken  part  in 
on  the  English  side  by  Richard  Cobden  (Fig.  39)  and  Gladstone,  were 
then  transferred  to  Paris.  The  council  of  ministers  heard  nothing 
of  the  business  till  it  was  in  shape.  In  virtue  of  his  constitutional 
prerogative  the  emperor,  on  January  23,  1860,  signed  the  commer- 
cial treaty  with  England.  By  it  France  bound  herself  to  the  aboli- 
tion of  all  prohibitory  duties  on  British  manufactures,  and  to  the 
lowering  of  those  on  coal,  coke,  iron,  machinery,  yarn,  hemp,  etc. ; 
England,  in  return,  making  great  reductions  on  the  duties  on  wine, 
silk,  articles  of  vertu,  etc.  Especially  significant,  and  powerfully 
influential  in  transforming  the  customs-systems  of  the  other  coun- 
tries of  Europe,  was  the  '  most  favored  nation '  clause,  by  which 
the  two  nations  mutually  bound  themselves  to  give  each  other  the 
benefit  of  any  remission  or  reduction  they  might  grant  a  third  power. 
By  this  treaty  England  sacrificed  millions  of  her  revenue  ;  her  tariff 
retaining  only  forty-eight  dutiable  articles,  of  which  but  fifteen  were 
of  financial  importance.  In  France  the  treaty  met  with  no  popular 
acceptance.  The  great  majority  of  the  people  were  believers  in  pro- 
tection; and  the  manufacturers  and  many  influential  politicians  — 
notably  M.  Thiers  —  gave  expression  to  their  dislike  of  the  treaty 
in  no  minced  terms.  Time,  however,  justified  it.  A  great  develop- 
ment of  French  trade  began  to  set  in  almost  immediately  on  its 
adoption.  Agriculture  and  cognate  industries  received  an  impulse 
from  the  Second  Empire  such  as  they  had  not  from  any  previous 
government.  Improved  breeds  of  cattle  were  introduced,  denuded 
mountain-tracts  were  reforested,  the  soil  of  the  Landes  was  fixed  and 
planted,  the  marshes  of  the  Sologne  drained,  model  farms  instituted, 
and  many  other  useful  works  executed.  By  1862  nearly  a  half 
million  hectares  (1,225,000  acres)  of  land  had  been  reclaimed,  the 


Fig.  39.  —  Richard  Cobden.     From  the  copper-plate  engraviii- 
original  puiuting  by  C.  A.  Duval. 


arable  land  increased  by  645,000  hectares,  the  cereal  crop  augmented 
by  thirty-three  million  hektolitres,  and  the  yield  of  wine  raised  from 
twenty-eight  to  sixty-three  million  hektolitres. 

A  more  unfavorable  symptom  w^as  the  constantly  increasing  deficit 
in  the  national  budget,  which,  produced  by  an  extravagant  and  cor- 
rupt administration,  amounted  in  1863  to  75,000,000  francs.  The 
attempts  of  Fould  (Fig.  40),  minister  of  finance,  to  restore  the  budget 
to  an  equilibrium,  were  frustrated  by  the  Mexican  expedition.  If  a 
sound  administration  of  finance  was  unattainable,  there  blossomed 
forth,  in  lieu  of  it,  in  unchecked  luxuriance,  a  sj^irit  of  wildest  specu- 
lation. Mires,  king  of  the  Bourse,  the  buyer-up  of  newspapers, 
floater  of  loans,  and  builder  of  railroads,  on  whose  boards  the  names 
of  the  highest  aristocracy  figured,  knew  so  well  how  to  catch  the 
public  ear,  and  especially  the  ear  of  those  having  small  independent 
incomes,  that  men  rushed  with  feverish  haste  for  shares  in  his  most 
desperate  schemes,  till,  in  1861,  the  bubble  burst,  and  thousands 
were  ruined.  Even  the  government's  colossal  centraHzing  apparatus, 
which  on  the  occasion  of  the  elections  stretched  its  thousand  arms 
over  all  the  land,  as  well  as  its  system  of  official  candidates,  began 
to  lose  their  efficiency.  In  the  election  of  1862  it  still  maintained 
its  majority  in  the  country  districts ;  for  Jacques  Bonhomme,  though 
emancipated  personally,  was  still,  in  respect  of  up-bringing  and  cul- 
ture, the  same  man  he  was  before  1789,  and  new  ideas  found  little 
-acceptance  with  him.  In  the  greater  cities,  on  the  contrary,  includ- 
ing Paris,  and  even  in  a  number  of  the  smaller  towns,  the  govern- 
ment was  defeated.  The  new  chamber  counted  fifty-five  non-official 
members.  The  public  regarded  the  result  as  a  defeat  for  govern- 
ment, the  consequence  being  a  change  of  ministry.  On  June  23, 1863, 
Persigny  received  his  dismissal,  and  Billaut  (and  after  his  sudden 
death,  Rouher)  took  the  place  of  Walewski  as  minister  of  state. 

Abroad,  the  war  of  1859  had  supplied  new  fuel  to  the  mistrust 
of  the  Second  Empire,  especially  in  its  w^eaker  neighbors,  Switzer- 
land and  Belgium.  A  far  more  serious  matter  was  the  alienation  of 
Russia,  produced  by  the  Platonic  scheme  hatched  by  Napoleon,  in 
conjunction  mth  England,  in  1863,  for  a  new  congress  to  be  held  at 
Paris,  for  the  revision  of  the  treaties  of  1815,  with  an  especial  view 
to  the  reconstruction  of  Poland.  Austria  appeared  favorable.  Prus- 
sia, on  the  other  hand,  concluded  a  military  convention  with  Russia, 
on  February  8,  1864:  and  Gortchakoff  had  an  easy  part  to  play  in 
giving  the  most  distinct  refusal  to  the  proposal,  and  m  denying  the 


right  of  tlie  subscribers  to  the  treaties  of  1815  to  interfere  in  any 
way  in  Russia's  domestic  affairs. 

Serious  as  this  fiasco  was  for  a  monarchy  that  lived  only  on  suc> 

Fig.  40.  —  Fould,  Minister  of  Finance.     From  a  photograph. 

cesses,  it  would  not  have  been  enough  to  affect  the  conditions  essen- 
tial to  its  existence.  The  germ  whose  development  proved  fatal  to 
the  Second  Empire  was  not  of  European  origin,  but  was  engendered 


Napoleon  III.,  Emperor  of  the  French. 
From  the  lithograph  by  A.  CoUette. 
History  of  All  yations,  Vol.  XIX.,  page  155. 



in  North  America,  finding  its  indirect  occasion  in  the  American  Civil 

Napoleon's  main  reason  for  anxiously  looking  for  the  dissolution 
of  the  North  American  Union  was  based  on  the  conviction  that  this 
catastrophe  would  afford  him  the  most  favorable  opportunity  for 
making  France's  prestige  paramount  among  the  Latin  races  of  Cen- 
tral America  without  exposing  himself  to  interference  from  the  jeal- 
ous republic  on  the  north.  He  despatched  his  cousin  Jerome  across 
the  Atlantic  to  inform  himself  on  the  spot  regarding  the  prospects 
of  the  American  Rebellion  ;  and  although  this  prince  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  attempt  at  separation  would  end  in  failure,  the 
emperor  himself  held 
fast  to  the  opposite 
convictions.  An  ex- 
cuse for  intervention 
in  Mexico,  where  the 
liberal  President 
Benito  Juarez  ( Fig. 
41)  was  now  tem- 
porarily triumphant 
over  the  reactionary 
clerical  and  monar- 
chical forces,  was 
easily  found.  France, 
Spain,  and  England 
all  had  more  or  less 
valid  money  claims 
upon  the  Mexican 
government ;  and  in 
1861  they  came  to  a  diplomatic  agreement  to  press  these  jointly  by 
force  of  arms. 

To  Napoleon  (Plate  XII.)  these  financial  claims  were  only  a 
secondary  consideration  and  a  pretext.  His  prime  object  was  the 
setting-up  of  a  monarchy  in  Mexico.  The  reactionary  leaders  Gu- 
tierrez and  Almonte,  in  their  hunt  after  a  candidate  for  the  throne, 
had  cast  their  eyes  on  the  Archduke  Älaximilian,  brother  of  the 
emperor  of  Austria ;  and  as  there  was  no  possibility  of  appointing 
a  French  prince,  Napoleon  indorsed  this  choice.  The  prince  was 
now  thirty-two  years  old,  and  a  man  of  brilliant  qualities.  In  his 
youth  he  had  shown  a  taste  for  the  sea,  and  in  1851  had  made  a 

Fig.  41. 

-President  Benito  Juarez. 


voyaore  round  the  world  in  command  of  the  "  Novara,"  and  there- 
after given  proof  of  ability  and  liberal  sentiments  by  his  adminis- 
tration of  Lombardo-Venetia.  Since  then,  suspected  by  the  Vienna 
court-party  as  a  revolutionary  and  by  his  own  family  as  ambitious, 
he  had  lived  in  half-disgrace  in  his  castle  of  Miramar,  on  the  Adri- 
atic. Here  Napoleon's  tempting  offers  reached  him,  and  at  once  set 
liis  fancy  and  ambition  on  fire.  To  his  misfortune,  his  wife,  Char- 
lotte of  Belgium,  entered  eagerly  into  the  plot,  and  was  the  zealous 
confederate  of  the  conspirators. 

From  these  schemes,  which  were  but  half  a  secret,  the  two  other 
powers  held  themselves  quite  aloof.  In  order  not  to  be  drawTi  into 
them  against  his  will,  Lord  Russell,  in  the  treaty  signed  at  London, 
October  21,  18G1,  limited  the  common  action  of  the  powers  strictly 
to  the  protection  of  the  persons  and  property  of  their  respective  sub- 
jects in  Mexico.  The  contracting  parties  further  bound  themselves 
in  advance  to  make  no  use  of  their  military  forces  for  ends  other 
than  those  detailed  in  the  treaty,  to  interfere  in  no  way  in  the  domes- 
tic affairs  of  the  republic,  and  to  seek  no  special  individual  advan- 
tages. Immediately  on  the  common  occupation  of  Vera  Cruz  the 
commanders  of  the  allied  forces  were  to  invite  the  JNIexican  authori- 
ties to  enter  upon  negotiations.  As  Spain  had  already  a  squadron 
lying  at  Cuba  with  5600  men  on  board,  these  were  the  first  troops 
to  be  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  December  8,  1861.  The  French  govern- 
ment availed  itself  of  this  procedure  to  declare  that  it  was  thereby 
necessitated  also  to  raise  the  number  of  its  troops,  originally  fixed 
at  3000.  England  sent  1000  men.  The  command-in-chief  was  com- 
mitted to  the  Spanish  general  Prim,  count  of  Reus.  But  great  was 
the  astonishment  of  the  English  and  Spanish  commissioners  when 
Saligny,  the  French  diplomatic  agent,  submitted  to  them  an  ultima- 
tum to  be  sent  to  the  Mexican  government,  embodying  several  new 
demands  going  far  beyond  the  original  ones,  among  these  being  the 
full  and  immediate  payment  to  the  Swiss  bankers,  Joecker  &  Co.,  of 
a  claim  of  $15,000,000,  —  about  half  of  which,  as  is  now  known,  was 
to  go  as  a  commission  to  the  emperor's  favorite,  Morny.  It  was  then 
decided  that  the  powers  should  separate  their  demands,  each  presents 
ing  its  own  ;  only  those  common  to  all  being  comprised  in  a  collective 
note,  which  should  at  the  same  time  intimate  that  it  was  requisite 
that  the  troops,  in  order  to  escape  from  the  deadly  coast-climate, 
should  take  up  a  position  farther  inland.  This  last  demand  Juarez 
declined  to  accede  to  till  a  basis  for  a  peace  should  have  been  defini- 


tively  agreed  on ;  but,  in  a  spirit  of  accommodation,  proposed  that 
negotiations  with  this  end  should  be  entered  upon  forthwith.  This 
led  to  the  preliminaries  of  Soledad,  subscribed  by  Prim  and  Doblado, 
February  19,  1862,  arranging  that  peace  negotiations  should  be 
opened  in  Orizaba,  and  that  the  allied  troops  should  occupy  the 
three  points,  Cordoba,  Orizaba,  and  Tehuacan,  but  evacuate  them 
in  the  event  of  the  negotiations  falling  through. 

On  March  3  the  French  re-enforcements  under  General  Lorencez 
landed,  accompanied  by  Juarez's  deadly  foe,  Almonte,  who  at  once 
issued  a  proclamation  to  his  countrymen  calling  on  them  to  rally 
round  him,  and  establish  a  government  in  accord  ^\ith  their  needs, 
their  character,  and  their  faith.  The  demand  made  by  the  Mexican 
government  for  the  deportation  of  this  main  agent  of  the  monarchi- 
cal inti'iguers  gave  Saligny  the  longed-for  pretext  for  declining  to 
negotiate  further  with  it.  With  amazement  his  fellow-commissioners 
learned  from  him  that  Mexico  pined  under  a  reign  of  terror  hitherto 
unparalleled,  and  that  without  delay  they  must  march  on  the  capital. 
Astounded,  they  read  in  the  French  press  that  the  aim  of  the  expe- 
dition was  the  overthrow  of  Juarez,  and  the  elevation  of  the  Arch- 
duke Maximilian  to  the  Mexican  throne.  Saligny's  two  colleagues, 
having  no  mind  to  be  made  mere  tools  of  this  policy,  declared  this 
procedure  a  breach  of  the  London  treaty  and  of  the  Soledad  pre- 
liminaries, and  with  their  troops  returned  on  shipboard. 

The  French  remained  sole  masters  of  the  field.  In  contravention 
of  the  clear  terms  of  the  Soledad  compact,  and  filled  with  the  conceit 
that  here,  as  in  China,  a  handful  of  troops  would  suffice,  Lorencez, 
on  April  27,  commenced  his  march  inland,  and,  defeating  a  small 
Mexican  corps  under  Porfirio  Diaz,  occupied  Orizaba,  where  he  found 
some  hundred  people,  who  proclaimed  Almonte  president.  But  his 
triumph  was  short-lived.  He  was  repelled  from  Puebla  by  a  supe- 
rior force  under  General  Zaragoza,  and  had  to  turn  back  wdth  his 
object  unattained.  Want  and  disease  began  to  decimate  his  corps. 
Only  the  clergy  were  enthusiastic  for  Almonte's  rule.  The  clerics 
of  Puebla  refused  even  absolution  to  the  wounded  Mexicans  "be- 
cause they  had  fought  against  the  allies  of  the  church."  Juarez,  by 
way  of  reprisal  for  the  war  thus  wantonly  forced  on  him,  issued 
a  proclamation  on  his  side,  declaring  all  the  cities  occupied  by 
the  French  to  be  under  martial  law,  that  every  INIexican  remaining 
therein  should  be  treated  as  a  traitor  and  his  property  confiscated, 
holding  all  Mexicans  from  thirty  years  of  age  to  sixty  bound  to  mill- 


tary  service,  and  empowering  the  governors  of  the  separate  states  to 
levy  guerillas. 

Napoleon  officially  declared  the  object  of  the  expedition  for  the 
first  time,  on  July  3,  1862,  in  an  open  letter  addressed  to  Marshal 
Forey,  who  arrived  with  considerable  re-enforcements  in  September : 
"  That  America  should  flourish,"  he  wrote,  "  is  no  doubt  of  high 
import  to  Europe.  Yet  it  is  no  way  desirable  for  France  that  the 
United  States  should  gain  control  of  the  whole  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
thence  lord  it  over  South  America  as  well.  It  is  much  more  our 
interest  to  limit  her  -wider  expansion,  to  restore  to  the  Latin  races 
across  the  Atlantic  their  due  power  and  influence ;  and  this  \\dll  be 
more  successfully  accomplished  by  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy, 
or,  at  least,  of  a  strong  government,  in  Mexico."  But  Napoleon's 
theory  made  as  little  impression  on  the  Mexicans  as  Forey's  fine- 
sounding  proclamations.  At  Puebla,  the  siege  of  which  began,  after 
long  delay,  on  ]\Iarch  18,  1863,  he  found  General  Ortega,  the  garri- 
son, and  the  population  determined  to  resist  to  the  utmost.  The 
city  surrendered,  however,  on  May  17,  with  12,000  prisoners.  The 
fall  of  Puebla  involved  that  of  Mexico.  Juarez  yielded  it  without  a 
struggle,  and  retired  to  San  Luis  Potosi.  Accompanied  by  Saligny, 
Almonte,  and  General  INIarquez,  Forey  made  his  ceremonial  entry 
into  the  city  of  the  Montezumas,  ostensibly  amid  the  boundless  rejoi- 
cings of  the  people.  The  government  was  made  over  to  a  triumvi- 
rate, consisting  of  Almonte,  Archbishop  Labastida,  and  General 
Salas,  who  without  delay  summoned  an  assembly  of  notables  of 
equivocal  reputation.  This  declared  for  an  empire  with  the  Arch- 
duke Maximilian  as  sovereign  ;  and  in  the  case  of  his  non-acceptance, 
in  the  name  of  the  nation,  left  the  nomination  of  another  prince  to 
the  good  offices  of  the  emperor  of  the  French.  The  next  matters 
taken  in  hand  by  the  triumvirate  were  a  treaty  with  France  in  re- 
gard to  the  cession  of  Sonora,  and  the  restoration  of  titles  of  nobility. 
Forey,  who  initiated  a  rule  of  extreme  severity,  was  soon  replaced 
by  Bazaine,  and  the  universally  hated  Saligny  by  Montholon.  A 
plebiscite,  engineered  by  the  French,  confirmed  the  call  of  Maximilian 
by  an  overwhelming  vote ;  and  that  prince,  after  a  period  of  inde- 
cision, finally  resolved  to  accept  the  transatlantic  throne.  On  April 
11  he  signed  a  compact  with  Napoleon,  by  which  the  latter  bound 
himself  to  evacuate  Mexico  in  proportion  as  the  native  army  ad- 
vanced towards  full  organization.  The  foreign  legion,  6000  men 
strong,  should  remain  for  six  years ;  the  cost  of  the  French  expedi- 


tion  was  fixed  at  $52,000,000,  and  the  compensation  for  every  French 
soldier  remaining  behind  in  Mexico  at  $193  yearly.  Maximilian 
bound  himself  to  pay  $-1,800,000  of  this  debt  annually,  and,  further, 
to  indemnify  the  French  subjects  for  whatever  losses  they  had  sus- 
tained in  Mexico.  In  secret  articles  he  further  bound  himself  to 
confirm  all  the  measures  of  Forey  and  the  regency.  The  archduke 
had  found  a  banker  in  London  to  advance  hini  201,500,000  francs, 
of  which  a  large  part  stuck  to  the  fingers  of  those  who  had  con- 
ducted the  whole  intrigue.     He  himself  got  practically  nothing. 

Thus  entirely  denuded  of  means,  in  a  strait  between  the  crjäng 
need  for  liberal  reforms  and  his  clerical  patrons,  mth  their  claims 
for  the  abrogation  of  all  laws  hostile  to  the  church  and  the  restora- 
tion of  the  confiscated  church  property,  Maximilian  (Fig.  42)  found 
himself  from  the  first  in  an  untenable  situation.  In  the  hope  of 
extricating  himself  from  it,  he  turned  to  Rome,  and  received  thence 
the  promise  that  a  papal  nuncio  should  follow  him  immediately  to 
his  new  empire  with  full  powers  of  reconciliation.  On  May  28, 
1864,  Maximihan  landed  at  San  Juan  d'Ulloa,  but  met  with  no 
friendly  greeting.  This  was  the  first  in  a  long  series  of  disillusions. 
On  liis  part  there  was  no  lack  of  zeal  and  good-will  for  Mexico's 
regeneration,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  His  best^meant  ordinances 
remained  a  dead  letter.  Liberals  and  clerics  alike  recoiled  from  the 
avaricious  and  arrogant  French  on  whom  he  had  to  lean.  The 
adhesions  to  the  empire  were  extremely  scanty ;  it  existed  only  in 
the  capital  and  certain  points  in  its  neighborhood  held  by  the  foreign 
•troops ;  and  even  in  this  district  a  considerable  number  of  towns 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  liberals.  And  of  what  avail  could  26,000 
men,  dispersed  in  numerous  subdivisions  throughout  a  hostile  popu- 
lation, be  for  the  effective  occupation  of  a  country  of  such  extent  ? 
The  French  dared  not  venture  to  move  from  the  spots  AAhere  they 
were,  while  the  republican  troops  were  in  constant  motion.  The 
very  methods  of  terror  behind  which  which  the  former  concealed 
their  weakness  served  only  to  fill  up  the  measure  of  hatred  on 
which  they  were  held.  Scarce  any  step  it  took  was  more  fatal  to 
the  imperial  throne  than  the  decree  of  October  3,  technically,  per- 
haps, in  accord  with  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare,  by  which  all 
captured  guerillas,  as  well  as  all  who  abetted  them,  were  to  be  tried 
by  court-martial,  and,  if  found  guilty,  executed  within  twenty-four 
hours.  The  relation  of  Maximilian  to  Bazaine,  a  man  of  boundless 
avarice,  was  the  worst  possible.     He  suspected  him,  and  not  without 


Fig.  42.  —Emperor  Maximilian  of  Mexico.     From  the  lithograph  by  Dui-and  ; 
original  drawing  by  Saiutin, 


grounds,  of  ambitious  views,  and,  holding  him  responsible  for  the 
neglected  condition  of  the  Mexican  army,  personally  demanded  his 

One  principal  means  on  which  Maximilian  relied  for  the  con- 
firmation of  his  rule,  was  the  sequestration  of  the  church  lands. 
After  weary  waiting,  the  nuncio  Meglia  at  length  arrived ;  but  the 
brief  which  he  brought  gave  expression  only  to  the  discontent  of  the 
Holy  Father  with  the  concessions  made  to  the  liberals,  and  demanded 
the  suppression  of  non-Catholic  worship,  full  liberty  to  the  bishops 
for  the  exercise  of  their  office,  restoration  of  the  orders,  clerical 
guidance  of  education,  and  the  liberation  of  the  clergy  from  all 
subordination  to  the  government.  This  breach  of  promise  on  the 
part  of  the  Vatican  deprived  the  tottering  throne  of  one  of  its  two 
pillars  of  support.  The  other  was  soon  to  follow.  Although  Juarez 
had  been  pressed  back  to  the  northern  frontier,  the  desultory  guerilla 
war  continued  unabated,  so  that  even  a  partial  withdrawal  of  French 
troops  was  not  to  be  thought  of ;  on  the  contrary,  Bazaine  required 
re-enforcements.  Ever  heavier  became  the  responsibility  weighing 
on  Napoleon  for  his  creature.  As  long  as  the  rebellion  in  the 
United  States  continued  he  received  the  protests  of  the  American 
government  and  of  Congress  against  the  establishment  of  monarchy 
in  Mexico  with  the  most  placid  equanimity.  But  a  change  came 
when  the  fortune  of  war  declared  for  the  Union.  When  Seward,  in 
December,  1865,  announced  in  Paris  the  fixed  determination  to 
admit  of  no  European  intervention  on  the  American  continent,  the 
terrified  imperial  government  undertook  to  hasten  the  return  of  its 
troops  with  all  possible  speed.  But  Seward  was  not  satisfied  with 
this ;  he  insisted  on  complete  evacuation  within  a  year.  His  protest 
frustrated  not  only  the  nomination  of  a  French  general  as  Mexican 
minister  of  war,  but  also  the  embarkation  of  the  foreign  legion 
recruited  in  Austria. 

Napoleon  cut  himself  loose  from  his  protege  with  scant  ceremony. 
The  French  troops  were  withdrawn  from  Mexico  during  1866.  The 
Empress  Charlotte  (Fig.  43),  coldly  rebuffed  by  Napoleon  and  the 
pope,  to  seek  whose  aid  she  had  recrossed  the  Atlantic,  went  insane 
through  grief.  Pride  and  the  entreaties  of  his  followers  prevented 
Maximilian  from  accompanying  the  retreat  of  his  French  protectors. 
But  on  their  departure  he  found  himself  helpless.  He  was  besieged 
and  captured  in  Queretaro,  May  15,  1867.  In  accordance  with  a 
law  which  he  himself  had  promulgated,  he  was  shot  on  the   nine- 

Yui..  XIX.— U 



i'l«..  4.].  —  Kinprc.-^rt  Cliarlotte  uf  Mexico,     l-ruiu  tho  lithogiapli  by  Durand  ; 
original  drawing  by  Sainlin, 


teenth  of  the  following  month  on  the  Cerro  de  las  Campanas  ('  Hill 
of  the  Bells ')  near  Queretaro.  Generals  Mejia  and  Miramon 
shared  his  fate.  The  delivery  of  the  body  Juarez  made  dependent 
on  a  special  solicitation  of  the  Austrian  government.  On  this  being 
made  and  acceded  to  the  "  Novara  "  brought  the  corpse  home. 

Between  the  throne  overthrown  in  Queretaro  and  that  in  the 
Tuileries  lay  the  whole  breadth  of  the  Atlantic,  but  the  latter  quivered 
at  the  transoceanic  shock. 


THE  period  in  (xerman  history  Avhich  extends  from  about  1855 
to  the  close  of  1864  may  roughly  be  described  as  one  of  prep- 
aration. Germany,  whose  disunion,  beneficial  only  to  a  dena- 
tionalized caste  of  princelings,  their  brutal  understrappers,  and  the 
house  of  Austria,  had  made  her  for  centuries  the  despised  football 
of  European  politics,  first  reawoke  to  sense  of  national  unity  and 
strength  under  the  stress  of  Napoleonic  domination  in  1813.  After 
this  awakening,  the  miserable  travesty  of  union  which  the  diplomats 
of  Vienna  granted  the  German  nation  could  only  have  maintained 
itself  in  popular  toleration  during  a  stagnation  of  European  inter- 
national politics  such  as  that  which  extended  from  1815  to  1848. 
With  the  revived  pressure  of  international  relations  brought  about 
by  the  magnificent  schemes  of  the  third  Napoleon,  the  insufficiency 
and  the  irrationahty  of  the  Confederation  became  every  day  more 
apparent.  The  Crimean  War,  the  Italian  War  of  Liberation,  the  affair 
of  Schleswig-Holstein,  a  dozen  other  matters,  betrayed  its  shameful 
inefficiency,  and  convinced  the  mass  of  thinldng  Germans  with  con- 
tinually increasing  clearness  of  the  real  nature  of  the  hideous  paradox 
which,  in  a  Confederation  professing  to  represent  the  fatherland, 
assigned  to  Prussia,  a  state  entitled  by  her  patriotic  history  and 
spirit  and  real  power  to  stand  at  the  head  of  Germany,  a  subordi- 
nate and  humiliating  position  beside  an  Oriental  empire  and  a  host 
of  petty  princes  who  dwelt  in  an  atmosphere  unventilated  since  the 
Midde  Ages.  During  this  period,  then,  the  minds  of  men  were  being 
prepared  by  the  logic  of  events  to  look  elsewhere  than  to  the  Con- 
federation for  the  realization  of  their  hopes  of  German  unity,  free- 
dom, and  power.  This  realization,  the  events  of  1848  had  shown, 
no  mere  paper  constitutions,  no  visionary  ideas  of  revolutionary  or 
republican,  could  effect,  but  only  a  power  intelligent,  orderly,  and 
progressive,  and  at  the  same  time  ready  and  able  to  meet  fossil  kings 
and  parvenu  emperors  with  the  argument  of  force,  to  which  alone 
tlie^'  are  amenable.    To  act  this  part  Prussia  was  being  quietly  made 



ready  by  her  great  statesman  Bismarck,  and  by  the  able  prince  who 
was  later  to  become  the  first  sovereign  of  a  unified  Germany. 

Important  as  it  has  since  become  for  Prussia  that  she  refused 
during  the  Crimean  War  to  play  the  part  of  a  vassal  to  Austria,  yet, 
notwithstanding  her  somewhat  ostentations  display  of  independence, 
the  weak  point  in  her  policy  still  remained.  She  won  respect  neither 
at  home  nor  abroad.  Friend  and  foe  ahke  regarded  her  as  fickle  and 
weak,  and  for  this  estimate  she  was  mainly  indebted  to  the  personal 
character  of  her  monarch,  which  received  a  new  illustration  in  the 
Neuchatel  embroglio.  After  the  attempt  to  bring  tliis  question 
before  the  Congress  of  Paris  proved  a  miserable  fiasco,  a  number  of 
royalists,  under  the  leading  of  Count  Frederic  de  Pourtales,  sought 
to  cut  the  knot  by  making  themselves  masters  of  the  castle  by  a 
coup  de  main,  September  2,  1856,  and  proclaiming  the  king  as 
suzerain  of  the  land ;  but  they  were  quickly  overpowered,  and  some 
sixty  of  them  were  tried  for  liigh  treason.  The  case  of  Neuchatel 
had  long  lain  near  the  king's  heart,  and  it  did  so  now  more  than  ever. 
He  felt  himself  aggrieved  in  his  divine  right  as  sovereign,  which  had 
been  expressly  recognized  by  the  other  powers  in  the  London 
protocol  of  May  24,  1852.  Yet  he  declared  himself  prepared  to 
arrange  the  affair  in  a  friendly  way,  wdth  the  proviso,  however,  that 
the  prisoners  should  first  be  set  at  liberty.  This  condition  the  Swiss 
Federal  Council,  though  also  ready  for  a  peaceable  solution  of  the 
question,  declined  to  accede  to,  requiring  that  the  king  should  first 
pledge  himself  to  recognize  the  independence  of  Xeuchatel,  and  re- 
nounce all  claim  of  right  over  it.  In  these  circumstances  nothing 
seemed  left  the  king  but  to  enforce  his  demands  by  military  meas- 
ures. But  tliis  motion  of  Prussia  unchained  the  warlike  spirit  of 
the  Swiss  in  a  way  to  alarm  the  great  powers.  The  friendly  offices 
of  France  and  Austria  averted  the  threatened  hostilities.  On 
January  15,  1857,  the  Federal  Council  decreed  the  liberation  of  the 
prisoners ;  next  day  the  king,  though  sulkily,  declared  himself  ready 
for  negotiations  with  the  great  powers.  The  conference  (in  which 
Prussia  was  represented  by  Bismarck)  met  in  Paris,  on  May  5,  and 
brought  matters  to  a  conclusion  satisfactory  to  both  parties.  The 
king,  once  for  all,  renounced  all  rights  of  suzerainty  over  Xeuchatel, 
while,  in  return,  the  prisoners  were  guaranteed  full  immunity.  The 
king  waived  his  claim  for  6,000,000  marks  (modified  by  the  con- 
ference to  a  half),  but  conditioned  for  the  continuance  of  his  title 
of  Prince  of  Neuchatel  and  Valengin. 


This  unsavory  controversy  Avas  the  last  in  which  Frederick 
WilHam  Avas  engaged.  His  nervous  system  had  long  been  over- 
stimulated,  the  strain  showing  itself  sometimes  in  eccentricities, 
sometimes  in  a  sort  of  stupor.  In  the  June  of  1857,  on  his  way 
home  from  ]\Iarienbad,  he  visited  the  Saxon  court  at  Pillnitz,  and 
was  there  prostrated  by  a  paralytic  stroke,  which  repeated  itself  in 
October.  Although  his  condition  precluded  all  prospect  of  his  ever 
being  able  to  resume  the  duties  of  his  office,  the  feudal  party,  know- 
ing that  a  regency  meant  their  loss  of  influence,  exerted  themselves 
to  the  utmost  to  prevent  the  appointment  of  one.  The  prince  of 
Prussia  (afterward  WilHam  I.)  was,  on  October  23,  nominated  merely 
his  brother's  representative.  On  October  7,  1858,  advantage  was 
taken  of  a  glimpse  of  sanity  to  secure  the  king's  subscription  to  a 
regency.  He  then,  in  company  with  his  wife  (and  most  devoted 
nurse),  made  a  journey  to  Italy,  but  without  finding  any  relief.  On 
January  2,  1861,  death  released  him  from  his  sufferings. 

It  was  as  if  a  mountain  were  lifted  off  many  hearts.  Men's 
judgments  regarding  the  prince  of  Prussia  had  undergone  a  great 
change  since  1818.  His  manful  fight  against  the  tendencies  of  the 
feudal  (^Kreuz^zeitmig')  party  during  the  Crimean  AYar  had  quite  won 
him  the  sympathies  of  the  liberal  circles.  The  marriage  of  his  son, 
Frederick  "William,  with  the  eldest  daughter  of  Queen  A'ictoria  (Jan- 
uary 25, '1858),  and  of  liis  daughter  Louisa  with  the  prince-regent 
(later  grand  duke)  of  Baden  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  Hohenzol- 
lerns  were  turning  their  backs  towards  the  east  in  favor  of  the  west. 
The  personal  character  of  the  prince-regent  was  in  direct  contrast  to 
that  of  his  fickle-minded  brother.  He  was  a  man  of  soldierly  sim- 
plicity and  fidelity  to  duty,  inaccessible  to  favorites,  mentally  and 
bodily  indefatigable,  regardless  of  personal  comforts,  and  ever  at  work. 
The  change  of  ministry  —  everywhere  recognized  as  indispensable  — 
was  not  long  in  coming.  Only  two  of  the  Manteuffel  cabinet  —  von 
der  Heydt  (commerce)  and  Simons  (justice)  —  were  retained,  the 
rest  giving  place  to  new  men,  whose  names  had  a  good  repute  in  the 
land.  The  presidency  was  conferred  on  that  true  German  and  excel- 
lently disposed  man.  Prince  Charles  Anthony  of  Hohenzollern-Sig- 
maringen.  The  principle  on  which  the  new  sovereign  meant  to 
conduct  the  state  was  laid  down  in  a  charge  to  von  Auerswald,  his 
minister  of  state.  "  There  is  no  longer  need,"  he  wrote,  "  to  dread 
talk  of  breaking  with  the  past ;  the  hand  of  reform  wdll  be  applied 
wherever  it  is  needed,  but  extravagant  ideas  will  be  energetically 

THE    'NEW  ERA.'  107 

combated  by  well-considered  treatment  of  affairs  in  accordance  \vitli 
law.  The  army,  which  has  worked  out  Prussia's  greatness,  must  be 
strong  and  honored,  for  the  world  must  know  that  Prussia  is  ready 
to  defend  the  right  everywhere." 

This  clear  and  seasonable  announcement  of  the  '  New  Era,'  as 
people  hopefully  called  this  time,  so  different  from  the  clouds  of 
bombastic  platitudes  in  which  Frederick  William  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  enshroud  his  hazy  ideas,  made  the  best  impression.  Public 
opinion,  long  suppressed,  now  made  itself  felt.  After  the  disappear- 
ance of  the  ]\Ianteuffel  electioneering  influence,  the  preponderating 
majority  of  tlie  new  house  of  representatives  was  made  up  of  liber- 
als of  various  shades.  The  Right  was  reduced  from  224  members 
to  38.  And  the  fresher  breeze  breathed  from  Prussia  over  all  the 
other  German  states.  A  wider  interest  in  public  affairs  was  awak- 
ened among  the  peoples,  and  the  governments  deemed  it  prudent  to 
recognize  it.  In  Bavaria,  King  ]MaximiHan  II.  closed  a  hard  struggle 
with  his  second  chamber  with  these  words :  "  I  will  have  peace 
with  my  people."  In  Baden  and  Würtemberg  the  concordats  con- 
cluded with  Rome  were  set  aside,  as  the  reaction  had  not  had  the 
courage  to  get  the  assent  of  the  chambers  to  them,  and  in  the  former 
of  these  states  the  grand  duke  summoned  a  liberal  ministry.  In 
Hanover  the  government  had  to  maintain  a  hard  fight  with  the  ever- 
growing opposition. 

The  foreign  policy  of  Prussia,  also,  advanced  with  a  firmer  and 
more  even  step.  Since  the  Crimean  War,  Xapoleon's  endeavors  for 
a  closer  relation  with  the  North  German  power  had  been  repeated 
more  than  once.  In  point  of  fact,  however,  the  "  Franco-Russian 
love-making"  appeared  to  justify  the  jealousy  of  the  intervening 
lands.  Bismarck,  however,  who,  as  the  years  rolled  on,  acquired 
a  constantly  increasing  influence  in  Prussia,  saw  the  situation  in  a 
different  light.  For  him  the  manner  in  which  any  other  relation 
affected  that  of  Prussia  to  Austria  determined  his  view  of  it.  He 
rather  hoped  for  than  dreaded  a  Franco-Russian  alliance.  At  the 
Neuchatel  congress  he  remained  deaf  to  the  allurements  of  the 
emperor,  who,  while  alluding  to  the  impending  war  in  Italy,  recom- 
mended Prussia  to  round  herself  off  with  Hanover  and  Holstein, 
desiring  for  France,  in  return,  only  a  trifling  rectification  of  bound- 
aries on  the  Rhine.  Unweariedly  he  remained  at  his  far  from  pleas- 
ant post  at  Frankfort  on  the  watch  against  Austrian  encroachments. 
"  It  is  astonishing,"  he  wrote  in  1857,  "  what  success  Austria  attains 


by  unceasingly  persecuting  every  foreign  diplomat  who  ventures  to 
stand  up  for  the  interests  of  his  own  land  against  the  wishes  of  the 
Vienna  cabinet,  till  either  from  intimidation  or  sheer  weariness  he 
complaisantly  submits.  There  are  but  few  diplomats  who  have  not 
preferred  to  sacrifice  conscience  and  patriotism.  Prussia  is  inter- 
dicted from  all  right  to  a  foreign  policy  of  her  own.  Prussia  cannot 
permit  herself  to  be  treated  in  the  Confederation,  not  as  the  third 
part  of  Germany,  but  as  one  of  sixteen  votes  dominated  over  by 

The  Emperor  Francis  Joseph,  in  his  manifesto  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Italian  War,  expressed  the  conviction  that  her  German  brothers 
would  not  let  Austria  fight  alone.  As  head  of  the  Confederation  he 
warned  Germany  of  the  danger  with  which  it  was  threatened  if  its 
bulwark,  Italy  —  won  with  streams  of  German  blood  —  was  not 
defended  by  its  united  force.  Of  one  thing  alone  Austria  took  no 
thought  —  of  regard  for  the  interests  of  Prussia,  and  concessions  to 
them,  and  of  recognition  of  her  legitimate  position  in  the  Confedera- 
tion. Untaught  by  the  evil  results  of  the  same  policy  in  the  Cri- 
mean War,  Austria  now  repeated  it  against  a  prince  whose  personal 
character  gave  it  much  less  chance  of  success.  Once  more,  without 
previous  understanding  -with  Prussia,  Austria,  on  February  5,  1859, 
addressed  herself  to  the  diet.  This  body,  however,  without  coming 
to  an  immediate  conclusion,  indicated  it  as  desirable  that  the  German 
governments  should  first  come  to  a  clear  understanding  with  each 
other,  and  particularly  to  full  certainty  in  regard  to  common  action 
with  Austria.  In  the  beginning  of  March  it  ordered  the  adoption 
of  measures  for  averting  the  common  danger,  viz.,  the  arming  of  the 
Confederate  fortresses,  prohibition  of  the  sale  of  horses,  etc. 

Undoubtedly  it  would  have  been  most  congenial  to  the  chivalric 
spirit  of  the  prince-regent  to  have  arrayed  himself  boldly  on  the  side 
of  his  old  comrade  of  the  Confederation.  To  take  advantage  of  Aus- 
tria's temporary  needs  in  order  to  sell  the  help  asked  from  him  at  the 
best  price  was  quite  alien  to  his  nature.  But  it  was  a  very  differ- 
ent thing  if  Prussia  was  to  be  required  to  fight  for  purely  Austrian 
interests.  Again  Bismarck  was  one  of  those  who  added  his  earnest 
dissuasion.  "  As  soon,"  he  wrote,  "  as  a  shot  is  fired  on  the  Rhine, 
it  is  all  over  with  the  Austro-Italian  war ;  and,  in  place  of  it,  a 
Franco-Prussian  one  comes  on  the  stage,  in  which  Austria,  after  we 
have  lifted  the  load  from  her  shoulders,  will  stand  by  us  or  not,  ex- 
actly as  suits  her  own  interests.     That  we  should   play  a  brilliantly 


victorious  role,  she  will  certainly  not  consent  to."  Certainly  all  the 
zeal  that  the  second-rate  states  manifested  for  the  support  of  Austria 
could  not  shut  Prussia's  eyes  to  the  fact  that  in  case  of  any  eventual- 
ity occurring  to  herself  she  could  look  for  very  little  military  help 
from  them ;  for,  to  them,  the  repression  of  Sardinia  meant  the  re- 
pression of  Prussia  also,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  old  see-saw 
system  between  the  two  great  powers,  on  which  alone  their  in- 
fluence rested.  At  the  first  mooting  of  the  war  question  in  the  diet, 
Prussia  instantly  declared  that  she  must  assert  her  complete  inde- 
pendence as  a  European  power,  and  would  not,  therefore,  take  upon 
herself  duties  other  than  those  prescribed  by  the  federal  constitution 
without  special  reasons.  Austria's  proposals  going  beyond  this 
were  set  aside  through  Prussia's  formal  protest.  Tliis  document 
indicated,  as  the  aim  of  Prussian  policy,  respect  for  European  trea- 
ties, the  maintenance  of  the  present  situation,  and,  through  that,  the 
preservation  of  the  peace  of  Europe. 

The  endeavor  to  project  Prussia,  through  help  of  the  diet, 
nolens  volens,  into  the  war  miscarried.  Nevertheless,  the  cabinet  at 
Vienna  jDcrsevered  in  the  delusion  that  she  would  be  forced  into  it 
through  the  force  of  public  opinion  in  Germany.  To  bring  this 
about,  the  venal  press  of  Austria  was  used  as  a  lever,  especially 
Germania,  the  main  organ  of  the  Ultramontane  anti-Prussian  agi- 
tation. The  '  Great-Germans '  saw  in  Austria's  cause  a  life-and- 
death  question  for  all  Germany ;  the  Ultramontanes  preached  the 
crusade  against  the  heretical  Sardinians  ;  the  numerous  holders  of 
Austrian  paper  foresaw  pecuniary  loss  in  a  defeat  of  the  imperial 
state.  Thus  it  came  about  that  almost  the  whole  South  violently 
urged  the  intervention  of  all  Germany  in  favor  of  Austria.  In 
Prussia  itself  the  extreme  Right  took  up  the  same  ground.  All 
these  efforts,  however,  were  vain.  Prussia  was  unwilling  to  move, 
unless  allowed  free  control  over  a  large  part  of  the  Confederate 
forces ;  while  Austria  desired  full  power,  military  and  diplomatic, 
to  rest  in  the  hands  of  the  diet,  where  she  was  all-powerful.  Count 
Buol-Schauenstein  (Fig.  44)  was  removed  from  the  Austrian  min- 
istry of  foreign  affairs  because  considered  too  friendly  to  Prussia. 
While  pretending  to  desire  frank  and  free  co-operation  with  Prussia, 
Austria  underhandedly  attempted  to  secure  the  mobiUzation  of  the 
Confederate  army  without  Prussia's  consent.  When  Prussia  check- 
mated this  move,  Austria  preferred  to  come  to  terms  ^vith  Napoleon 
and  sacrifice  Lombardy  rather  than  acce[)t  aid  from  Prussia  as  from 
an  equal. 



The  fault  lay  solely  on  the  side  of  Austria.  She  had,  from  the 
beginning,  treated  Prussia,  not  as  a  comrade  in  the  Confederation, 
but  as  a  vassal ;  she  had  failed,  before  the  commencement  of  the  war, 
to  come  to  an  understanding  with  her  in  regard  to   its  scope  and 

Fig.  44.  ^ Count  Buol-Schauenstein. 

object,  but,  instead,  had  bluntly  required  vassal  service  of  her ;  nay, 
she  had  declared  the  war  in  spite  of  Prussia's  earnest  remonstrance, 
haughtily  rejecting  her  offered  mediation,  and,  instead,  had  de- 
manded  her   subordination  to  the    Confederation.     The   premature 


peace  she  concluded  mainly  to  avert  the  passing  into  Prussia's  hands 
of  the  leadership  of  Germany  in  this  war ;  she  preferred  the  sacri- 
fice of  Lombardy  to  imperilling  her  own  hegemony  in  the  Confedera- 
tion. The  cabinet  of  Vienna  overlooked  the  fact  that  the  inability 
manifested  in  this  war  to  lead  Germany  in  a  way  accordant  with  her 
national  interests  was  precisely  the  reason  that  deprived  Austria 
of  every  intrinsic  right  to  the  place  of  leader. 

The  impression  made  on  the  German  peoj)le  by  these  events  was 
deep  and  wide.  The  halo  of  Austrian  strength  that,  since  1850,  had 
dazzled  so  many  eyes,  paled  before  these  exhibitions  of  diplomacy  and 
generalship ;  and,  in  the  same  proportion,  the  eyes  of  the  friends  of  the 
fatherland  were  again  directed  towards  Prussia  as  the  state  to  which 
alone  dismembered  Germany  could  look  for  the  defence  of  its  borders 
and  its  honor.  In  the  Wiirtemberg  second  chamber  the  declaration 
i^roposed,  May  5,  by  deputy  Holder,  "  that  in  this  time  of  danger,  the 
welfare  of  Germany  can  be  assured  only  through  the  re-establishment 
of  internal  unity,"  received  twenty-four  votes ;  in  the  second  Bava- 
rian chamber  a  motion  by  Volk  (August  11)  for  the  creation  of  a 
central  authority  and  parliament  received  forty-five  votes.  Besides, 
the  conviction  of  the  necessity  for  Prussian  leadership  took  grad- 
ually deeper  root  in  the  south.  Nevertheless,  despite  all  this, 
Bismarck's  complaint  was  justified,  that,  as  a  rule,  individual  inter- 
ests were  stronger  than  a  sense  of  the  common  weal ;  that  the  latter 
suffered  from  the  fact  that,  in  general,  a  life  on  the  type  of  the 
Phaeacians  was  pleasanter  than  one  on  that  of  the  Spartans.  "  Men 
are  quite  willing  to  be  protected,  but  pay  for  it  most  unwillingly; 
and  least  of  all  are  they  willing  to  yield  up  the  least  of  their  sov- 
ereign prerogatives  for  the  general  good." 

Helping  hands  were  stretched  forth,  from  two  quarters  simulta- 
neously, to  keep  the  national  movement  on  foot,  and  to  guide  it  into 
the  right  path.  A  meeting  at  Eisenach,  mainly  of  Thuringian  and 
Prussian  democrats,  and  another  in  Hanover,  with  von  Bennigsen, 
the  leader  of  the  opposition  in  the  second  chamber,  at  its  head,  coin- 
cided in  recognizing  the  necessity  for  a  radical  reform  in  the  federal 
constitution.  The  aim  of  both  was  the  union  of  the  military  and 
diplomatic  leadership  of  Germany  in  one  hand,  and  that  the  hand  of 
Prussia  ;  and  both  expressed  the  hope  that  the  Prussian  government 
itself  would  undertake  such  a  reform.  After  the  holding  of  a  third 
meeting  —  tliis  time  also  in  Eisenach,  and  made  up  partly  of  South 
Germans  —  the  '  National  Union  '  (on  the  type  of    the  Italian)  was 


founded  (September  15,  16,  1859)  in  Frankfort,  consisting  largely 
of  the  relics  of  the  old  Gotha  party  of  1849.  As  the  senate  of  the 
free  city  interposed  obstacles  to  its  holding  its  meetings  there,  Co- 
bursr,  whose  duke  had  shown  himself  favorable  to  the  reform  cause 
from  the  beginning,  was  selected  as  its  head-quarters,  with  Bennig- 
sen  as  permanent  head  of  its  principal  committee.  In  the  same  year 
an  attempt  was  made  to  oppose  to  the  '  Union '  a  '  Great-German 
Reform  Union,'  composed  of  Bavarian  Particularists  and  Ultramon- 
tanes, and  of  Wiirtemberg  democrats.  This  identified  itself  with  the 
schemes  of  the  second-rate  states  befriended  by  Austria,  but  it  never 
attained  the  standing  of  its  rival.  The  conviction,  everywhere 
prevalent,  of  the  untenability  of  the  present  state  of  things,  impelled 
men  to  give  expression  to  their  longings  in  strongly  emphatic  terms. 
The  centenary  festival  of  Schiller's  birth,  in  1859,  one  such  as  Ger- 
many had  never  before  seen,  culminated  in  a  vow :  "  We  will  be 
one  single  people  of  brothers."  The  same  spirit  pervaded  the 
peripatetic  associations  of  men  of  science,  especially  the  German 
Association  of  Jurists,  founded  in  1860,  which  inscribed  "The 
Development  of  a  Uniform  German  Law-system  "  as  a  motto  on  its 
banners.  The  idea  that  no  German  prince  would  sacrifice  any  item 
of  his  prerogatives  on  the  altar  of  country  was  dispelled  by  the 
speech  from  the  Baden  throne  in  December,  1861,  in  which  the 
grand  duke  freely  declared  that  he  would  joyfully  surrender  any 
portion  of  his  authority  whose  sacrifice  could  contribute  to  the 
enhancement  of  the  dignity  of  the  whole  fatherland.  The  prince- 
regent  of  Prussia  laid  it  down  as  a  condition  to  his  granting  the 
meeting  sohcited  by  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  that  the  other  German 
princes  should  have  part  in  it.  The  meeting  took  place  in  Baden- 
Baden,  June  18,  1860. 

But  whatever  value  all  these  ambitious  efforts  for  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  Germany  might  have,  in  reality  everything  depended  on  the 
manner  in  which  Prussia's  domestic  relations  developed  themselves, 
in  which  connection  the  repeal  of  the  exemption  of  the  great  feudal 
estates  from  imposts  should  be  mentioned.  The  total  collapse  of  the 
♦  New  Era '  was  brought  about  by  the  question  of  the  reorganization 
of  the  army,  submitted  to  the  people's  representatives,  on  February 
10,  1860.  The  prince-regent  —  who  was  heart  and  soul  a  soldier  — 
had  long  seen  with  sorrow  the  gradual  but  constant  decadence  of  the 
army  that,  in  his  young  days,  had  achieved  the  victories  of  1813-1815. 
More  than  once  had  he  perceived  that  Prussia  had  to  put  up  with 



humiliations  because  her  sword  was  rusted  in  the  scabbard.  He 
knew  that  Austria  would  never  have  ventured  to  subject  her  to  the 
indignity  of  Ohniitz  had  she  not  been  conscious  that  Prussia  was  in 
no  condition  to  resent  it.  The  three  last  mobilizations  had  exposed 
numerous  defects,  one  of  the  principal  being  that  the  ranks  could 
not  have  been  filled  but  for  the  calling  out  of  a  disproportionately 
great  number  of  the  militia  Qandwehr^,  whose  families,  during  their 
enforced  absence,  became  a  burden  on  their  communities.  The  ablest 
of  his  generals  —  von  Moltke,  Prince  Frederick  Charles,  Manteuffel, 
von  Roon  (Fig.  45)  — 
shared  fully  in  the 
king's  views  in  regard 
to  reorganization  of 
the  army.  The  scheme 
projected  contem- 
plated the  re-enforce- 
ment of  the  standing 
army  by  117  battal- 
ions and  72  squad- 
rons, and  the  increase 
of  the  artillery  by  a 
fourth.  Besides,  the 
reserve  term  was  to 
be  extended  from  one 
year  to  four ;  and  the 
time  of  actual  ser- 
vice in  the  ranks, 
which  long  had  been 
only  two  and  one-half 
years,  was  restored  to 
three  years.  The  objects  aimed  at  in  this  reorganization  were 
three  :  the  presence  of  a  greater  number  in  the  ranks  of  the  army ; 
the  possibility  of  more  rapid  mobilization ;  and  the  substitution 
of  the  shorter  service  of  a  greater  number  for  the  longer  service 
of  a  smaller,  thus  interfering  less  with  the  prosecution  of  ci^^l 
industry,  and  with  a  father's  duties  to  his  family.  But  the  people 
took  no  account  of  these  mitigating  circumstances,  and  in  the 
house  of  representatives  the  measure,  when  submitted  to  it,  met 
with  violent  resistance.  People  saw  in  it  the  abrogation  of  the 
popular  institution  of  the  landwehr  and  a  purpose  to  revert  to  a 


General  voii  E  ■■  m.     1  ■ 
G.  Engel  bach. 



reactionary  policy  generally.  They  said  tliat  a  main  object  was  to 
provide  the  greatest  possible  number  of  the  young  nobility  with 
officers'  places.     The  lower  house  rejected  the  measure  as  '  reaction- 

FiG.  46.  —  King  William  I.  of  Prussia.     From  the  lithograph  by  Engelbach  ;  original 

painting  by  Winterhalter. 

ary,'  voting,  instead,  9,000,000  thalers  to  maintain  the  army  in  "  a 
state  of  readiness  for  war  "  for  fourteen  months. 

This  constituted  the  opening  of  the  great  '  Period  of  Conflict,' 
which  was  not  to  close  till  after  the  victories  of  1866.     The  opposi- 


tion  might  have  been  sensible  that  its  sanctioning  of  even  this  sum 
involved  the  reorganization  of  which  it  had  disapproved ;  while  the 
government,  for  the  same  reason,  was  able  to  accept  the  situation 
with  equanimity.  It  went  to  work  just  as  if  the  house  had  voted, 
not  a  provisional,  but  a  definitive  grant,  and  the  reorganization  was 
at  once  set  afoot.  It  seemed,  indeed,  at  the  next  meeting  of  the 
legislature  (^Landtag^  —  that  of  1860  —  that  an  understanding  might 
be  arrived  at.  The  lower  house  granted  the  new  sum  demanded  for 
the  same  object,  only,  however,  as  a  part  of  the  extraordinary  budget, 
and  declared  the  government  bound  to  submit,  at  latest  to  the  next 
Landtag,  a  measure  modifying  the  law  of  1814.  By  this  decision  it 
virtually  recognized  what  had  been  done  in  the  way  of  reorganization 
as  an  accomplished  fact,  and  reserved  to  itself  only  the  right  of  see- 
ing that  what  was  further  done  was  in  accordance  with  law. 

Such  was  the  situation  when  the  death  of  the  childless  Frederick 
William  IV.  (January  2,  1861)  called  his  brother  to  the  throne. 
King  William  I.,  in  his  address  "  To  My  People,"  impressively  re- 
minded them :  "  It  is  not  Prussia's  mission  to  live  upon  the  past. 
In  the  earnest  exertion  of  her  intellectual  and  moral  powers,  in  the 
sincerity  and  warmth  of  her  religious  convictions,  in  the  union  of 
obedience  and  freedom,  in  strengthening  her  means  of  self-defence, 
lie  the  conditions  of  her  might.  Only  so  can  she  maintain  her  rank 
among  the  nations  of  Europe."  But  the  discontent  due  to  the  non- 
fulfilment  of  their  too  sanguine  hopes  rendered  the  Liberals  deaf  to 
the  counsel  conveyed  in  the  royal  words ;  and  the  cleft  widened  when 
the  democracy  formally  constituted  itself  into  a  part}^,  under  the 
name  of  the  Deutsche  Fortschrittpartei  (the  '  German  Party  of 
Progress  ').  An  attempt  on  the  king's  life  by  a  student,  Oskar 
Becker,  at  the  baths  at  Baden-Baden,  June  14,  1861,  was  happily  un- 

Discouraging  as  these  experiences  were,  they  effected  no  change 
in  the  principles  of  King  William.  The  dreaded  reaction  did  not 
come.  To  the  address  of  the  upper  house,  earnestly  urging  liim  to 
emulate  the  example  of  his  deceased  brother,  he  gave  an  answer  not 
to  be  misunderstood,  that  though  without  any  desire  for  a  breach 
with  the  past,  he  would  yet  apply  the  hand  of  reform  to  the  institu- 
tions of  the  country  as  his  father  and  brother  had  done  before  him. 
The  royal  coronation  took  place  with  impressive  ceremonies  at 
Königsberg,  on  October  18,  1861.  The  overthrow  of  the  ministry 
(March,  1862)  on  a  demand  by  the  Liberals  for  a  more  specialized 


budget,  led  to  the  appointment  of  a  more  strictly  conservative 
cabinet  under  the  Prince  of  Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen,  hitherto  presi- 
dent of  the  House  of  Peers. 

Thus  the  attempted  Liberal  system  had  collapsed  after  an  exis- 
tence of  little  more  than  three  years.  The  new  ministry,  untroubled 
by  the  cloud  of  protests  against  its  practices,  left  no  means  untried  to 
have  the  election  result  in  its  favor.  Its  efforts  were  vain ;  the  issue 
was  a  decided  defeat  for  it.  More  vehemently  than  ever  the  Party 
of  Progress  entered  the  fight  against  army  organization.  The  ex- 
tremists took  their  position  doggedly  on  the  standpoint  of  their  right, 
and  demanded  that  the  whole  expenditure  for  the  reconstruction  of 
the  army  up  to  1862  should  also  be  classed  in  the  'extraordinary' 
appropriation.  On  September  23  the  house  rejected  the  ministry's 
propositions  relative  to  the  matter.  Undoubtedly  this  was  short- 
sighted in  relation  to  Prussia's  position  as  a  great  power,  but  intel- 
ligible after  the  experience  of  the  last  years  in  regard  to  the  use 
made  of  the  army.  The  remembrance  of  the  mobilization  of  1850, 
and  of  the  by  no  means  creditable  role  Prussia  had  played  during  the 
Crimean  and  Italian  wars,  was  not  calculated  to  inspire  men's  hearts 
with  the  joy  of  sacrifice. 

On  September  29  the  Landtag  was  adjourned ;  and,  among  other 
ministerial  changes,  Bismarck  was  called  to  the  presidency,  and 
shortly  thereafter  to  the  foreign  ministry. 

In  Januaiy,  1859,  on  the  eve  of  the  Italian  War,  he  had  been 
called  from  his  Frankfort  watch-post  of  eight  years,  and  sent  to  St. 
Petersburg,  "like  champagne,"  as  he  himself  phrased  it,  "  set  on  ice 
for  future  use."  After  three  years'  residence  in  the  northern  capital, 
he  was  transferred  to  the  Tuileries.  There  had  already  been  talk  of 
calling  him  into  the  ministiy,  the  step  being  deferred  only  not  to 
render  the  conflict  still  more  acrimonious  ;  for  "  Bismarck,"  everybody 
said,  "  is  the  coup  d^etat." 

As  the  upper  house  supported  his  financial  proposals,  while  the 
lower  house  continued  obstinate  in  its  opposition  —  as  it  proved  also 
in  1863  —  Bismarck  declared  that  the  government  would  conduct 
affairs  without  a  concerted  budget,  —  nay,  in  case  of  war  would  lay 
hands  on  funds  where  it  could  find  them.  He  fell  back  on  the  so- 
called  '  stop-gap  theory,'  that  when  the  three  legislative  factors  could 
not  unite  upon  a  budget  the  government  must  simply  rule  ^^•ithout 
one.  The  Landtag  of  1863  was  hereupon  summarily  dissolved  :  but 
though  the  king  and  government  tried  experiments  of  all  kinds  to 

''BY  BLOOD  AND  IRON.''  Ill 

influence  the  electors,  the  result  on  October  28,  1863,  was  little  dif 
ferent  from  that  of  the  last  election.  The  budgetless  government 
continued ;  the  strong  measures  to  which  it  had  recourse  only  served 
to  widen  the  breach  between  the  king  and  his  people  to  a  degree  such 
that  even  the  deep-rooted  reverence  for  the  royal  person  became  af- 
fected. The  monarch  was  himself  deeply  distressed  to  see  his  own  pe- 
culiar task  —  the  carrying  through  of  which  was  a  work  of  conscience 
with  him — impeded  by  so  many  obstacles,  and  himself  so  wrongfully 
misunderstood.  "  Sleep  comes  to  me  no  night,"  he  sighed  to  Becke- 
rath,  who  vainly  tried  to  move  him  to  concessions.  His  only  conso- 
lation was  that  the  time  would  come  when  his  land  would  thank 

On  the  day  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  estimates,  Bismarck,  in 
the  budget  commission,  took  once  more  an  opportunity  for  explain- 
ing the  true  object  of  the  military  propositions  :  "  Germany  makes 
no  account  of  Prussia's  liberalism,  but  of  her  power.  Though  Bava- 
ria, Wlirtemberg,  or  Baden  should  do  homage  to  liberalism,  no  one 
would  therefore  assign  them  Prussia's  role.  She  must  concentrate 
her  strength  for  the  favorable  moment.  Not  by  speeches  and  votes 
of  majorities  are  the  great  questions  of  the  age  to  be  solved,  but  by 
blood  and  iron."  This  was  the  pole  towards  wliich  the  needle  of  his 
policy  pointed.  Long  had  the  conviction  of  the  necessity  for 
strengthening  Prussia's  mihtary  power,  and  plans  for  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  Germany,  with  Prussia  as  the  leader,  been  ripening  in  his 
mind.  In  March,  1858,  he  had  addressed  a  memorial  to  the  then 
minister-president,  ]\Ianteuffel,  on  the  necessity  for  initiating  an  inde- 
pendent Prusso-German  policy.  These  ideas  he  expanded  in  a 
memorial  to  Minister  von  Schleinitz  from  St.  Petersburg  of  May, 
1859.  "  I  see,"  he  concluded,  "  in  our  Confederate  relations,  an  evil 
for  Prussia  which  we  shall  have  to  cure  sooner  or  later  ferro  et  igni^ 

Striking  as  these  utterances  were,  yet  what  of  them  found  their 
way  to  the  public  made  little  impression  on  the  parties  in  conflict 
with  each  other.  The  Party  of  Progress  were  wilKng,  like  him,  to 
see  Prussia  at  the  head  of  Germany ;  but  they  denied  the  only  means 
available  therefor,  the  re-enforcement  of  the  army ;  the  feudal  party 
was  enthusiastic  for  army  reform,  but  would  know  nothing  of  a  Ger- 
man policy.  It  regarded  Bismarck  as  a  renegade  who  had  sold  his 
soul  to  the  devil,  and  that  the  de^^l  of  Bonaparte.  "  If  I  am  sold 
to  a  devil,"  Bismarck  replied  sportively,  "  it  is  to  a  German,  not  to  a 
Gallic  one." 
Vol..  xrx.— 13 


Prussia  won  her  first  victory  over  Austria,  in  the  now  inevi- 
table struggle,  by  the  definite  exclusion  of  that  country  from  all 
hope  of  entering  the  Zollverein.  The  last  decades  had  wrought 
great  changes  in  the  economic  life  of  the  German  peoples.  The 
advance  in  technical  requirements,  due  to  new  varieties  and  forms  of 
industry,  tended  to  obliterate  the  lines  of  demarcation  between  differ- 
ent crafts,  and  to  break  the  fetters  of  guild  restrictions.  The  lesser 
industries  saw  themselves  compelled  by  their  struggle  with  the 
greater — -daily  growing  more  severe —  to  devise  new  ways  of  work- 
ing and  new  means  for  marketing  their  wares.  The  feeling  of  self- 
reliance  so  long  repressed  by  tutelage  and  red  tape  became 
invigorated,  and  individuals  began  to  co-operate  with  each  other  in 
common  works.  jNIechanic  societies  began  to  be  formed  to  make  the 
workingmen  acquainted  with  the  results  of  science,  and  to  dissemi- 
nate more  accurate  views  among  them.  The  congress  of  German 
employers,  founded  in  1858,  was  the  common  centre  for  efforts  after 
freedom  of  production,  which  appeared  the  only  means  to  enable 
them  to  maintain  themselves  against  the  constantly  waxing  tide  of 
foreign  competition.  Agricultural  societies  and  experimental  farms 
came  into  existence  to  enable  the  cultivator  to  avail  liimself  of 
Liebig's  researches.  The  system  of  co-operative  associations  —  so 
successful  in  England  —  was,  through  Schulze-Delitzsch,  natural- 
ized in  Germany,  and  from  the  little  beginning,  made  at  his  home, 
of  a  loan-society,  grew  into  large  proportions,  without  governmental 
intervention.  A  new  science,  under  the  name  of  sociology,  investi- 
gated the  organic  principles  of  the  life  of  the  people.  Germany 
during  the  last  decades  had  attained  an  industrial  position  rivalling 
that  of  the  most  advanced  commercial  nations.  In  1859  the  gross 
customs-duties  of  the  Zollverein  amounted  to  350,000,000  thalers. 
Naturally  her  closer  and  multiplied  economic  relations  with  other 
lands  made  her  a  fellow-sufferer  in  the  shocks  that  affected  them. 
Not  only  was  the  great  North  American  and  English  crisis  of  1857 
keenly  felt  by  her,  but  she  let  herself  be  led  into  the  bank  mania 
engendered  by  the  example  of  the  Credit  3Iobilier,  and  when  the 
great  reaction  came  had   to  make   expiation   accordingly. 

The  rise  of  the  Zollverein  into  an  industrial  and  commercial 
power  made  it  the  subject  of  livelier  interest  than  heretofore  to  other 
countries.  In  1853  there  came  a  proffer  from  France  to  treat  con- 
cerning customs-duties.  This,  indeed,  came  to  nothing ;  but  the 
commercial  treaty  between  England  and  France  soon  gave  the  im- 


pulse  for  the  renewal  of  negotiations.  In  the  beginning  of  1861 
negotiations  with  France  began  in  Berlin,  even  at  the  moment  when, 
according  to  the  treaty  of  February  19,  1853,  preparations  should 
have  been  made  for  conclusive  customs-unification  with  Austria. 
Hitherto  Prussia  had  parried  Austria's  importunity  by  adroit  eva- 
sions ;  it  now  came  to  be  a  question  whether  unity  with  Austria  was 
not  to  be  debarred  once  for  all  by  an  insuperable  obstacle.  Passing 
over  the  obvious  incompatibility  of  protection  and  free-trade,  the  most- 
favored-nation  clause  constituted  the  main  rock  of  offence  ;  for  if  the 
Zollverein  accepted  this  with  France,  the  projected  union  with  Aus- 
tria was  conclusively  shut  out,  and  the  compact  of  February  was  a 
piece  of  worthless  paper.  To  Vienna  the  effect  of  the  Franco- 
Prussian  treaty  was  perfectly  clear.  In  a  memorandum  addressed  to 
Berlin,  Munich,  and  Dresden,  of  September  21,  1861,  the  Austrian 
government  declared  that  it  could  not,  indeed,  prevent  the  conclu- 
sion of  such  a  treaty,  but  that  it  would  not  be  unmindful  of  the  great 
disadvantage  at  which  it  must  place  Austria.  But  Count  Bernstorff, 
Prussian  minister  of  commerce,  did  not  let  himself  be  led  astray ; 
he  recognized  in  the  French  treaty  a  means  of  becoming  master  of 
the  difficulties,  political  and  economic,  threatening  with  Austria. 
To  the  surprise  of  every  one,  he  concluded  the  treaty,  March  29, 
1862.  Saxony  and  the  South  German  states  were  brought  into 
line  after  long  hesitation,  by  Prussia's  threat  of  dissolving  the  Zoll- 
verein in  case  of  recusance.  On  October  12,  1864,  the  Zollverein 
was  renewed ;  on  April  11,  1865,  a  commercial  treaty  was  signed 
with  Austria,  which  country,  in  respect  of  the  Zollverein,  fell  into 
line  with  the  other  foreign  states. 

In  tills  crisis  also  the  indissolubility  of  the  Zollverein  had 
asserted  itself ;  and  it  had  been  clearly  evidenced  that,  where  true 
national  interests  were  concerned,  Prussia  was  the  natural  leader  of 
Germany.  The  maxim  of  Bismarck  had  been  indisputably  verified, 
that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  crouching  before  Austrian  arro- 
gance, but  only  by  showing  a  bold  front  to  Vienna.  Ever  since  the 
Crimean  War,  he  felt  persuaded  that  the  tenor  of  events  in  Germany 
would  in  no  long  time  leave  Prussia  no  alternative  but  to  fight  Aus- 
tria for  her  very  existence.  That  the  Confederation  could  not  con- 
tinue in  its  present  form  was  as  evident  to  Vienna  as  it  was  to 
Berlin  and  Germany  generally.  With  the  recognition  of  Confeder- 
ate reform  as  an  indispensable  necessity,  the  government  had  taken 
on  itself  an  obligation,  the  discharge  of  which  was  no  longer  withiu 


its  free  discretion.  But  as  soon  as  a  hand  was  put  to  the  work,  the 
impossibility  of  transfornnng  anarchy,  garnished  with  the  name  of 
"  Constitution  of  the  Confederation,"  into  a  really  national  constitu- 
tion, became  painfully  evident.  Prussia  insisted  on  reform  of  the  mili- 
tary constitution  of  the  Confederation,  as  the  most  urgent  necessity. 
"  The  foreio-n  envoys  here,"  wrote  Bismarck  from  Frankfort,  "  listen 
with  sarcastic  courtesy  when,  occasionally,  there  is  talk  of  a  Confed- 
erate war  on  a  grand  scale  ;  and  we  deputies  of  the  diet  require  the 
earnestness  of  Roman  augurs  to  revise  the  Confederate  military 
constitution  ^^dth  requisite  thoroughness."  The  necessity  for  tliis 
revision  promoted  by  Prussia,  the  diet,  indeed,  recognized  in  Novem- 
ber, 1859  ;  but  the  solitary  distinct  proposition  —  namely,  in  case  of 
war,  to  put  the  northern  contingents  under  command  of  Prussia,  the 
South  German  under  Austria,  and  to  leave  to  these  two  powers  the 
concocting  of  a  common  plan  of  campaign,  —  the  second-rate  states, 
under  the  influence  of  Austria,  resisted  with  all  tlieir  power ;  and  in 
May,  1860,  the  military  committee  rejected  it  by  every  vote  save  that 
of  Prussia.  The  personal  meeting  of  the  sovereigns  of  Austria  and 
Prussia  at  TepHtz,  on  July  26,  1860,  brought  about  by  King  Maxi- 
milian II.  (Fig.  47)  of  Bavaria,  with  the  object  of,  if  possible,  removing 
the  estrangement  that  had  existed  since  Villafranca,  led  to  a  fruitless 
resumption  of  the  attempt.  Just  as  the  Prussian  propositions  for 
army  reform  proved  fruitless,  so  did  those  of  Baden,  in  1858,  for  the 
institution  of  a  Confederate  tribunal.  The  Utopian  plan  of  von 
Beust  for  a  reorganization  of  the  Confederation,  with  a  Directory  of 
three  members,  and  consultative  delegates  from  the  local  diets,  was 
now  agitated  by  Austria  and  the  second-rate  states. 

Relations  remained  strained  in  the  extreme.  Bismarck,  in  a 
conference  with  the  Austrian  ambassador.  Count  Karolyi,  in  Decem- 
ber, 1862,  took  renewed  occasion  to  protest  very  energetically 
against  Austria's  practice  of  overruling  Prussia  through  majorities  in 
the  diet,  adding  that  "  Prussia  would  regard  perseverance  in  such  a 
course  as  a  violation  of  the  Confederate  compact,  recall  its  deputies 
from  the  diet,  and  no  longer  recognize  its  proceedings,  Austria  had 
her  choice,  either  of  continuing,  with  the  support  of  the  coalition  of 
the  second-rate  states,  its  present  anti-Prussian  policy,  or  of  seeking 
an  honorable  alliance  with  Prussia.  It  was  his  own  earnest  desire 
that  the  latter  alternative  should  be  her  choice,  but  this  could  be 
evidenced  oidy  by  the  renunciation  of  her  hostile  policy  at  the  other 
German   courts."      According  to    Karolyi's  report,  Bismarck  gave 



Austria  the  alternative,  either  of  withdrawing  out  of  Germany  and 
transferring  her  centre  of  action  to  the  East,  or  of  finding  Prussia, 
in  the  next  European  conflict,  on  the  side  of  her  foes. 

But  Vienna  remained  deaf  to  all  remonstrances.     Austria  and 

Fig.  47.  —King  Maximilian  II.  of  Bavaria.     From  tlie  lithograph  by  C.  Wildt  ;  origi- 
nal  portrait  by  Franz  Krüger. 

the  second-rate  states  continued,  as  it  seemed,  resolute  in  their 
design  of  driving  matters  to  extremities.  But  at  the  last  moment 
Hesse-Cassel  suddenly  deserted  the  coalition  ;  and  thus  it  came  about 
that  on  January  22,  1863,  the  reform  project  of  von  Beust  was 
rejected  by  nine  votes   to  seven.     More  emphatically  than  before 


Prussia  insisted  that  a  satisfactory  reform  of  the  Confederation  as  a 
whole  was  impossible ;  and  that  she,  without  regard  to  all  negotia- 
tions with  this  end,  now  looked  to  free  compacts  with  the  states  sep- 
arately as  her  object.  "  Not  in  an  arbitrarily  constituted  and 
impotent  assembly  of  delegates  could  the  German  nation  find  an 
organ  entitled  to  give  effect  to  its  will  on  matters  of  common  interest, 
but  in  a  representative  body  based  on  popular  election."  "  One 
confederated  State  and  one  German  Parliament"  —  the  objects  for 
which  patriots  had  struggled  for  years  —  was  the  motto  that  Prussia 
now  inscribed  on  lier  banner,  in  characters  legible  far  and  wide ;  but 
such  was  the  prejudice  against  her  great  minister  —  the  assumed 
knight  of  the  reaction  —  that  the  words  passed  away  as  unheard. 
And  the  relations  between  the  two  leading  powers  were  rendered  yet 
more  strained,  on  the  one  hand  by  the  politico-commercial  conflict, 
on  the  other  by  the  outbreak  of  the  Polish  revolt.  When  Austria 
joined  the  western  powers  in  showing  favor  to  Poland,  Bismarck 
checkmated  her  by  cultivating,  in  view  of  future  eventualities,  the 
friendsliip  of  Russia.  He  "  preferred  to  have  the  czar  as  a  neighbor 
rather  than  the  propagandist  Poles,  who  could  with  difficulty  forget 
that  Dantzic  and  Thorn  were  once  Polish  cities." 

But  in  what  condition  were  the  domestic  affairs  of  Austria,  who 
was  contending  thus  determinedly  for  the  hegemony  of  Germany  ? 
How  much  was  rotten  there  had  been  demonstrated  with  terrible 
clearness  by  the  war  of  1859,  when  the  Austrian  defeats  were  hailed 
in  the  lands  of  the  Hungarian  crown  with  scarcely  concealed  gratifi- 
cation, and  even  on  the  Vienna  bourse  were  greeted  with  a  huzza. 
It  was  not  difficult  to  see  whither  the  system  that  had  guided  its 
policy  for  the  last  ten  years  had  brought  the  ship  of  state.  In  Aug- 
ust, 1859,  Bach,  the  soul  of  this  system,  received  his  dismissal,  and 
Count  Goluchowski  was  named  his  successor.  Bui  a  change  of  per- 
sonality by  no  means  implied  a  change  of  policy;  and  the  discovery 
of  a  series  of  frauds  to  an  immense  amount  by  the  late  ministry  did 
nothing  to  improve  the  public  feeling.  Finance-Minister  Brück  got 
rid  of  all  responsibility  by  committing  suicide,  April  23,  1860;  Gen- 
eral von  Eynatten,  head  of  the  war-department,  imprisoned  on  a 
charge  of  embezzlement,  hanged  himself  in  prison.  And  these  were 
but  symptoms  of  the  wide-spread  corruption.  To  all  this  were  super- 
added a  money  crisis,  becoming  more  and  more  severe,  stoppage  of 
payment  by  the  bank,  and  the  total  failure  of  a  loan  put  on  the 
market  in  March,  1860. 



The  Goluchowski  ministry  proposed  to  quiet  the  universal  dis- 
content by  homoeopathic  doses  of  reform.  The  minister  of  instruc- 
tion, Count  Tliun,  sought  to  win  over  the  Hungarians  by  the 
Protestant  letter-patent  of  September  1,  1859,  which  professed  to  be 
the  herald  of  alleviations  for  the  Protestants  of  the  other  crown 
lands  also  ;  but  the  Magyars  rejected  the  specious  concession,  and 

Fig.  48. — Emperor  Francis  Joseph  I.  of     1  roin  the  copper-plate  engraving 

by  Metzmacher,  1800. 

demanded  the  restoration  of  their  old  synodal  constitution.  An 
imperial  letter-patent  of  March  5,  1860,  created  a  'strengthened' 
Reiclisrat  (council  of  the  empire)  for  the  whole  monarchy,  consist- 
ing of  the  councils  of  the  estates,  the  archdukes,  and  other  high  digni- 
taries named  by  the  emperor  (Fig.  48),  but  invested  with  advisory 
power  only.     This   concession,  vaunted  by  the  government  as  the 


crown  of  the  promised  reforms,  did  not  contribute  in  the  least  towards 
allaying  the  general  discontent.  In  Hungary  the  agitation  against  the 
Protestant  patent  assumed  a  threatening — nay,  a  half-revolutionary 
—  aspect.  The  government  decided  on  conciliation.  Benedek,  then 
the  public's  idol,  was  named  governor-general  of  Hungary,  the  par- 
tition of  the  land  into  five  administrative  districts  was  recalled,  the 
old  county  system  restored,  the  Protestant  patent  withdrawn,  and  an 
amnesty  issued.  But  this  capitulation  only  availed  to  show  the 
Hungarians  the  advantage  of  their  position.  It  was  a  bad  symptom 
for  the  '  strengthened  '  Reichsrat,  opened  on  May  31,  that  of  the 
Hungarian  magnates  summoned,  part  declined  to  attend,  and  that 
those  who  did  appear  seized  the  leadership  to  themselves,  and, 
through  their  complaints,  brought  the  deliberations  in  regard  to 
the  scheme  of  constitution  submitted  to  the  body  to  a  standstill. 
Once  more  the  government  had  to  give  way.  "  You  are  the  victors,'" 
said  the  emperor  to  the  primate  of  Hungary.  In  hot  haste  the  diplo- 
ma of  October  20  was  prepared,  which,  in  deference  to  the  wish  of 
the  '  strengthened '  Reichsrat,  declared  it  to  be  the  irrevocable  law 
of  the  land  that  the  right  of  legislation  should  in  future  be  exercised 
only  under  co-operation  of  the  provincial  diets  and  the  council  of 
the  empire,  to  consist  of  one  hundred  members,  sitting  in  the  capacity 
of  delegates  from  the  provincial  diets.  All  affairs  properly  affecting 
only  the  hereditary  lands  were  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  so-called 
'  restricted '  Reichsrat ;  that  is,  by  one  from  which  the  Hungarian 
members  were  excluded.  The  resuscitation  of  a  court-chancellor  for 
Hungary  and  Transylvania,  as  well  as  of  a  Judex  Curiae  in  Pesth, 
indicated  the  renunciation  of  the  former  so  strongly  centralized  ad- 
ministration. Confidential  commissions  were  appointed  to  make 
preparations  for  summoning  the  diets  of  Croatia  and  Transylvania. 
Nobody  was  satisfied  except  the  petty  nobles  who  saw  their  feudal 
privileges  continued.  In  Hungary  the  Magyars  took  advantage  of 
their  successes  to  treat  the  Germans  and  Slavs  in  the  most  arrogant 
manner.  Non-native  ofiicials  and  teachers  were  expelled  in  great 
numbers.  Freedom  of  trade  and  the  German  laws  of  exchange  were 

Things  could  go  no  longer  on  in  this  way.  A  new  ministry 
under  the  presidency  of  Schmerling  (Fig.  49)  undertook,  December 
13,  1860,  the  management  of  affairs.  His  programme  endowing  the 
provincial  diets  with  free  election  of  members  of  the  Reichsrat,  and 
the  latter  body  with  publicity  of  proceedings,  enlarged  membership, 



and  legislative  initiative  —  converting  it,  in  short,  into  a  virtual 
parliament  —  was  received  by  the  German- Austrians,  at  least,  with 
great  satisfaction.  The  new  constitution  was  promulgated  by  letters- 
patent  of  February  26,  1861  (the  'patent  of  February'),  which  pro- 
claimed the  October  diploma,  the  statute  of  the  Reichsrat  following 

Fig.  49  —  Minister  von  Schmerling.    From  the  steel  engraving  by  Weger.     Original, 

a  photograph. 

on  that,  and  the  contemporaneously  issued  provincial  constitutions 
as  the  constitution  of  the  empire.  The  Reichsrat  was  to  consist 
of  two  houses,  that  of  peers  and  that  of  representatives ;  to  the 
latter  house  all  the  local  diets  of  the  empire  were  to  send  delegates 
to  the  number  of  343.  Only  new  imposts,  outlays,  and  loans 
required  its  ratification.     A  council  of  state  prepared  the  draughts 


of  all  laws  for  the  general,  or  for  the  more  restricted,  Reichsrat,  or 
for  the  provincial  diets.  According  to  the  regulations  issued  for  the 
seventeen  crown  lands,  the  provincial  diets  {Landtage)  comprised 
representatives  of  all  interests,  —  agriculture,  cities,  chambers  of  com- 
merce, great  land-owners,  the  church  and  universities.  Shortly  there- 
after the  Protestant  patent  of  April  8,  1861,  abolished  for  the  hered- 
itary lands  (with  the  exception  of  Dalmatia)  all  restrictions  on  the 
erection  of  churches  (with  or  without  towers  and  bells),  on  wor- 
ship, care  of  souls,  celebration  of  festivals,  etc.,  and  conferred  on  the 
evangelical  churches  a  presbyterial  and  synodal  constitution. 

But  the  rejoicing  over  this  experiment  was  of  short  duration. 
Men  reflected  that  a  council  of  state  not  directly  elected  by  the 
people,  but  composed  of  delegates  from  the  provincial  diets,  was 
nothing  better  than  a  caricature  of  a  representative  body.  Venetia 
remained  plainly  recalcitrant,  though  the  government  had  again 
revoked  the  forced  circulation  of  paper  money.  The  last  attempt  to 
incorporate  it  with  the  empire  proved  a  signal  failure.  Hungary  was 
no  less  difficult  to  conciliate.  The  extreme  party  in  Pesth,  under 
Tisza  and  the  returned  emigre,  Count  Teleki,  maintained  resolutely 
that,  owing  to  the  unconstitutional  way  in  which  the  Emperor  Ferdi- 
nand's abdication  was  brought  about,  his  successor,  so  long  as  he 
was  not  crowned,  could  be  regarded  only  as  the  de  facto,  not  as  the 
legitimate  {de  jure)  king  of  Hungary.  Even  the  party  of  conciliation 
under  Deak  demanded  the  restoration  of  the  constitution  of  1818,  in 
open  contrariety  to  the  Vienna  government,  which  even  yet  regarded 
the  constitution  as  forfeited  through  the  revolution.  The  new  order 
thus  found  its  worst  opponent  in  the  arrogance  of  the  ^Magyars,  who 
were  imwilling  to  be  satisfied  with  anything  less  than  a  merely 
personal  union  vath  Austria.  The  emperor  was  no  less  obstinate  in 
insisting  on  incorporation,  and  on  August  21  the  Hungarian  diet 
was  dissolved.  Hungary  now  began  to  be  dealt  with  in  earnest. 
The  Pesth  magistracy,  the  Buda  council,  and  all  the  county  congre- 
gations were  broken  up ;  the  primate,  who  had  openly  allied  himself 
with  the  national  opposition,  was  summoned  to  Vienna,  where  the 
emperor  made  him  experience  his  supreme  displeasure ;  and  martial 
law  was  proclaimed  for  all  Hungary.  Instead  of  the  hoped-for 
reconciliation  matters  had  now  come  to  an  open  breach.  The  diet  of 
Croatia  declined  to  choose  delegates  to  the  Reichsrat ;  the  Galician 
sent  them  under  reservation.  The  Transylvanian  Saxons  and  a 
Rumanian    congress    at    Hermannstadt  were   the    only  bodies   that 


spoke  out  for  the  unification  of  the  empire  and  the  extension 
of  the  imperial  constitution  to  their  lands.  Against  the  votes  of 
the  Magyars,  the  Transylvanian  diet,  on  August  21,  declared  the 
union  of  the  grand  principality  with  Hungary  in  1848  illegal  and 
invaUd,  and  carried  through  the  election  for  the  lleichsrat. 

But  this  body,  on  its  formal  opening  on  May  1,  1862,  was  found 
to  be  far  from  what  it  ought  to  have  been.  Instead  of  343  members, 
it  numbered  only  200,  and  constituted,  at  most,  only  the  restricted 
('inner')  Reichsrat.  Yet,  in  any  circumstances,  the  enlarged 
('outer')  must  be  had;  for  it  alone,  according  to  the  patent,  could 
exercise  a  constitutional  control  over  the  finances.  This  difficulty 
was  tided  over  by  an  imperial  message  of  December  17,  endowing 
this  Reichsrat  in  an  exceptional  way  with  the  competency  of  the 
'  outer',  and  especially  empowering  it  to  deal  with  the  budget 
of  1862. 

But  even  within  this  body  opposition  showed  itself,  partly  to 
the  centralizing,  partly  to  the  liberal,  tendencies  of  the  government. 
The  Hungarians  now  sullenly  resolved  to  hold  aloof  from  the 
Reichsrat ;  and  thus  matters  dragged  on  year  after  year,  amid  auto- 
nomist strifes  and  jealousies,  Venetian  discontent,  and  increasing 
financial  disorder,  until  the  situation  became  unbearable.  A  reor- 
ganization of  Germany  under  Austrian  auspices  seemed  the  only 
means  of  restoring  strength  and  prestige  to  the  government.  On 
August  3,  1863,  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  paid  a  ^-isit  to  the 
king  of  Prussia  at  Gastein,  and  communicated  to  him  a  plan  of 
reform  of  the  Confederate  constitution.  A  memorandum  he  brought 
with  him  explained  that  "  the  gromid  was  everywhere  giving  way 
under  the  feet  of  such  as  stood  on  the  Confederate  compact;  that  the 
structure  of  the  Confederation  everywhere  showed  rents  and  fissures, 
and  that  the  mere  wish  that  its  rotten  walls  should  sustain  the  next 
storm  could  do  nothing  to  give  it  the  needful  stability."  If  the 
sudden  change  of  the  party  in  now  declaring  worthless  that  Confed- 
erate constitution  which  it  had  ever  hitherto  vaunted  as  a  palladium 
struck  the  hearer  Avith  astonishment,  the  announcement  of  a  diet 
of  princes  to  be  convened  at  Frankfort,  August  16,  which  the  em- 
peror invited  the  king  to  attend,  amazed  him  still  more.  Without 
absolutely  dechning.  King  William  desired  a  postponement  till  Octo- 
ber 1,  so  that  conferences  of  ministers  might  precede  the  congress. 
He  was,  therefore,  disagreeably  surprised  to  receive  almost  immedi- 
ately an  official  invitation  (prepared  on  July  31)  to  attend  a  congress 


on  Aiio-iist  16.  It  was  the  old  cavalier  way  of  treating  Prussia  that 
Bismarck  had  so  often  protested  against  in  Frankfort.  Without 
hesitation  the  king  declined  the  invitation,  but  those  for  the  other 
princes  had  already  been  issued. 

On  the  appointed  day  the  German  princes  and  the  burgomasters 
of  the  four  free  cities  met  at  Frankfort,  the  king  of  Prussia  and  the 
prince  of  Lippe-Detmold  being  the  only  absentees.  Nothing  was 
omitted  that  could  give  splendor  to  the  occasion.  The  reform  plan 
that  was  to  capture  the  illustrious  assemblage  by  surprise  was  based 
on  the  principle  of  federation,  and  embraced  a  Confederate  directo- 
rate consisting  of  Austria,  Prussia,  Bavaria,  and  two  other  greater 
princes  appointed  by  election,  a  Confederate  council  under  the  presi- 
dency of  Austria,  an  assembly  of  delegates  from  the  diets  meeting 
every  three  years,  and  a  Confederate  tribunal.  In  case  a  Confederate 
state  having  possessions  without  the  Confederation  became  involved 
in  war,  the  directorate  might,  by  a  simple  majority  vote,  grant  it 
the  armed  support  of  the  Confederation.  Before  proceeding  to  dis- 
cuss the  proposal,  the  assemblage  decreed,  on  the  motion  of  the 
grand  duke  of  INIecklenburg-Schwerin,  to  request  the  king  of  Prussia 
to  take  part  in  the  deliberations.  King  William  again  declined, 
assigning  as  his  reason  that  he  could  come  to  no  conclusion  in  regard 
to  the  Austrian  propositions  till  they  had  been  passed  upon  by  his 
own  ministry.  The  secondary  states,  too,  gradually  found  courage 
to  give  voice  to  their  opposition.  To  pacify  them  the  directorate 
was  raised  from  five  to  six.  But  the  motion  of  the  grand  duke  of 
Baden  that  the  presidency  should  alternate  between  Austria  and 
Prussia  created  yet  greater  embarrassment,  and  finally  gave  the 
coup  de  grace  to  the  whole  project. 

INIore  and  more  intense  became  the  strain  between  Austria  and 
Prussia.  The  secondary  states,  peoples  and  governments  alike, 
were  agitated  with  fear  over  the  result  of  the  conflict ;  and  no  one 
could  see  a  way  out  of  the  chaotic  situation  till  the  Schleswig-Hol- 
stein question  came  to  solve  the  difficulty. 

The  peace  of  1850  had  left  the  vexed  question  of  the  relation  of 
the  duchies  to  Denmark  unsettled.  To  meet  this,  a  letter-patent  of 
January  28,  1851,  issued  by  King  Frederick  VII.  of  Denmark,  after 
long  negotiations  with  the  two  great  German  powers,  promised  a 
general  new  ordering  of  these  relations,  and  that  to  the  effect  that 
the  king  of  Denmark  should  reign  with  absolute  power  in  both 
duchies ;    that  in  each  the  provincial    estates  should    be    continued 


with  a  consultative  voice  ;  that  every  political  tie  between  Schleswig 
and  Holstein  should  be  dissolved,  but  that  in  no  case  should  Schles- 
wig be  incorporated  into  the  kingdom.  To  this  shameful  agreement 
the  Confederate  governments  could  not  bring  themselves  to  give  the 
assent  required  of  them  by  Austria  and  Prussia  without  fuller  delib- 
eration ;  and  so  these  two  powers  delivered  over  the  land  in  the 
beginning  of  1853,  independently  of  any  Confederate  decree.  Not 
till  July  29  of  that  year  had  the  miasmatic  reactionary  atmosphere 
become  dense  enough  in  the  palace  of  the  Confederation  to  bring  it 
to  give  its  assent.  Independently  of  this,  the  Danish  succession- 
question  had  been  arranged  through  the  London  Protocol  of  May  8, 
1852,  by  which,  in  consideration  of  the  importance  of  maintaining 
the  European  equilibrium,  the  five  great  powers,  with  Sweden,  bound 
themselves  to  recognize  Prince  Christian  of  Sonderburg-Glücksburg, 
the  husband  of  Louisa  of  Hesse,  niece  of  Christian  VIIL,  as  succes- 
sor in  all  parts  of  the  monarchy.  The  duke  of  Augustenburg  was 
prevailed  upon  to  surrender  his  claim  to  Schleswig-Holstein  in  con- 
sideration of  a  compensation  of  three  million  thalers. 

Scarcely  did  the  Danes  see  themselves  uncontrolled  masters  of 
the  ducliies,  when  they  were  guilty  of  the  most  outrageous  violations 
of  law  and  justice.  No  rank,  however  high  or  obscurely  lowly, 
availed  to  protect  those  who  had  championed  or  professed  the  cause 
of  German  nationality.  In  place  of  the  arbitrarily  dismissed  German 
officials,  the  land  was  deluged  \^ith  Danish  satraps  of  equivocal 
character ;  the  German  language  and  German  customs  were  re- 
pressed in  the  most  obnoxious  manner.  At  the  instigation  of  the 
Danish  parliament,  and  without  giving  the  provincial  estates  a  hear- 
ing, the  Copenhagen  government,  on  January  2,  1855,  promulgated 
a  new  constitution  for  the  whole  monarchy,  which  made  the  parha- 
ment,  with  its  preponderating  Danish  majority,  the  representative  of 
the  entire  kingdom.  The  Holstein  estates  in  January,  1856,  declared 
this  constitution  a  violation  of  the  king's  pledge  of  January,  1852,  as 
well  as  of  the  rights  of  the  duchy ;  but,  despite  this,  it  was  imposed 
with  new  circumstances  of  aggravation.  The  declaration  of  the 
great  powers  that  the  maintenance  of  their  monarchy  was  a  matter 
of  general  European  interest  had  completely  turned  the  heads  of  the 
Danes,  and  they  went  to  work  in  the  duchies  with  utter  disregard  of 
plighted  faith  and  justice,  believing  they  could  rely  on  the  other 
great  powers  for  protection  against  Germany.  Moved  by  a  com- 
plaint   of    the    Lauenburg  estates,  Austria  and  Prussia    at   length 


brought  the  subject  before  the  Confederation,  October  29, 1857.  On 
February  11,  1858,  the  diet  declared  the  constitution  in  so  far  as 
regarded  Holstein  and  Lauenburg  inconsistent  with  justice,  and 
on  August  12  required  its  ^athdrawal  within  three  weeks  on  jjain 
of  execution.  Denmark  deemed  it  prudent  to  avert  further  steps  by 
timely  anticipation.  On  November  6  it  declared  the  constitution 
no  longer  in  force  as  regarded  Holstein  and  Lauenburg,  and  called 
on  the  Holstein  estates  to  enter  upon  friendly  negotiations  with  it. 
But  this  compliant  aspect  was  purely  specious ;  in  point  of  fact,  it 
imported  the  carrying  out  of  the  "Denmark  to  the  Eider"  programme, 
that  is,  the  complete  disjunction  of  Schleswig  from  Holstein,  and  the 
incorporation  of  the  former  duchy  with  Denmark.  All  the  more 
emphatically  did  the  Holstein  estates,  that  met  January  3,  1859, 
make  the  union  of  the  two  duchies  the  pivotal  point  of  their  demands, 
rejecting  the  constitution  project,  and  requiring  the  restoration  of  the 
uniform  administration  of  Schleswig  and  Holstein.  But  no  under- 
standing was  arrived  at,  —  nay,  the  Schleswig  estates,  on  account 
of  their  resistance  to  the  Danish  constitution,  were  dissolved,  jNIarch 
19,  1860.  Denmark,  from  her  belief  that  she  could  avail  herself  of 
the  ItaHan  War  for  her  ends,  assumed  a  still  more  impeiious  attitude 
towards  the  duchies.  In  this  belief  she  deceived  herself.  English 
representations  brought  NajDoleon  to  the  conviction  that  he  must  not 
trespass  too  far  on  Germany's  national  susceptibilities  if  he  would 
not  arouse  the  whole  land  against  himself;  and  there  was  nothing  he 
more  dreaded  than  a  hostile  feeling  there  so  long  as  he  had  the  war 
with  Austria  on  his  hands. 

The  Confederate  diet  replied  to  the  Danish  patent  of  Septembei- 
23,  1859,  in  regard  to  the  interests  of  Holstein,  by  insisting  on  the 
fulfilment  of  the  promises  of  1852,  and  declared  the  assent  of  their 
estates  indispensable  to  every  financial  measure  for  Holstein  and 
Lauenburg.  In  defiance  of  this  the  Danish  government  promul- 
gated its  budgets  for  this  and  the  following  year  independently  of 
any  such  assent ;  nay,  the  long  suffering  of  the  Confederation 
emboldened  it  to  make  preparations  for  suppressing  any  resistance 
on  the  part  of  the  duchies  by  force  of  arms.  A  le\y  of  6000  marines 
was  ordered,  permission  was  given  for  raising  a  volunteer  corps  in 
Copenhagen,  and  money  was  collected  for  the  building  of  gunboats. 
Frankfort's  patience  at  length  gave  way.  On  February  7,  1861,  the 
diet  demanded,  on  pain  of  execution,  the  revocation  within  six  weeks 
of  the  patent  of  September  23,  1859,  with  all  the  supplementary 


ordinances  based  thereon.  As  the  foreign  cabinets  earnestly  coun- 
selled compliance,  the  Copenhagen  ministry  saw  itself  obliged  to  sub- 
mit new  constitutional  propositions  to  the  Holstein  estates. 

But  all  this  pliability  was  nothing  but  illusion.  The  legal  sepa- 
ration of  Schleswig  from  Holstein,  and  its  complete  unification  ynth. 
Denmark,  was  carried  into  full  effect.  The  '  Eider-Dane  '  party  had 
got  quite  the  upper-hand  in  Copenhagen,  and  the  government  was 
completely  under  the  sway  of  the  streets.  A  royal  proclamation  of 
March  30,  1863,  declared  that,  owing  to  the  fault  of  the  German 
Confederation,  the  promises  of  1852  were  incapable  of  fulfilment. 
Now  that  Germany  had  waited  with  patience  for  ten  long  years  for 
Denmark  to  carry  out  the  compact,  the  latter  by  an  audacious  coup 
d'Stat  set  herseK  entirely  free  from  it !  That,  alone,  she  was  unable 
to  cope  with  her  adversaries  she  was  perfectly  aware ;  but  she  relied 
on  the  support  of  Europe,  as  well  as  on  the  conflicting  interests  of 
the  German  great  powers  and  the  domestic  struggle  in  Prussia. 

Certainly  the  ambiguous  attitude  of  the  British  cabinet  gave 
Denmark  a  sort  of  right  to  depend  on  this  friend  at  least.  Lord 
Russell  had  expressly  promised  that  if  she  followed  his  counsels  he 
would  make  it  his  care  that  she  should  suffer  no  injur}%  and  the 
Danes  explained  this  as  meaning  that  they  could  reckon  uncon- 
ditionally on  England's  support  if  they  only  maintained  that  they 
had  complied  vnih.  the  condition.  On  March  10,  1863,  the  Prince 
of  Wales  married  Alexandra,  daughter  of  Denmark's  future  king, 
Christian,  while  the  public  sentiment  of  England  was  loud  and 
decided  on  their  side.  But  England's  dread  of  any  new  warlike 
complication  was  a  more  powerful  factor  than  sentiment.  Russell 
would  indeed  have  intervened  upon  one  condition,  —  that,  namely, 
of  the  support  of  NajDoleon.  But  here  the  effect  of  the  Polish  revolt 
made  itself  sensible.  Offended  by  England's  declination  to  take 
part  in  behalf  of  his  project  for  a  congress,  of  which  we  have  already 
spoken,  the  emperor  declined  to  back  her  here.  Xor  was  the  czar, 
incensed  that  the  western  powers  undertook  to  deal  with  Polish 
affairs  at  all,  any  whit  better  disposed  towards  a  common  intervention 
in  those  of  Schleswig-Holstein.  Austria  went  hand-in-hand  with 
Prussia  in  this  question.  True,  she  followed  her  ally's  lead  only  in 
a  half-hearted  way,  and  not  from  any  interest  in  the  duchies,  but 
mainly  to  prevent  Prussia  from  lording  it  in  the  north,  while,  if  she 
would  not  lose  all  influence  in  Germany,  she  could  not  afford  to 
manifest  indifference  in  an  affair  bound  up  with  German  nationality. 


On  July  0,  1863,  the  diet  issued  a  summons  to  Copenhagen, 
callino-  on  it  to  revoke  its  ordinance  of  March  30,  and  to  declare 
itself  ready  to  introduce  a  constitution  for  the  whole  monarchy  in 
harmony  with  the  agreements  of  1852.  The  Danish  government  re- 
fused compliance.  "  I  have  reason  for  believing,"  said  minister 
Hall,  "  that  we  shall  have  more  than  our  own  resources  to  fall  back 
upon  in  this  conflict.'"  A  new  constitution  was  submitted  to  the 
Rio-sdag  opened  on  September  28,  by  which  Schleswig  was  conclu- 
sively incorporated  into  Denmark.  Hereupon  the  diet,  on  October 
1,  adopted  a  resolution,  against  the  votes  of  Denmark,  Luxemburg, 
and  Baden,  to  proceed  with  the  execution,  Austria,  Prussia,  Saxony, 
and  Hanover  being  mtrusted  with  it.  In  order  to  make  it  clear  that 
the  matter  was  essentially  one  of  the  Confederation,  the  two  great 
powers  agreed  to  leave  the  execution  to  the  secondary  states,  their 
troops  only  to  serve  as  a  reserve  in  the  event  of  need. 

There  now  occurred  an  event  in  Copenhagen  that  gave  a  new 
color  to  the  question.  On  November  15,  two  days  after  the  Rigsdag 
had  adopted  the  constitution,  King  Frederick  VII.  died,  and  Christian 
IX.  ascended  the  throne.  Two  alternatives,  neither  of  them  easy, 
were  presented  to  the  new  king.  He  might  ratify  the  new  con- 
stitution and  thus  violate  all  Denmark's  obligations  to  Germany,  or 
he  might  reject  it,  and  thus  rouse  the  wrath  of  the  populace,  who 
would  make  short  work  of  his  hereditary  claim.  On  November  18 
he  decided  for  the  former.  He  ratified  the  measure,  and  the  die  was 

So  a  second  question,  that  of  the  succession,  became  mixed  up 
with  that  of  the  constitution.  In  the  duchies  many  officials  refused 
to  swear  fealty  to  the  new  monarch.  The  crown-prince,  Frederick 
of  Augustenburg,  who  did  not  regard  himself  as  bound  by  his  father's 
renunciation,  urged  his  hereditary  claim  to  Holstein  ;  the  grand  duke 
of  Oldenburg  protested  against  Christian's  succession  in  the  duchies ; 
the  Ernestine  houses,  ruling  in  the  Saxon  duchies,  and  that  of 
Mecklenburg,  had  entered  their  protest  against  the  London  Protocol 
at  the  time  of  its  issuance  ;  the  German  Confederation  had  never 
recognized  it.  The  Confederation,  therefore,  found  itself,  in  respect 
of  the  Schleswig-Holstein  question,  in  a  position  quite  different  from 
that  of  the  great  powers  who  had  signed  the  protocol.  When,  there- 
fore, on  November  21,  both  Christian  IX.  and  Duke  Frederick  an- 
nounced in  Frankfort  their  entrance  into  the  government,  several 
of  the  secondary  and  lesser  states  lodged  their  protest  against  the 


former,  while  Duke  Ernest  of  Saxe-Coburg  had  already  recognized 
the  prince  of  Augusteuburg  as  duke.  Austria  and  Prussia,  on  the 
other  hand,  hmited  themselves  to  the  breach  of  compacts  involved  in 
the  new  constitution,  without  entering  upon  the  question  of  the  suc- 
cession. The  cHstinction  between  their  standj^oint  and  that  of  the 
other  states  of  the  Confederation  came  thus  prominently  into  view. 
The  two  great  powers  declared  themselves  bound  by  the  London 
Protocol,  and  ready  to  carry  it  out  as  soon  as  Denmark  fulfilled  its 
obligations.  The  execution,  in  which  there  was  a  tacit  recognition 
of  the  king's  right  to  the  duchies,  was  plainly  irreconcilable  with  the 
present  standpoint  of  the  majority.  It  desired,  therefore,  in  place  of 
this,  an  occupation  and  tlie  decision  of  the  succession-question  through 
the  Confederation.  Tliis  would  liave  been  to  leave  the  question  in 
regard  to  Holstein  open,  and  to  deliver  over  Schleswig  to  Denmark, 
and  lose  it  to  Germany  for  all  time.  In  any  case,  the  thing  most 
needful  to  be  done  was  to  hasten  the  necessary  military  measures 
with  all  possible  speed.  Under  the  pressure  which  Austria  and 
Prussia  brought  to  bear  upon  the  smaller  states,  the  Confederation, 
on  December  7,  declared  by  eight  to  seven  votes  for  simple  execu- 

In  Copenhagen  the  fanatical  Eider-Dane  party  was  once  more  in 
the  ascendant.  The  Hall  ministry  had  to  give  place  to  the  j'ct  more 
arrogant  administration  under  Bishop  JNIonrad.  Infatuated  as  this 
policy  was,  it  was  at  least  more  intelligible  than  that  of  the  majoritv 
of  the  Prussian  lower  house,  who,  in  the  suspicion  that  Bismarck  was 
plotting  treason  to  German}-,  refused  their  assent  to  a  loan  of 
12,000,000  thalers  to  meet  the  necessary  military  measures. 

In  order  to  give  foreigners  no  pretext  for  intervening,  the  num- 
ber of  the  troops  to  be  contributed  by  the  states  for  the  execution 
was  reduced  to  the  lowest  possible.  Of  these  the  command-in-chief 
was  given  to  the  Saxon  general,  von  Hake.  Five  thousand  Aus- 
trians  were  assembled,  under  von  Gablenz,  on  the  Ellie,  and  as 
many  Prussians,  under  Prince  Frederick  Charles,  Field-^Iarshal 
Wrangel  (Fig.  50)  being  named  commander-in-chief  of  the  whole. 
As  the  Danes  of  their  own  will  evacuated  Holstein  on  December  22, 
1863,  the  Saxons  alone  entered  it.  But  the  question  of  assuring  the 
rights  of  Schleswig  still  remained.  The  Austro-Prussian  proposition 
to  call  on  Denmark  definitively  to  recall  the  constitution  of  Novem- 
ber 18,  on  pain  of  the  seizure  of  Schleswig,  met  with  strenuous 
opposition.     The  secondary  states  insisted  on  forcing  the  question 

Vol.  XIX.— 13 



of  the  succession  to  the  foreground,  and  through  the  acceptance  of 
this  proposition  Christian's  claim  would  be  acknowledged.  Their 
attitude  was  in  a  great  measure  determined  by  the  public  sentiment 
of  Germany,  which  was  decidedly  on  the  side  of  Duke  Frederick, 
less  out  of  sympathy  for  him  personally  than  from  the  desire  for 
national  aggrandizement.  Chambers  in  the  north  as  well  as  south, 
party  and  popular  meetings,  '  Great-Germans  '  and  '  Little-Germans,' 

were  as  one  in  speaking 
out  for  the  duke's  claims. 
The  uniyersities  inyesti- 
gated  and  approyed  them, 
and  an  assembly  composed 
of  members  of  the  German 
diets  meeting  in  Frankfort 
reached  a  unanimous  de- 
claration in  his  fayor.  In 
Holstein  the  people  every- 
where proclaimed  Duke 
Frederick  VIII.  lord  of  the 
land.  At  the  inyitation  of 
a    mass-meeting    at    Elm- 

shorn,  he  entered  the 
duchies,  and  fixed  his  resi- 
dence at  Kiel.  The  senti- 
ment in  fayor  of  the  erec- 
tion of  a  new  secondary 
state  attained  a  wonderful 
degree  of  popularity.  The 
Vienna  and  Berlin  cabmets 
observed  the  national  ex- 
citement with  unconcealed 
mistrust.  But  so  strong 
was  the  movement  that  the 
secondary  states,  under  the  leading  of  Bavaria  and  Saxony,  believed 
they  might  venture  to  determine  the  pohcy  of  Germany  indepen- 
dently, and  set  themselves  free  from  the  leading  of  the  two  great 

The  dream  was  beautiful,  l)ut  brief.  AVheu  the  Confederation, 
despite  of  all  remonstrances,  rejected  tlie  Austro-Prussian  proposi- 
tions, by  eleven  votes  to  five,  the  two  governments  issued  a  declof 

Fig.  50.  —  General  von  Wrangel.  From  the  litho- 
gi-aph  by  Hermann  Eichens  ;  original  drawing 
by  F,  Dietz,  made  from  nature,  at  Apenrade, 
in  August,  1848. 


ration  that  they  reserved  to  themselves,  as  European  powers  and 
signatories  of  the  London  Protocol,  the  determination  of  Germany's 
further  policy.  Bismarck  had  in  this  attained  a  great  object.  He 
had  evaded  a  Confederate  war,  with  Austria,  supported  by  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Confederation,  as  the  presiding  power,  and  finally  the 
determiner  of  the  ultimate  configui-ation  of  the  duchies.  He  had 
effected  even  more ;  he  had  separated  Austria  from  the  secondary 
states,  and  riveted  her  to  Prussia,  while  he  had  removed  the  diet  out 
of  his  wa}'.  From  this  point  the  action  of  the  two  great  powers  be- 
came distinct  from  that  of  the  Confederation.  On  January  16,  1864, 
they  announced  in  Copenhagen  that  if  the  constitution  of  November 
were  not  revoked  within  forty-eight  hours  they  would  occupy  Schles- 
wig with  tlieir  trooj)s,  and  recall  their  ambassadors.  The  '  Eider- 
Dane  '  party,  relying  on  foreign  support,  compelled  the  king  to  re- 
fuse acquiescence.  On  February  1  the  allied  forces  entered  Schles- 
wig, and  the  Danish  troops  fell  back,  fighting,  into  the  strongly 
intrenched  position  of  the  Danewerk.  The  Saxons  withdrew  into 
western  Holstein. 

The  Austro-Prussian  army  numbered  56,323  men,  against  which 
Denmaik  could  place  no  equal  force  in  the  field,  and  what  she  had 
were  rather  a  militia  than  a  trained  soldiery.  While  in  time  of  peace 
her  standing  army  numbered  only  7500,  on  February  1,  1864,  it 
amounted  to  54,000  men,  with  General  de  ^Nleza  as  commander-in- 
chief.  But  Denmark's  deficiency  by  land  was  richly  made  up  by  her 
superiority  at  sea.  Though  she  devoted  one  part  of  her  fleet  to 
blockading  Prussian  harljors  and  meeting  hostile  fleets,  she  had  still 
ships  enough  to  support  lier  land-operations  and  secure  the  islands. 

The  main  difficulty  in  the  war  against  Denmark  lay  in  the  fact 
that  the  conquest  of  even  the  whole  peninsula  inferred  no  conclusive 
issue ;  for  the  islands,  and,  above  all,  the  capital  remained  unassaila- 
ble to  an  eneni}'  who  had  no  available  sea-force.  Again,  sliould  the 
Copenhagen  cabinet  be  compelled  to  compliance  by  a  long-continued 
occupation  of  the  mainland,  there  was  reason  to  fear  that  foreign 
powers  might  be  induced  to  intervene.  Therefore  the  proper  object 
of  operations  was,  as  Moltke  explained  in  a  memorandum,  the  Danish 
army,  and  its  amiihilation  before  it  could  reach  a  place  of  eml)arka- 
tion.  For  this  reason  the  task  incumbent  on  the  allies  was  to  bar 
the  retreat  of  the  ai-my  holding  the  Danewerk  to  Schleswig,  Düppel, 
and  Flensborg.  This  was  to  be  effected  by  crossing  the  Schlei,  and 
turning  the  left  wing,  while  simultaneously  an  assault  was  made  on 


the  centre.  The  latter  operation  was  carried  out  successfully  by  the 
Austrians ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  tlie  attack  of  the  Prussians,  on 
February  2,  on  Missunde,  at  the  narrowest  part  of  the  Schlei,  was  a 
miscarriage.  Prince  Frederick  Charles  was  making  preparations  to 
force  a  passage  farther  down  the  river,  when  the  enemy  rendered 
this  unnecessary.  General  de  Meza  had  arrived  at  the  conviction 
that  the  number  and  quality  of  his  troops  were  inadequate  for  the 
defence  of  a  line  of  sixty  miles  in  length,  especially  as  frost  had 
facilitated  the  crossing  of  the  flooded  district.  On  the  night  of  Feb- 
ruary 6,  therefore,  he  evacuated  the  works.  The  one  part  of  the 
Danes  made  their  retreat  to  Jutland,  the  other  to  the  admirable 
position  in  the  Sunde  witt  peninsula,  beliind  the  Düppel  intrench- 
ments.  The  allies,  as  soon  as  they  were  aware  of  their  departure, 
broke  up  in  pursuit.  Gablenz  overtook  the  rearguard  in  the  pass  of 
Oversee,  and,  after  a  hot  conflict,  compelled  it  to  flight.  The  Prus- 
sians crossed  the  Schlei  in  hastily  constructed  boats.  The  whole 
army  advanced  on  Flensborg ;  but  the  Danes  had  too  great  a  start, 
and  could  not  again  be  overtaken.  The  news  of  the  evacuation  cf 
the  Danewerk  produced  the  greatest  excitement  in  Copenhagen :  by 
way  of  calming  which  de  Meza  was  recalled,  and  replaced  by  General 
von  Lüttichau,  who  soon  gave  way  to  General  Gerlach. 

The  situation  was  extremely  favorable  for  the  Danes.  The  forti- 
fications of  Düppel  constituted  a  strongly  intrenched  girdle,  serving 
as  a  tete-de-pont  for  the  Sonderburg  ship-bridge,  while  the  sea  pre- 
vented a  direct  attack  on  the  flanks.  The  fertile  island  of  Alsen 
could  feed  the  troops  for  a  long  time,  and,  from  the  Danes'  com- 
mand of  the  sea,  the  force  here  could  be  re-enforced  or  diminished 
almost  unmarked.  The  Sonderburg  bridge  enabled  masses  of  troops 
to  cross  from  the  island,  and  assemble  behind  the  Düppel  heights 
unseen,  and  to  make  sorties  on  a  great  scale  with  a  secure  hue  of 
retreat.  The  capture  of  this  position  demanded  a  regular  siege,  and 
for  this  siege-guns  were  wanting.  Additional  troops,  too,  required 
to  be  despatched  to  the  scene,  especially  as  the  advent  of  spring  en- 
abled the  Danes  to  avail  themselves  of  their  great  superiority  at  sea. 
A  blockade  as  well  as  descents  on  the  coast  was  to  be  provided 
against ;  and  as  there  were  no  means  for  meeting  Denmark  on  her 
own  element,  a  compensation  for  the  contemplated  injuries  must  be 
sought  for  elsewhere.  To  all  this  a  more  extensive  occupation  of 
Holstein  seemed  desirable,  in  order  to  impose  a  check  on  party 
intrigues  there.      Austria  and    Prussia  required   from  the  diet  the 


evacuation  of  Altona,  Kiel,  and  Xeumünster,  as  well  as  the  super- 
vision of  the  Holstein  telegraph-system.  The  latter  request  was 
granted  at  once .  and  before  any  decision  could  be  come  to  in  regard 
to  the  former,  General  Wrangel  anticipated  any  possible  difficulty 
by  taking  possession  of  the  places  on  February  12.  The  only  point 
now  left  unsettled,  the  two  powers  explained  in  Frankfort,  was  the 
system  of  quartering. 

The  course  of  events  now  led  up  to  the  question  of  occupying 
Jutland  by  way  of  pledge.  But  this  had  to  be  preceded  by  diplo- 
matic conferences;  for  the  agreement  between  Austria  and  Prussia 
contemplated  only  the  occupation  of  Schleswig,  whose  frontiers 
Wrangel  had  been  specially  enjoined  not  to  overstep.  What  alarmed 
the  Austrian  government  was  that  a  trespass  here  might  give  the 
signal  for  a  European  war.  In  England,  particularly,  there  pre- 
vailed an  incredible  bitterness  toward  Germany;  and  the  appearance 
of  an  Austrian  squadron  in  the  North  Sea  was  there  regarded  as  an 
invasion  of  the  domain  on  which  Britain  was  supreme.  But  Bis- 
marck succeeded  in  impressing  on  Vienna  that  the  promptest  treat- 
ment was  the  surest  means  for  preventing  foreign  interference,  and 
so  attained  a  point  that  ruled  the  common  action.  The  main  attack 
was  to  be  directed  against  Düppel,  while  Wrangel  was  left  at  liberty 
to  push  his  troops  as  far  into  Jutland  as  he  considered  necessary  for 
the  prevention  of  undertakings  from  that  quarter.  On  March  8 
the  advance  into  Jutland  was  begun.  The  Austrians  drove  the 
enemy  toward  the  north,  till  they  escaped  farther  pursuit  by  cross- 
ing the  Limf jord.  Mainly  to  anticipate  the  despatch  of  re-enforce- 
ments to  Düppel,  the  bombardment  of  this  latter  fortress  was  decided 
on ;  meanwhile  Wrangel  was  recalled,  owing  to  his  advanced  age, 
and  Prince  Frederick  Charles  (Fig.  51)  appointed  in  his  stead. 

The  construction  of  the  batteries  before  Düppel  began  immedi- 
ately on  the  arrival  of  the  heavy  siege-guns.  On  March  15  the 
cannonade  was  opened ;  and  by  the  17th  the  Prussians  were  in 
possession  of  Düppel  itself  and  the  Spitzberg,  and  commanded  the 
greatest  part  of  the  approaches  to  the  fortifications  proper.  Den- 
mark had  declared  the  Prussian  harbors  on  the  Baltic  blockaded; 
but,  as  she  had  only  four  ships  at  her  disposal,  she  contented  herself 
with  stationing  them  off  Rügen.  On  the  17th  a  Prussian  squadron 
of  three  frigates  and  several  gunboats,  under  Captain  Jachmann, 
attacked  the  blockading-fleet,  but,  finding  itself  overmatched,  hastily 
retreated  to  the  shelter  of  the  forts. 



Meanwhile  the  English  cabinet  had  been  laboring  to  bring  about 
a  conference  for  the  accommodation  of  the  quarrel.  Lord  Kusscirs 
proposition,  that  the  conference  should  be  held  without  interruption 
of  hostilities  and  without  prearrangement  of  a  basis,  found  consent 

Fig.  51.  — rriiice  Frederick  Charles  of  Prus.sia.     From  the  lithograph  by  E.  Milster. 

from  all  sides.  For  the  diplomatic  success  of  the  conference,  it  was 
of  the  highest  importance  that  it  should  be  supported  by  a  military 
one.  The  bombardment  of  the  Düppel  lines,  now  invested  for  five 
weeks,  was  hence  plied  with  the  greatest  energy  and  with  telling 
effect,  while  the  parallels  crept  closer  to  the  works.      At  10  o'clock 


of  April  18  the  Prussian  columns  advanced  to  the  storm,  and  six 
minutes  later  the  first  Prussian  banner  waved  on  the  breastw(jrk. 
One  trench  after  another  was  captured;  and  by  noon  the  last  was  in 
the  hands  of  tlie  victors,  whereupon  the  bridge-head  was  carried  on 
the  first  assault.  The  ship  Rolf  Krake,  wliich  took  part  in  the 
fight,  was  unable  to  impose  any  obstacle.  With  this  the  last  frag- 
ment of  the  mainland  of  Schleswig  was  wrested  from  Denmark.  At 
sea,  also,  the  conflict  was  sharply  maintained.  On  May  9  the  Danish 
captain  Suenson,  with  his  squadron,  attacked  two  Austrian  frigates, 
the  Schwarzenberg  and  Radetzky,  under  Admiral  Tegetthoff,  with 
three  Prussian  vessels,  off  Heligoland.  The  Schwarzenberg  was 
burned ;  but  the  remainder  of  the  allied  fleet  succeeded  in  escaping, 
though  sorely  damaged,  to  Cuxhaven. 

Immediately  thereupon  the  London  conference,  which  had  been 
opened  April  25,  arranged  an  armistice  from  May  12  to  June  12, 
which  was  later  prolonged  to  June  26.  The  first  demand  made  by 
the  two  German  jDowers  was  the  complete  autonomy  of  the  duchies, 
with  common  institutions  and  the  keeping  open  of  the  succession- 
question  till  it  was  pronounced  on  by  the  Confederation.  To  Bis- 
marck's secret  satisfaction,  Beust,  the  Confederate  representative, 
declared  that  the  majority  of  the  Confederation  refused  its  assent  to 
a  settlement  that  would,  under  any  conditions,  constitute  a  union 
between  the  duchies  and  Denmark ;  and  Denmark,  equally  uncon- 
ditionally, rejected  the  combination  in  this  form.  The  German 
powers'  next  demand  was  for  the  complete  disjunction  of  the  duchies 
from  Denmark  and  their  union  into  one  state  under  the  prince  of 
Augustenburg,  but  this  Denmark  refused  even  to  listen  to.  Lord 
Russell,  with  the  consent  of  the  other  neutral  powers,  now  sub- 
mitted a  thirtl  proposition  —  namely,  the  separation  of  Holstein  and 
the  southern  part  of  Schleswig  from  the  Danish  monarchy,  and  this 
basis  obtained  in  principle  the  assent  of  the  parties  interested ;  but 
when  it  came  to  the  determination  of  the  boundary  line,  they  were 
wide  as  the  poles  asunder.  Russell  then  lost  patience,  and  proposed 
to  Paris  that  England  and  France  should  come  to  an  understanding 
about  a  boundary  line,  and  submit  this  as  an  ultimatum,  supported 
by  a  naval  demonstration.  "  Right  willingly,"  answered  Droujm  de 
I'Huys ;  but  taught  by  experience  in  the  case  of  Poland,  he  desired 
first  to  know  exactly  how  far  England  meant  to  go  in  case  of  need. 
Receiving  no  satisfaction  on  this  point,  he  courteously  declined  to 
act.     Thus,  on  June   25,  the  conference    broke  up  without  result. 


But  Bismarck  had  gained  an  important  success ;  the  great  powers 
had  abandoned  the  London  Protocol,  and  affirmed,  in  principle,  the 
disjunction  of  the  duchies  from  Denmark. 

^Meanwhile  the  two  allied  German  sovereigns  with  their  min- 
isters had  had  a  meeting  in  Karlsbad  and  entered  into  new  agree- 
ments. Austria  accepted  Prussia's  basis  —  the  disjunction  of  the 
duchies  from  Denmark.  The  allies  now  undertook  a  descent  on 
Alsen.  On  June  29,  the  division  of  Mansteiu  was  transported 
across  the  sound,  and  effected  a  landing  with  comparatively  small 
loss.  The  Danes  were  surprised,  but  made  a  skilful  defence,  saving 
the  relics  of  their  army  by  availing  themselves  of  their  ships.  In 
Jutland  the  allies  crossed  the  Limfjord  on  July  10,  near  Aal  borg, 
forcing  the  enemy  to  embark  at  Frederikshavn  for  Zealand.  The 
Austrian  and  Prussian  banners  were  planted  on  the  lighthouse  of 
Skagen  in  token  of  the  complete  occuj)ation  of  Jutland.  As  the 
Danes,  after  the  capture  of  Alsen,  assembled  their  North  Sea 
squadron  for  the  defence  of  Fiinen,  the  Austrian  fleet  proceeded  to 
free  the  North  Friesian  islands  from  the  oppression  of  the  Danish 
Captain  Hammer  and  his  little  flotilla.  After  all  means  of  escape 
were  barred  to  him,  the  bold  partisan  had  to  surrender,  July  19. 

Heavy  had  been  the  blows  necessary  to  bring  about  a  change  of 
views  in  Copenhagen.  Ever  since  the  Prussians  had  crossed  into 
Alsen  the  people  of  Zealand  felt  themselves  no  longer  secure ;  and 
the  same  parties  who  had  clamored  against  a  '  humiliating  peace,' 
now  pleaded  in  terror  for  the  concentration  of  the  fleet  for  the  defence 
of  the  capital,  and  a  speedy  cessation  of  hostilities.  Experience  had 
convinced  them  that  all  hope  of  foreign  intervention  was  vain,  and 
that  the  continuance  of  the  war  was  not  to  be  thought  of.  A  new 
administration  was  formed '  under  Bluhme,  whose  peaceful  views 
were,  through  the  mediation  of  the  king  of  the  Belgians,  communi- 
cated to  Berlin.  The  proffered  entry  of  the  whole  Danish  mon- 
archy into  the  German  confederation  was  not  even  considered  there, 
the  one  indispensable  condition  of  peace  being  the  complete  evacua- 
tion of  the  duchies.  Just  as  Prince  Frederick  Charles  had  com- 
pleted his  preparations  for  a  landing  on  Fiinen,  a  suspension  of 
hostilities  was  accorded  the  Danes  on  July  31.  The  peace-prelim- 
inaries were  signed  on  August  1,  and  the  peace  itself  was  con- 
cluded in  VieiHia,  October  30,  the  conditions  being  the  cession  of  the 
duchies  to  the  emperor  of  Austria  and  the  king  of  Prussia,  the 
retrocession  to  Denmark  of  the  Isle  of  Aero  and  of  an  adequate  part 

THE    TREATY   OF   VIENNA.  201 

of  North  Schleswig  around  Ribe  and  Kolding,  in  compensation  for 
the  districts  of  Jutland  enclosed  by  Schleswig  territory,  the  assump- 
tion by  the  duchies  of  29,000,000  Danish  thalers  of  debt,  the  renun- 
ciation by  the  allies  of  any  war-indemnity,  and  the  maintenance  of 
the  allied  troops  in  Jutland  at  the  cost  of  Denmark.  Such  were 
the  essential  terms  of  a  peace  that  piit  an  end  to  one  of  the  most 
unnatural  conditions  to  which  Germany  had  been  subjected  since 

The  alhes  had  thus  acquired  the  full  right  of  disposing  of  the 
duchies.  It  was  reserved  for  the  Confederation  to  produce  an  after- 
piece which  made  its  pitiful  position  and  temper  clear  to  the  dullest 
eye.  Although  the  Confederate  execution  had  now,  through  the 
peace,  become  objectless,  Austria  would  probably  have  been  content 
to  bear  with  the  further  occupation  of  Holstein;  but  Prussia,  on  the 
contrary,  addressed  a  demand  to  Saxony  and  Hanover  for  the 
prompt  recall  of  their  troops.  The  latter  complied  without  scruple, 
but  Saxony  declared  that,  inasmuch  as  the  commission  conferred 
by  the  Confederation  had  not  yet  expired,  the  case  must  be  sub- 
mitted to  that  body;  and  even  after  the  fulfilment  of  all  necessary 
formalities  in  Frankfort,  Beust  gave  expression  to  his  chagrin  by 
causing  the  Saxon  troops  to  return  home  by  a  detour  so  as  to  avoid 
passing  through  Prussian  territory. 



THE  attempt  repeatedly  made  through  the  agency  of  the  re-estab- 
lished Confederate  diet  to  constitute  the  German  Confedera- 
tion of  some  thirty  sovereign  states  into  a  European  power  and 
through  it  to  inaugurate  a  German  polity,  had  never  shown  itself  in 
a  more  futile  aspect  than  in  the  Schleswig-Holstein  embroglio,  the 
result  of  which  had  been  the  complete  disruption  of  the  Confedera- 
tion. Nor  had  it  fared  better  with  the  campaign  of  the  secondary 
states  under  the  guidance  of  Pfordten  (Fig.  52)  and  Beust,  which 
through  the  common  action  of  the  two  great  powers  had  ended  in  a 
humiliating  defeat.  Not  by  ways  such  as  these  could  the  asj)irations 
of  the  entire  nationality  after  unity  be  satisfied;  and  just  as  little 
was  this  to  be  effected  by  moral  conquests,  for  experience  had 
shown  that  neither  wT)uld  princes  offer  up  their  prerogatives  nor 
peoples  their  time-ingrained  idiosyncrasies  on  the  altar  of  the  cause. 
The  indispensable  precondition  lay  rather  in  the  renunciation  of  the 
Austro-Prussian  dualism ;  for  this  it  was,  with  its  rivalries  and  in- 
ti'igues,  and  reciprocal  paralysis  of  action,  that  prolonged  the  political 
life  of  the  minor  states,  impeded  national  unity,  and  condemned 
Germany  to  comparative  impotence.  The  high  importance  of  the 
Schleswig-Holstein  war  lay  in  the  fact  that  it  not  only  restored  and 
secured  to  Germany  an  important  borderland  that  was  in  danger  of 
being  disjoined  from  and  lost  to  it,  but  that  it  led  to  the  complete 
sundering  of  Austria  and  Prussia  and  to  the  decisive  struggle  between 
them  that  inevitably,  sooner  or  later,  had  to  be  fought  to  an  issue. 

As  to  what  should  be  done  with  the  liberated  duchies,  and  as  to 
who  should  have  the  decisive  word  in  this  question,  the  views  of 
those  interested  differed  \videly.  "  Schleswig-Holstein,"  said  both 
the  great  powers,  "  is,  in  virtue  of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  an  Austro- 
Prussian  possession,  and  only  Austria  and  Prussia  have  a  right  to 
the  disposal  of  it."  Jn  opposition  to  this,  the  secondary  states 
challenged  the  validity  of  the  treaty  of  Vienna,  on  the  ground  that 
Christian   IX.   had  no  power  to  cede  what  never  belonged  to  him. 




The  duchies,  they  said,  belonged  of  right  to  the  legitimate  heir,  the 
German  prince,  Frederick  of  Augustenburg,  and  the  German  Con- 
federation was  the  defender  of  his  right.  Austria  also,  though 
desiring  because  of  her  international  isolation  to  keep  on  good  terms 

Fig.  52.  —  Minister  von  der  Pfordten. 

with  Prussia,  inclined  to  favor  the  pretension  of  Prince  Frederick. 
The  grand  duke  of  Oldenburg  also  advanced  claims.  The  attitude  of 
Prussia  was  based  on  wholly  practical  considerations.  The  duchies, 
Bismarck  declared,  must,  under  whatever  nominal  government,  be 
so   administered  as  to  furnish  a  firm   defence    and  naval  base   for 


Germany  in  the  north.  The  prince  of  Augiistenburg,  relying  on  his 
hereditary  right,  was  unwilling  to  give  any  satisfactory  securities  for 
tlie  safeguarding  of  Prussia's  just  interests.  Reminded  urgently 
from  Vienna  that  it  was  time  for  proceeding  to  the  installation  of  a 
proper  government,  Prussia  at  last  formulated  its  conditions  in  a 
note  of  February  22,  1865.  These  were  :  The  new  state  of 
Schleswig-Holstein  to  enter  into  an  indissoluble  alliance,  offensive 
and  defensive,  with  Prussia,  with  its  sea  and  land  forces  brought  into 
organic  cohesion  with  hers ;  Rendsburg  to  become  a  Confederate 
fortress  ;  the  cession  to  Prussia  of  the  land  necessary  for  fortifying 
the  sound  of  Alsen,  of  Kiel  harbor,  and  of  a  canal  to  be  constructed 
to  the  North  Sea ;  the  duchies  to  join  the  Zollverein,  and  make 
over  their  postal  and  telegraph  systems  to  Prussia.  These  demands 
Austria  rejected,  and  so  put  an  end  to  one  phase  of  the  negotiations. 
She  had  already  replaced  her  commissioner,  von  Lederer,  by  the  less 
phable  Baron  Halbhuber,  who  secretly  abetted  the  Augustenburg 
government,  giving  it  the  most  anti-Prussian  character,  and  thereby 
inaugurated  a  new  era  of  wrangling  ^vith  the  Prussian  commissioner, 
von  Zedlitz,  and  of  friction  between  the  powers.  Assured  of  such 
support,  the  hereditary  prince  restricted  to  the  utmost  his  concessions 
to  Prussia. 

The  liberal  -sentiment  of  Germany,  with  more  of  passion  than 
poHtical  insight,  took  sides  against  Prussia  on  this  question.  The 
'  National  Union,'  at  a  meeting  at  Eisenach  in  October,  stigmatized 
the  surrender  of  the  duchies  to  a  rule  so  hostile  to  freedom  as  a 
serious  menace  for  the  federal  unification  of  the  fatherland.  Em- 
boldened by  this  and  similar  demonstrations,  the  Schleswig-Hol- 
steiners  insisted  more  strenuously  than  ever  on  the  immediate  in- 
stallation of  their  duke,  and  with  no  less  earnestness  deprecated  their 
subjection  to  Prussia. 

This  sentiment  operated  to  prevent  any  understanding  being 
arrived  at  between  the  government  and  the  people's  representatives 
in  Prussia.  The  speech  from  the  throne  expressed  the  hope  that 
"  the  important  events  in  the  immediate  past  might  have  contributed 
to  enlighten  men's  views  in  regard  to  army  organization ;  for  to  this 
it  was  due  that  it  had  been  possible  to  carry  on  the  war  without  en- 
croaching on  industrial  and  family  relations  by  calling  out  the  land- 
wehr;  nor  could  the  point  of  expense  be  made  against  it,  for  the 
regular  income  of  the  state  had  been  sufficient  to  enable  government 
to  do  without  the  war-loan  that  had  been  denied  it."     In  vain.     The 


deputy  Gneist  affirmed  that  "  this  reorganized  army,  with  the  Cain- 
brand  of  breach  of  the  constitution  on  its  brow,  could  neither  now  nor 
at  any  future  time  become  a  permanent  institution,  so  long  as  divine 
justice  had  sway  in  the  land  ;  "  and  funds  for  the  organization  were 
again  refused.  The  house,  after  another  fruitless  session,  was  pro- 
rogued on  June  17,  1865,  without  being  able  to  unite  in  any  view  on 
the  Schleswig-Holstein  case. 

With  all  the  more  confidence  did  the  secondary  states,  in  con- 
cert with  Austria,  prosecute  the  campaign  against  Prussia.  Imme- 
diately on  the  rejection  of  the  Prussian  demands  of  February,  1865, 
a  motion  for  the  installation  of  the  hereditary  prince  was  submitted 
to  the  Frankfort'  diet  by  Bavaria,  Saxony,  and  Hesse-Darmstadt, 
in  defiance  of  Bismarck's  protest  that  to  Austria  and  Prussia  alone 
belonged  the  competency  of  dealing  with  this  subject.  Complica- 
tions and  intrigues  followed  on  each  other  without  cessation.  The 
conjunct  possession  of  the  duchies  had  become  a  source  of  perma- 
nent conflict.  Bismarck  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  knot  which 
could  not  be  loosed  must  be  cut,  and  with  matchless  adroitness 
drove  Austria  into  one  false  position  after  another.  It  cost  him, 
however,  great  pains  to  accustom  the  king  even  to  the  thought  of  a 
breach  with  his  old  ally,  and  to  overcome  the  Austrian  influences 
about  his  person  ;  but  in  face  of  this  question  so  closely  touching 
the  honor  and  prestige  of  Prussia,  William  could  no  longer  shut  out 
the  conviction  that  an  honorable  friendship  with  Austria  was  im- 
possible. But  just  at  the  juncture,  when  the  tension  had  become 
extreme,  it  dawned  upon  Vienna  that  Austria,  unarmed  as  she  was, 
was  in  no  condition  to  cope  with  admirably  equipped  Prussia.  The 
three  royal  sisters  —  the  Archduchess  Sophia,  the  Queen-dowager 
Elizabeth  of  Prussia,  and  Queen  AmeUa  of  Saxony  —  appeared  as 
mediators.  A  meeting  at  Gastein  was  arranged,  and  thither  King 
William  betook  himself,  accompanied  by  Bismarck. 

In  Frankfort  the  originators  of  the  motion  for  the  instalment 
of  the  prince  of  Augustenburg,  ineffectually  active,  made  another 
attempt  to  stem  the  current  of  events,  or  rather  to  turn  it  in 
accordance  with  their  views.  They  made,  on  July  27,  a  new  prop 
osition,  viz.,  to  represent  to  Austria  and  Prussia  the  necessity  for 
summoning  a  representation  of  the  duchies  elected  by  free  vote, 
to  demand  the  admittance  of  Schleswig  into  the  German  Confedera- 
tion, and  finally — in  order  to  clear  away  financial  imi^ediments  to  the 
erection  of  a  ncAv  secondary  stjite  —  to  renounce  any  claim  for  the 


expenses  of  the  execution,  and  to  charge  the  cost  of  the  war  in 
Schleswig  against  the  Confederation.  But  the  case  assumed  an 
altogether  different  complexion.  The  negotiations  of  Bismarck  and 
Count  Blome  in  Gastein  resulted  (August  14)  in  a  treat}'  to  the 
effect  that,  "  since  the  conjunct  rule  imperilled  the  good  understand- 
ing of  the  two  powers,  be  it  agreed  that,  without  prejudice  to  their 
rights  to  the  whole  of  both  duchies,  these  be  no  longer  exercised  in 
common,  but  that  a  geographical  division  be  made,  Prussia  adminis- 
tering Schleswig;  Austria,  Holstein;  both  powers  to  bring  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  German  fleet  before  the  Confederation,  with  Kiel  as  the 
federal  harbor;  Prussia  to  be  in  the  meantime  in  command  there, 
with  disposal  of  the  police ;  Rendsburg  to  become  a  federal  fortress, 
Prussia  to  get  two  military  roads  through  Holstein,  a  telegraph- 
line, 'and  the  right  of  carrying  a  North  Sea  and  Baltic  canal  through 
Holstein ;  Lauenburg  to  be  ceded  by  Austria  to  Prussia  in  considera- 
tion of  an  indemnity  of  2,500,000  Danish  thalers."  On  September 
15  the  conjunct  rule  over  the  two  duchies  was  dissolved.  General 
von  Manteuffel  became  governor  of  Schleswig,  and  Field-Marshal 
von  Gablenz  of  Holstein. 

Thus  Austria  had  abandoned  her  friends,  and,  without  even 
recognizing  the  secondary  states  or  the  diet,  come  to  an  understand- 
ing with  Prussia.  The  diet  could  see  no  way  out  of  the  dilemma,  into 
which  it  had  helped  to  bring  itself,  except  by  proroguing  till 
October.  When  it  became  obvious,  on  its  reconvening,  that  the  old 
majority  had  crumbled  away,  Bavaria,  Saxony,  and  Hesse-Darmstadt, 
deeply  offended,  declared  their  federal  duties  as  far  as  Schleswig- 
Holstein  was  concerned  at  an  end. 

"We  have  made  a  compact  with  Austria  far  from  fire-proof," 
said  Bismarck.  In  point  of  fact,  the  Convention  of  Gastein  was  noth- 
ing but  a  make-shift.  A  linal  solution  of  the  question  seemed  as  far 
off  as  ever.  The  situation,  instead  of  becoming  better,  grew  worse 
daily.  In  Holstein,  where  the  agitation  in  favor  of  the  prince  of 
Augustenburg  went  on  without  impediment  from  the  Austrian  com- 
missioner, the  antagonism  between  the  powers  became  pronounced. 
In  proportion  as  Gablenz  showed  himself  mild  and  liberal  there, 
Manteuffel  (Fig.  58)  became  the  more  rigidly  stern  in  Schleswig. 
He  even  threatened  the  prince  with  arrest  if  demonstrations  such  as 
those  on  his  visit  to  Eckernförde  were  repeated.  After  the  '  Schles- 
wig-Holstein Union '  had  held  a  public  meeting  in  Altona,  on  Janu- 
ary 23,  1866,  to  urge  the  summoning  of  the  estates,  Bismarck  ad- 



dressed  an  energetic  and  even  menacing  protest  to  Vienna  against 
Austria's  rule  in  Holstein,  and  especially  against  her  having 
permitted  a  demonstration  so  provocative  of  disorder,  adding 
that  "  a  hostile  or  evasive  reply  would  lead  to  the  conviction 
that  the  imperial  government  was  no  longer  disposed  to  continue  in 
a  common  path  with  Prussia."     Austria  curtly  refused  to  listen  to 

Fig.  53.  — General  von  Älanteiiffel. 

these  complaints.  The  breach  was  complete.  On  February  28  a 
ministerial  council  in  Berlin,  under  the  presidency  of  the  king,  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  any  backward  step  in  the  succession-question 
was  impossible,  and  that  Prussia  must  persevere  in  her  path,  even  at 
the  risk  of  a  war.  Still,  oA\dng  to  the  state  of  efficiency  to  which  re- 
organization h'dd  brought  the  Prussian  army,  no  obvious  preparations 
were  made  for  the  struggle.     And,  while  the  external  conflict  was 


drawdng  nearer,  the  internal  one  was  renewed  with  greater  bitterness 
than  ever,  so  that  on  the  meeting  of  the  Landtag,  on  January  1,  the 
government  and  the  representatives  faced  each  with  intensified 
antagonism.  When  the  minister  of  justice,  Lippe,  through  the  nomi- 
nation of  two  assessors,  secured  in  the  supreme  tribunal  the  con- 
viction of  two  members  for  abuse  of  the  liberty  of  speech,  who  had 
been  acquitted  in  the  courts  of  first  and  second  instance,  the  lower 
house  boldly  declared  the  procedure  invalid.  In  like  manner,  when 
the  government  acquired,  by  sale  of  the  shares  in  the  Cologne  and 
Minden  Railroad  in  its  possession,  the  disposition  of  a  sum  of 
30,000,000  thalers,  it  with  equal  resolution  pronounced  the  trans- 
action unconstitutional  and  legally  void.  Ultimately,  when  Virchow 
moved  to  declare  the  union  of  Lauenburg  with  Prussia  null  and  of 
no  effect,  the  Landtag  was  dissolved  on  the  23d.  Both  parties  were 
further  from  reconciliation  than  ever.  So  embittered  was  the  feeling 
against  Bismarck,  that,  impelled  by  it,  a  young  fanatic  named  Cohen, 
on  ^Liy  5,  made  a  murderous  assault  on  him  in  the  Unter  den 

But  if  Prussia's  strength  seemed  weakened  by  this  domestic 
conflict,  Austria's  internal  affairs  were  in  a  much  worse,  and  all 
but  irretrievable,  condition.  Austria  seemed,  indeed,  on  the  high 
road  to  disintegration.  Schmerling  had  reached  his  wits'  end  with 
his  Germano-centralizing  system,  while  not  one  step  had  been  made 
towards  reconciliation  with  Hungary ;  and  the  majority  of  the 
Reichsrat,  from  which  the  Czechs  kept  themselves  aloof,  turned 
its  back  on  a  government  that,  from  its  ever-increasing  financial  em- 
barrassments, s;iw  itself  driven  to  very  equivocal  manipulation  of  the 
state  funds.  Before  sanctioning  a  proposed  loan  of  117  millions, 
the  finance  connnittee  required  guaranties  that  a  stop  should  be  put 
definitive!}'  to  the  arljitrary  overstepping  of  the  budget  as  well  as  to 
the  contracting  of  loans  under  the  title  of  '  dej^ot  debts.'  The 
result  was,  that,  instead  of  the  117  millions,  a  loan  of  only  13 
millions  was  conceded.  To  guard  against  abuse  of  section  13 
of  the  constitution,  the  Reichsrat  decreed  that,  in  virtue  of  this 
section,  only  ordinances  called  for  by  unforeseen  emergencies,  and 
not  controverting  the  constitution,  could  be  promulgated,  and  that 
even  such  should  become  of  no  effect  unless  confirmed  by  the 
Reichsrat  on  its  reassembling.  On  July  30  Schmerling  received  his 
dismissal ;  and  Count  Belcredi,  a  Czech,  became  chief  of  a  reactionary 
cabinet,  composed  of  old  conservative-Hungarian  and  federal-feudal 


elements,  which  was  little  more  than  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  Count 
Esterhazy,  the  special  confidant  of  the  emperor.  The  Hungarians, 
under  Deak's  leading,  adroitly  took  advantage  of  the  conjuncture 
to  draw  nearer  to  the  emperor.  Count  Mailath  was  named  Hun- 
garian court-chancellor,  and  Transylvania  became  the  first  victim  of 
the  impending  coup  d'etat;  its  union  with  Hungary  was  effected, 
and  its  own  pro\dncial  diet  was  suppressed.  On  September  20 
an  imperial  manifesto  announced  the  suspension  of  the  restricted 
('inner')  Reichsrat  till  the  conclusion  of  the  negotiations  with  the 
Hungarians  and  Croats ;  the  government  being  provisionally  em- 
powered, of  its  own  plenary  authority,  to  deal  with  all  matters  of 
urgency,  especially  such  as  affected  the  economic  and  financial  in- 
terests of  the  empire. 

What  centralization  had  failed  to  effect,  it  was  now  purposed 
to  accomplish  through  federation.  To  the  provincial  diets  were 
assigned  the  functions  of  the  Reichsrat.  A  disorderly  clerico- 
national  agitation  sprang  up  against  the  Germans.  The  diets 
of  Prague  and  Lemberg  followed  the  Magyars  in  a  demand  for 
autonomy.  In  Bohemia,  even  the  German  high  aristocracy  went 
over  to  the  national  camp.  The  emperor  flattered  the  Czechs  with 
the  prospect  of  his  coronation  with  the  crown  of  Wenceslaus,  while 
the  language-law  of  1864  was  confirmed  which  made  instruction  in 
Czech  obligatory  even  in  German  middle  schools.  And  as  the  Ger- 
mans in  Bohemia  were  delivered  over  to  the  hands  of  the  Czechs,  so, 
in  Galicia,  the  Ruthenians  were  made  over  to  the  Poles. 

The  Hungarians,  who  out  of  hate  to  Schmerling  had  given  over 
the  empire  to  Belcredi,  now  recovered  their  senses,  especially  as 
the  Croats  were  in  no  wise  disposed  to  be  subordinated  to  them 
as  the  Transylvanians  were.  Deak's  platform  had  two  main 
planks, — the  restoration  of  the  constitution  of  1848,  and  the 
erection  of  Hungary  and  its  associate  lands  into  an  independent 
monarchy,  with  Magyar  supremacy  in  the  domains  of  Stephen's 
crown.  The  spectacle  of  Czechs  and  Poles,  in  alliance  with  the 
feudalists,  in  the  ascendancy  in  Vienna  seemed  to  tha  Magj'ars  a 
menace  to  their  nationality  and  liberty.  Although  the  speech  from 
the  throne  with  which  the  emperor  opened  the  Hungarian  Reichs- 
tag,i  December  14,  1865,  disclaimed  the  theory  of  forfeiture  of 
rights,    and    promised,    on    an     understanding    being    arrived    at, 

1  The  Hungarian  Diet,  or  Reichstag,  comprises  a  House  of  Magnates  and  a  House 
of  Representatives,  and  corresponds  in  general  to  the  Austrian  Reichsrat. 
Yvu  XIX.— 14 


coronation  with  the  Hungarian  royal  crown  of  St.  Stephen,  the 
members  persisted  in  their  former  demands ;  and,  on  these  being 
ungraciously  rejected,  the  Reichstag  retorted  with  an  address  in 
which,  while  declaring  itself  ready  to  proceed  to  the  revision  of  the 
constitution  of  1848,  it  repeated  its  demand,  in  an  almost  threaten- 
ing tone,  that  this  must  be  preceded  by  an  acknowledgment  of 
the  continuity  of  its  rights.  The  bond  of  friendly  connection  with 
Hungary  was  again  all  but  ruptured;  and,  while  this  conflict  of 
nationalities  Avas  at  its  height,  the  financial  situation  became  des- 
perate. The  acknowledged  deficit  of  eight  millions  in  1865  was, 
in  reality,  ten  times  greater.  After  a  loan  of  ninety  millions  con- 
tracted in  Paris  was  wholly  used  up.  Count  Larisch  saw  himself 
compelled,  in  April,  1866,  to  have  recourse  to  a  second,  secured  by 
pa^\^ling  the  state  domains ;  and  in  INIay  the  state,  in  violation  of  the 
bank-acts,  seized  112,000,000  florins  in  one-  and  five-florin  bank- 
notes, and  put  these  into  forced  circulation  as  national  currency.  A 
forced  loan  of  twelve  millions  was  imposed  on  Yenetia.  Such  were 
the  circumstances  under  which  the  empire  allowed  itself  to  drift  into 

In  the  meantime  Bismarck,  whom  the  king  had  created  a  count, 
had  been  making  all  needful  diplomatic  preparations  for  the  struggle. 
In  September,  1865,  he  betook  himself  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  at 
Biarritz  in  order  to  secure  his  neutrality  in  the  duel.  He  carried 
thence  no  formal  convention  indeed,  but,  in  lieu  of  that,  the  assured 
conviction  that  Napoleon  would  not  hinder  the  war,  and  that  there 
was  one  means  of  insuring  French  neutrality,  namely,  an  alliance 
with  Italy. 

Napoleon,  since  the  early  brilliant  years  of  his  reign,  had  expe- 
rienced so  many  misadventures  that  his  self-confidence  had  in  a 
good  measure  deserted  him,  while  the  constant  advance  of  the  pain- 
ful malady  from  which  he  suffered  had  sensibly  affected  his  char- 
acter. Instead  of  guiding  events,  he  now  rather  let  events  prescribe 
to  him.  The  German  embroglio  he  hoped  to  make  subservient  to 
various  of  his  purposes.  Properly  improved,  it  would  give  him 
absolution  for  Mexico,  which  was  the  keenest  missile  in  the  oppo- 
sition's quiver ;  in  Belgium  and  on  the  Rhine  he  would  find  another 
Nice  and  Savoy;  and  finally  it  would  crown  his  work  of  1859  by 
uniting  Venetia  to  Italy,  and  thus  enable  him  at  once  to  save  Rome 
and  propitiate  the  party  of  the  Revolution.  In  the  Prussian  minister, 
who  exposed  his  own  plans  with  such  unexampled  naivete,  he  saw 



nothing  but  an  adventurer  and  desperate  gambler.  lie  reUed  on 
the  judgment  of  his  most  intelHgent  generals,  whose  experience  in 
the  Italian  war  led  them  to  rate  the  Austrian  army  far  above  that 
of  Prussia.     At  the  ver}'  least  he  calculated  on  a  long  and  murder- 


Fig.   54. — Count  von  Bismarck,  Chancellor  of   the  ^orth   German   Confederation. 
From  the  engraving  by  S.  Roemer,  1868. 

ous  struggle,  that  would  make  him,  Avithout  needing  to  raise  a 
hand,  master  of  the  situation ;  defeated  Prussia  would  have  recourse 
to  him,  and  pay  for  his  protection  by  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine. 
To  facihtate  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  he  let  it  be  known,  both  in 
Vienna  and  Berlin,  that  he  would  be  nothing  more  than  an  inactive 


All  the  more  earnestly  did  Napoleon  counsel  Italy  to  ally  herself 
with  Prussia.  Thus  urged,  La  Marmora  despatched  General  Govone 
to  Berlin.  Now  began  a  season  of  anxious  care  and  arduous  labors 
for  Bismarck.  On  the  one  hand,  it  cost  him  the  utmost  pains  to 
overcome  King  William's  reluctance  to  enter  on  a  war  against  an 
old  friend,  and  to  surmount  the  strong  Austrian  influences  by  which 
the  monarch  was  surrounded.  On  the  other,  he  saw  himself  an 
object  of  mistrust  to  the  Italians.  It  was  long  ere  they  could  find 
a  common  basis  for  negotiations.  The  Florentine  cabinet  insisted, 
for  its  own  security,  that  both  armies  should  be  made  ready  for  the 
field  simultaneously.  Bismarck  urged  that  Italy  should  make  its 
preparations  dependent  on  those  of  Prussia.  Moreover,  Prussia's 
seeming  supineness  in  the  face  of  Austria's  concentration  of  a  pow- 
erful force  in  Bohemia,  professedly  for  the  repression  of  Jewish 
disorders,  and  of  Saxony's  mobilization  of  her  anny,  with  Bismarck's 
answering  Austria's  inquiry  whether  he  had  it  in  view  to  tear  up 
the  Convention  of  Gastein  and  break  the  Confederate  peace,  with  a 
simple  "  No,"  and  the  added  explanation  that  his  main  object  was  not 
the  acquisition  of  the  duchies,  but  the  reform  of  the  Confederation, 
combined  to  strengthen  Govone's  suspicions,  and  make  him  yet  more 
coy  to  Prussia's  wooing.  But  the  tide  turned  just  as  negotiations 
were  on  the  eve  of  being  broken  off.  On  March  16  the  Prussian 
government  learned  of  a  secret  note  addressed  by  Vienna  to  several 
of  the  German  courts,  explaining,  among  other  things,  that  the  Con- 
federation could  be  granted  the  power  of  eventually  arranging  the 
Schleswig-Holstein  difficulty  only  on  condition  of  its  putting  the 
four  non-Prussian  Confederate  army  corps  on  a  war-footing,  and 
ranging  them  with  the  Austrian  army  "  in  case  Prussia  should  force 
an  open  war  upon  Austria."  With  this  document  in  his  hand  Bis- 
marck succeeded  in  convincing  the  king  of  the  impossibility  of  a 
peaceful  settlement  of  the  controversy.  On  the  24th  Bismarck  issued 
a  despatch  to  the  German  governments,  reminding  them  that,  consid- 
ering the  unreliability  of  the  Austrian  alliance  and  the  inadequacy 
of  the  Confederate  military  system,  the  guaranty  against  the  dangers 
threatening  in  the  future  was  to  be  sought  in  a  closer  union  of  the 
German  states,  and  better  established  and  more  secure  Confederate 
relations.  In  imitation  of  the  Vienna  note,  it  culminated  in  the 
question,  to  what  extent  Prussia  could  rely  on  them  in  the  case  of  her 
being  attacked  by  Austria  or  forced  into  war  through  her  threatening 
attitude.     The  answers   were    mostly  evasive.     No   time,  however, 


was  lost  in  concluding  the  treaty  with  Italy,  though  only  for  three 
months.  By  this  the  Italian  sovereign  bound  himself  to  declare  war 
on  Austria  immediately  on  Prussia's  doing  so,  both  kings  pledging 
themselves  neither  to  assent  to  an  armistice  nor  to  make  peace  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  other. 

On  April  9, 1866,  the  day  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty,  Prussia, 
in  the  diet  at  Frankfort,  proposed  the  calling  of  an  assembly,  chosen 
by  general  and  direct  election,  to  consult  regarding  reform  of  the 
Confederation.  The  real  object  of  this  motion  —  namely,  the  aniiul- 
ment  of  Austria's  influence  in  Germany  —  was  kept  carefully  in  the 
background ;  but  that  this,  and  nothing  else,  was  its  true  aim,  was 
beyond  doubt.  It  was  not  for  the  simple  conquest  of  a  province 
that  Bismarck  had  resolved  on  appealing  to  arms,  but  for  the  con- 
clusive settlement  of  the  German  question  in  a  spirit  of  true  nation- 
ality, with  the  special  aim  of  relieving  the  countr}^  from  that 
influence  which  had  so  long  weighed  like  a  nightmare  on  its  devel- 
opment. The  proposition  found  little  acceptance  with  the  peoples, 
and  only  intensified  the  governments'  antipathies  to  Prussia.  Aus- 
tria did  not  fail  to  avail  herself  of  this  general  disposition.  On 
April  26  she  made  the  proposal  (under  reservation  of  certain 
advantages  for  Prussia)  to  cede  the  duchies  to  the  'best-entitled 
claimant,'  leaving  it  to  the  Confederation  to  determine  whose  claim 
was  the  best.  Meanwhile  there  went  on  a  continual  interchange  of 
notes,  in  which  each  saddled  the  charge  of  priority  in  armino-  on  the 
other,  and  demanded  recall  of  the  steps  taken.  On  April  18  Austria 
declared  herself  prepared  to  proceed  with  the  proposed  disarmament 
providing  Prussia  also  would  revert  to  a  peace-footing.  But  scarce 
was  this  basis  agreed  on  when  Austria  declared  she  could  disarm 
only  in  Bohemia,  since  Italy's  preparations  for  an  attack  on  Venetia 
made  it  incumbent  on  her  to  place  her  army  there  on  a  war-footing. 
Bismarck,  on  the  other  hand,  knowing  that  Italy  was  not  yet  in  a 
state  of  readiness  for  war,  insisted  on  disarmament  as  well  in  the 
south  as  in  the  north ;  and  as  Austria  declined  to  accede  to  this,  the 
prospect  of  peace  vanished  as  speedily  as  it  had  appeared.  Once 
more  (from  May  3  to  May  5)  Prussia  summoned  her  whole  active 
force  into  the  field.  Party  strife  was  silenced  in  view  of  the  serious- 
ness of  the  situation,  and  the  people  rallied  around  the  so  much  dis- 
liked government  against  the  external  foe.  On  May  9  followed  the 
dissolution  of  the  lower  house.  From  the  4th  Austria  had  been 
makincj-  her  preparations  openly;  on  the  13th  Master  of  Ordnance 


Benedek  took  the  commaiid-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  north ;  on 
the  20th  the  troops  began  to  move  from  the  rear  en  masse  towards 
Moravia.  Nor  was  there  less  activity  on  the  part  of  her  Confederate 

Meanwhile  Count  Mensdorff,  Austrian  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
had  been  exerting  himself  to  win  over  Napoleon,  and  through  him 
Italy.  Napoleon,  however,  wished  to  take  no  measures  to  prevent 
the  breaking  out  of  a  war  from  which  he  expected  such  advantages. 
Mensdorff  volunteered,  if  France  and  Italy  would  remain  neutral, 
to  cede  Venetia  to  the  French  emperor  that  he  might  recede  it  to 
Italy,  Austria  receiving  Silesia  in  compensation.  The  offer  had 
allurements  for  the  cabmet  of  Florence,  especially  as  difficulties 
had  come  in  the  way  of  its  carrying  out  the  April  convention;  but 
the  breach  of  faith  was  too  glaring  for  La  Marmora  to  venture  upon 
it  openly.  Only  one  way,  and  that  an  indirect  one,  suggested  itself. 
If  he  should  be  able  to  occupy  the  time  with  negotiations  till  the 
expiration  of  the  April  convention  (July  8),  then  Italy  would  be 
free  from  her  obligations,  and  could  take  what  offered  with  good 
conscience.  He  proposed  a  congress  to  Napoleon,  a  suggestion  made 
also  by  England.  The  emperor  entered  into  the  scheme  with  delight. 
The  congress  not  only  gave  promise  of  Venetia  to  Italy,  but  allured 
him  with  the  prospect  of  the  Rhine  lands.  On  May  27  France,  Eng- 
land, and  Russia  issued  an  invitation  to  a  congress  at  Paris.  Prussia 
accepted  unhesitatingly.  Austria,  on  the  other  hand,  committed 
the  irretrievable  error  of  making  her  participation  dependent  on 
conditions  which  rendered  the  congress  impossible ;  namely,  that  the 
idea  of  any  aggrandizement  of  any  one  of  the  invited  parties  should 
be  excluded  from  its  deliberations,  or  any  proposal  which  could 
infer  a  change  in  her  own  relations  to  Italy,  while  the  papal  govern- 
ment should  have  a  voice  in  Italian  affairs.  Of  what  avail  could  a 
congress  sitting  under  such  restrictions  be  to  Napoleon  ?  A  stone 
fell  from  Bismarck's  heart.  This  indirect  declination  enabled  him 
to  cast  the  responsibility  for  the  war  on  Austria. 

All  the  more  earnestly  did  Napoleon  press  his  schemes  of  acquisi- 
tion in  Berlin.  His  first  efforts  to  carry  out  such  mth  Prussian  help 
dated  back  to  1862.  Since  then  he  had  made  repeated  proposals 
through  relatives  or  confidential  agents  in  regard  to  mutual  aggran- 
dizement. Sometimes  the  question  was  of  Luxemburg,  or  the  boun- 
daries of  1814 ;  sometimes  of  greater  objects,  from  which  French 
Switzerland  and  the  language  boundary  in  Piedmont  were  not  ex- 


eluded.  Now  his  aspirations  became  materialized,  as  it  were,  into  a 
project  for  an  alliance, —  offensive  and  defensive,  —  whose  provisions 
his  ambassador,  Benedetti,  submitted.  But  when  Bismarck  persis- 
tently declined  to  consider  this  proposal,  notwithstanding  the  implied 
threats,  Napoleon  next  addressed  himself  to  Austria,  which  he  found 
more  accommodating.  On  June  9  his  ambassador,  the  duke  of 
Gramont,  concluded  a  treaty  at  Vienna,  by  which  France  bound 
herself  to  unconditional  neutrality,  and  pledged  her  best  efforts  to 
insure  that  of  Italy.  Austria,  on  her  part,  pledged  herself  to  respect 
the  existing  situation  in  Italy  and  to  cede  Venetia,  while  she 
renounced  all  claim  to  an  exclusive  hegemony  over  Germany,  and 
bound  herself  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  any  territorial  changes  that 
might  affect  the  European  equilibrium  without  the  consent  of 
France.  It  was  evident  that,  let  the  war  go  as  it  might,  in  whatever 
territorial  changes  it  involved,  France,  notwithstanding  her  unselfish- 
ness, would  claim  a  share.  None  knew  better  than  Benedetti  that 
King  William  would  utterly  reject  the  very  possibility  of  a  cession 
of  territory ;  nay,  he  learned  from  Bismarck's  own  lips  that  should 
France  reclaim  Cologne,  Bonn,  or  Mayence,  he  would  rather  retire 
from  the  political  stage  than  consent  to  any  such  demand.  But 
France,  in  her  frivolity,  was  convinced  that  Prussia,  after  an  inevit- 
able defeat,  would  call  on  the  emperor  for  succor,  and  would  then  be 
glad  to  yield  him  whatever  he  pleased  to  demand.  Such  was  the 
dream  on  the  Seine ;  how  it  was  realized  the  world  now  knows. 

In  conformity  with  the  change  indicated  in  the  despatch  of  April 
26,  Austria,  on  June  1,  made  the  announcement  in  Frankfort  that 
she  regarded  her  efforts  to  effect  a  settlement  of  the  Schleswig- 
Holstein  question  in  harmony  with  Prussia  as  frustrated ;  and,  the 
question  being  a  German  one,  she  referred  all  ulterior  proceedings 
to  the  Confederation  ;  and,  further,  that  she  had  given  full  power  for 
summoning  the  Holstein  estates.  Bismarck  promptly  declared,  on 
June  3,  that  he  regarded  this  transferrence  of  the  question  to  the  Con- 
federation as  an  express  renunciation  of  the  Convention  of  Gastein, 
on  which  this  one-sided  summoning  of  the  estates  was  a  direct 
encroachment,  against  which  Prussia  reserved  to  herself  the  right  of 
taking  further  steps.  Austria,  in  retort,  plainly  threw  down  her 
glove,  by  causing  Gablenz  on  the  5th  to  summon  the  estates  to  meet 
on  the  11th.  Prussia  promptly  accepted  the  challenge;  and,  on 
June  7,  Manteuffel  crossed  the  Eider,  the  Austrian«  retired  to 
Altona,  and,  their  position  there  being  untenable,  on  the  night  of 


the  12tli  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Elbe,  with  the  hereditary  prince, 
who  with  them  had  left  Kiel.  The  administration  of  the  duchies 
Manteuffel  committed  to  Baron  Scheel-Plessen.  In  an  extraordinary 
sitting  of  the  diet,  on  the  11th,  the  president  declared  these  proceedings 
of  Prussia  a  breach  of  the  conventions  of  Vienna  and  Gastein,  and 
moved  the  mobilization  of  the  whole  Confederate  army  with  the 
exception  of  the  Prussian  corps.  Prussia,  in  a  circular  of  the  12th, 
protested  against  the  motion  as  subversive  of  every  principle  of  the 
Confederation,  adding  the  warning  that  the  diet's  acceptance  would 
mean  the  dissolution  of  the  Confederation,  while  those  that  voted 
for  it  would  be  guilty  of  an  act  of  hostility  to  Prussia,  who  in  the 
war  now  opened  would  regard  only  her  own  interests  and  those  of 
the  states  that  adliered  to  her.  In  vain.  The  majority  judged  the 
moment  had  come  for  drawing  the  net  tightly  round  Prussia's  head. 
In  Hanover  men  were  already  dreaming  of  the  re-establishment  of 
the  kingdom  of  Henry  the  Lion.  On  the  14th  the  president's  mo- 
tion was  carried  over  Prussia's  protest  by  the  nine  votes  of  Austria, 
Bavaria,  Saxony,  Würtemberg,  Hanover,  the  two  Hesses,  Nassau, 
and  that  of  the  sixteenth  curia,  which  last,  however,  was  justly  chal- 
lenged as  being  rendered  by  the  deputy  for  Schaumburg-Lippe  with- 
out instructions  from  his  government,  and  indeed  disavowed  by  it. 
Immediately  thereupon  the  Prussian  deputy,  von  Savigny,  arose,  and 
declared  that  Prussia  regarded  the  Confederate  compact  as  broken, 
and  no  longer  binding  on  her,  by  the  declaration  of  war  against  one 
of  its  members,  and  that  she  looked  on  the  Confederation  as  extinct, 
and  would  act  accordingly.  Notwithstanding,  she  did  not  regard 
the  fundamental  principle  on  which  the  Confederation  was  based  — 
that,  namely,  of  the  national  unity  of  Germany —  as  annulled,  but 
considered  it  the  imperative  duty  of  the  German  estates  to  find 
means  for  giving  effect  to  the  same.  "  His  majesty's  government, 
therefore,  submits  the  draught  of  a  unification  in  harmony  with  the 
requirements  of  the  time,  and  declares  itself  ready  to  enter  into  a 
new  confederation  with  such  governments  as  will  hold  out  the  hand 
to  it." 

For  Austria,  torn  with  dissensions,  with  an  empty  treasury,  and 
without  an  army  of  reserve,  it  was  an  act  of  infatuation  to  precipi- 
tate herself  into  a  conflict.  What  she  lacked  in  real  strength  her 
press  endeavored  to  make  up  by  arrogant  bravado ;  and  even  the 
government  cherished  the  hope  that,  as  in  1850,  she  would  be  able 
to  compel  Prussia  to  submission  through  the  development  of  her 


own  power  and  the  support  of  the  secondary  states.  The  democrats 
as  well  as  the  particularists  of  the  secondary  and  lesser  states  tuok 
her  side ;  and  in  Vienna,  Prussia  was  regarded  as  paralyzed  by  her 
domestic  embroglios.  But  men  deceived  themselves  in  regard  to 
the  strength  of  Prussia  as  well  as  in  regard  to  the  disposition  of  her 
people,  and  not  less  in  regard  to  the  constancy  of  her  king  and  his 
council.  At  the  call  of  their  monarch  the  reserves  and  landwehr, 
with  quiet  resolve,  took  their  places  in  the  ranks.  For  Austria  the 
moment  for  challenging  a  foe  was  ill-chosen ;  for  neither  had  her 
allies  completed  their  armaments  nor  had  any  common  plan  of  operar 
tions  been  agreed  upon,  while  Prussia  was  able  to  contemplate  the 
coming  struggle  with  the  equanimity  of  preparedness.  Austria  now 
pledged  herself  to  Bavaria  to  make  no  separate  peace,  and,  in  case 
of  territorial  changes  resulting  from  the  war,  to  secure  Bavaria 
against  loss,  and  to  see  that  she  should  be  indemnified  for  any  con- 
cessions she  might  have  to  make.  On  June  30  it  was  determined 
to  unite  the  Bavarians  with  the  eighth  Confederate  army-corps,  and 
to  assume  the  offensive  in  a  northwest  direction.  To  the  Saxons 
there  remained  only  the  prospect  of  leaving  their  own  land  to  the 
foe,  and  fighting  as  auxiliaries  in  Bohemia. 

Berlin  clung  as  long  as  possible  to  the  hope  that  Hanover,  at 
least,  would  remain  neutral.  But  as  Prussia's  aspirations  after  hege- 
mony became  more  pronounced,  the  aversion  of  King  Georo-e  V.  — 
blind  to  all  that  was  practical  —  became  ever  deeper.  Intercourse 
between  the  two  halves  of  the  Prussian  territories  was  impeded  by 
him  as  much  as  possible,  and  peimission  for  the  construction  of  a 
railroad  to  the  Jade  Bay  withheld.  The  new  cabinet  constituted 
under  von  Borreis  in  September,  after  the  dismissal  of  the  four  lil)- 
eral  ministers,  subordinated  itself  unconditionally  to  the  roj-al  will. 
"If  you  fear  Prussian  ambition,"  said  Bismarck  to  the  Hanoverian 
minister,  "  you  cannot  better  disarm  it  than  by  becoming  our  loyal 
ally.  To  such  an  aUy  a  Hohenzollern,  after  the  most  successful 
war,  is  incapable  of  doing  injury  in  any  shape.  But  if  you  associate 
yourselves  with  our  enemies,  and  constitute  yourselves  into  a  state 
which  we  shall  have  reason  to  dread  Mill  avail  itself  of  every 
external  difficult}^  of  ours  to  run  a  weapon  into  our  back,  then  I 
warn  you  that  the  existence  of  such  a  state  is  incompatible  with 
that  of  Prussia,  and  cannot  continue  viith.  our  good  vnlV  The 
Hanoverian  court  made  preparations  to  concentrate  its  army  at 
Stade,  whence,  in  concert  with  Gablenz  and  10.000  Holstein  volun- 


teers,  it  purposed  making  a  rear-attack  on  Prussia.  On  the  earnest 
remonstrance  of  the  Prussian  envoy,  a  great  ministerial  council,  in 
opposition  to  the  views  of  the  king,  spoke  clearly  out,  on  May  13 
and  14,  for  neutrality ;  and  on  the  20th  Bismarck  iuAdted  Hanover  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  which  should  guarantee  its  independence  in  new 
federal  relations.  Negotiations  were  just  opened  when  Prince  Solms- 
Braunfels,  the  king's  half-brother,  appeared  from  Vienna,  and 
through  his  glowing  representations  of  Austria's  power  and  gener- 
ous purposes  effected  a  complete  change  in  King  George's  views,  and 
succeeded  in  having  the  Prussian  proposals  rejected.  In  vain  did 
the  second  chamber  record  its  protest  against  a  policy  so  suicidal ;  its 
protest  remained  as  ineffective  as  that  of  the  Hesse-Cassel  estates 
against  the  last  Confederate  resolution. 

On  June  15,  the  day  after  that  eventful  vote  of  the  diet,  Bis- 
marck addi-essed  an  ultimatum  to  Hanover,  Cassel,  and  Saxony, 
demanding  alliance,  disarmament,  and  a  German  parliament,  and,  in 
return,  guaranteeing  the  integrity  of  their  territories  and  their  sov- 
ereign rights.  Prussia's  proposals  were  rejected,  and  immediately 
thereon  followed  her  declaration  of  war.  A  manifesto  of  King 
William,  dated  on  June  18,  the  anniversary  of  Waterloo,  conjoined 
reminiscences  of  1813  with  promise  that,  should  God  grant  her  the 
victory,  Prussia  would  be  strong  enough  to  substitute  for  the  loose 
bond  which  held  the  German  lands  together  rather  in  name  than 
reality,  a  stronger  and  more  wholesome  one  in  another  form. 

For  Prussia  the  grand  objective  point  of  the  war  was,  of  course,  the 
Austrian  army ;  but  as  Hanover  and  Electoral  Hesse,  through  their 
situation  between  the  two  halves  of  the  monarchy,  were  in  the  high- 
est degree  dangerous,  these  had  first  to  be  made  innocuous.  The 
other  North  German  lesser  states  — Saxe-Coburg-Ciotha  under  its 
Duke  Ernest  H.  in  the  van  —  accepted  Prussia's  invitation  to  alli- 
ance ;  and  several  of  their  contingents  relieved  the  Austrian  and 
Prussian  garrisons  in  the  Confederate  fortresses,  which  the  diet 
had  withdrawn  to  avert  bloody  conflicts.  Hanover  and  Electoral 
Hesse  constituted  the  first  task  allotted  to  the  western  army  under 
the  command-in-chief  of  General  Vogel  von  Falkenstein.  Hesse- 
Cassel  was  occupied  without  opposition.  The  elector  was  taken 
prisoner.  Almost  all  Hanover  was  seized  with  equal  facility.  King 
George  hurriedly  assembled  his  troops  at  Göttingen,  whence,  on  the 
21st,  he  began  a  southeastward  march,  intending  to  join  the  Bava- 
rians.     On  the  23d   the  Hanoverian  army,  19,000  strong,  reached 


Langensalza.  Here  peace  negotiations  were  entered  into  with  the 
Prussians,  which,  however,  came  to  nothing  tlirough  a  series  of  mis- 
understandings on  both  sides.  The  Hanoverian  army  withdrew  to 
a  defensive  position  behind  the  Unstrut,  between  Thambriick  and 

But  now  Prussia's  patience  had  reached  its  Hniits.  On  a  false 
report  that  the  Hanoverians  in  their  retrograde  march  had  made  an 
attack  on  Tennstedt,  an  order  was  issued  from  Berlin  to  compel  their 
surrender,  cost  what  it  might.  Forthwith  the  duke  of  Gotha  ex- 
erted himself  to  procure  from  Falkenstein  re-enforcements  for  General 
Flies,  who  was  advancing  from  Gotha  on  the  Hanoverians ;  but  in 
vain.  Thus  it  was  that  Flies,  with  9000  men  and  22  cannon,  was 
left  to  face  the  Hanoverian  foe,  more  than  double  his  strength.  All 
his  efforts  to  storm  the  bridge  of  Merxleben,  on  June  27,  resulted 
in  failure.  General  Arentschildt,  who  commanded  King  George's 
troops,  on  becoming  aware  of  his  enemy's  weakness,  himself  assumed 
the  offensive.  Flies,  prostrated  by  the  heat,  was  unable  to  give  or- 
ders. The  Hanoverian  cavalry  flanked  the  Prussian  left  wing ;  the 
centre  was  hurled  back.  The  capture  of  Judenhügel  and  the  Elbs- 
berg  decided  the  affair  against  the  Prussians.  But  the  real  object 
of  the  fight  —  namely,  the  detention  of  the  enemy  —  was  none  the 
less  attained ;  and  on  the  28th  Prussian  troops  streamed  in  from  all 
sides  to  crush  their  adversary  thoroughly.  The  Hanoverians,  who 
did  not  know  ^^'hat  to  do  with  their  victory,  applied  next  night  for 
an  armistice  and  a  free  passage  southwards.  On  these  being  refused, 
there  was  no  alternative  left  them,  now  utterly  exhausted,  but  to  die 
or  surrender.  On  the  29th  the  capitulation  took  place,  the  condi- 
tions being  made  all  the  milder  owing  to  the  bravery  with  which 
the  Hanoverians  had  borne  themselves.  King  George,  the  crown 
prince  and  suite,  were  allowed  to  take  up  their  residence  where  they 
chose  outside  of  Hanover,  and  to  retain  their  private  property.  The 
officers  had  merely  to  give  their  word  not  to  serve  against  Prussia, 
and  even  the  private  soldiers  were  sent  home  on  the  same  pledge. 
All  the  war-material  passed  to  the  Prussians.  Ultimately  the  king 
took  up  his  abode  provisionally  in  the  Altenburg  castle  of  '  Joyous 
Return,'  amusing  himself  with  hopes  of  the  triumph  of  Austria  and 
of  French  help. 

Hard  work  awaited  the  Prussians  in  the  struggle  ^\^th  Austria. 
In  this  the  decisive  blow  was  to  be  struck.  As  the  concentration  of 
the  whole  Prussian  eastern  army  on  any  one  point  (as  somewhere 


near  Görlitz)  covering  at  once  Breslau  and  Berlin  was  impracticable, 
there  remained  only  the  organization  of  two  separate  armies,  with  the 
risk  of  the  enemy  throwing  itself  with  its  accumulated  strength  on 
one  of  the  halves.  In  the  dilemma  Prussia  had  but  one  resource, 
namely,  herself  to  advance  into  Boliemia ;  for  there  she  could  most 
promptly  effect  a  concentration  of  her  strength.  Immediately,  there- 
fore, on  the  vote  of  June  14,  the  king  decided  that  he  would  himself 
be  the  assailant.  On  the  16th  the  Prussians  crossed  the  Saxon  fron- 
tier on  the  whole  line  from  Leipsic  to  Görlitz.  The  army  of  the 
Elbe,  73,000  strong,  under  General  Herwarth  von  Bittenfeld,  took 
the  route  towards  Dresden.  The  first  army,  97,000  strong,  under 
Prince  Frederick  Charles,  marched  by  way  of  Löbau  and  Zittau; 
the  second  army,  under  the  crown  prince,  125,000  strong,  consti- 
tuting the  left  wing,  was  in  the  north  of  the  county  of  Glatz.  The 
Saxons  withdrew  into  Bohemia,  without  offering  any  resistance.  On 
the  18th  Dresden  was  occupied,  and  precautions  at  once  taken  to 
make  it  tenable  against  any  assault  from  the  west.  A  reserve  corps 
was  concentrated  at  Leipsic.  On  the  22d  the  army  of  the  Elbe  er- 
tered  Bohemia  by  way  of  Schluckenau,  the  first  army  by  that  of 
Zittau.  ^Nloltke's  (Fig.  55)  plan  was  for  the  three  armies  to  pass 
through  the  frontier  defiles  apart,  then  to  press  forward  convergingly 
towards  a  common  point,  probably  on  the  Upper  Elbe,  on  the  plateau 
between  Gitschin  and  Königgrätz,  where  they  should  concentrate  for 
the  decisive  struggle. 

The  command-in-chief  of  the  240,000  men  constituting  the  Aus- 
trian Army  of  the  North  was  intrusted  to  Master  of  Ordnance  Bene- 
dek,  since  Solferino  the  most  popular  Austrian  general.  In  the  fixed 
conviction  that  the  main  attack  of  the  Prussians  would  be  directed 
from  Silesia  upon  Moravia,  he  had  assembled  his  main  force  at  01- 
mütz.  Their  irruption  into  Saxony  compelled  him  to  give  up  this 
position,  and  march  towards  Bohemia,  whence  alone  he  could  avail 
himself  of  the  advantage  of  operating  on  the  inner  line.  His  pur- 
pose was  to  move  north  on  Josephstadt,  and  there  form  a  junction 
with  the  corps  of  Clam-Gallas  and  the  Saxons,  and,  thus  re-enforced, 
to  deliver  a  decisive  battle  to  the  first  and  Elbe  armies,  and  then, 
bending  eastwards,  to  strike  the  crown  prince. 

On  the  20th  Benedek  set  out  towards  the  line  of  the  Iser,  which 
he  could  not  possibly  reach  before  the  27th  or  28th,  so  that  Clam- 
Gallas's  corps,  with  a  cavalry  division,  had  the  heavy  task  of  ob- 
structing for  a  week  the  advance  of  120,000  standing  on  the  frontier. 



Even  after  this  corps  was  re-enforced  by  the  arrival  of  the  Saxons, 
under  their  crown  prince,  Albert,  Clam-Gallas  was  not  more  than  half 
as  strong  as  his  antagonists.  On  the  26th  the  advance  of  the  army 
of  the  Elbe,  moving  forward  by  way  of  Schluckenau  and  Rumburg, 
struck   an   Italian    brigade,  under  Count  Gondrecourt,  at   Hühner- 

FiG.  55.  —  General  Field-Marshal  Count  Moltke.     From  a  copper-plate  engraving  by 

Johann  Lindner. 

wasser,  and  threw  it  back.  The  advance  of  the  first  army,  on  the 
evening  of  the  same  day,  defeated  the  Austrians  at  Podol  and  Liebe- 
nau.  The  securing  of  the  passages  of  the  Iser  was  an  important 
advantage  to  the  Prussians.  Already  the  superiority  of  the  needle- 
gun  had  been  demonstrated,  as  well  as  the  comparative  ineffective- 
ness of  the  '  flail  method '  of  storming  with  the  bayonet,  which  the 



Austrians  had  learned  from  the  French  in  Italy.  Before  venturing 
to  attack  the  army  of  the  Iser  standing  around  Münchengrätz,  Prince 
Frederick  Charles  decided  to  await  the  arrival  of  re-enforcements. 

Fig.  56  . —  Master  of  Ordnance  von  Benedek.     From  the  lithograph  by  Eduard  Kaiser. 

But  as  Clam-Gallas  received  orders  on  the  evening  of  the  27th  to 
retire  to  Gitschin,  whither  Benedek  (Fig.  56)  would  direct  his  march 
from  the  south,  he  evaded  a  serious  battle,  the  Prussians  coming  into 


collision  with  only  three  of  his  brigades  in  forcing  the  Iser,  which 
they  effected  after  three  separate  engagements,  at  Kloster,  Musky- 
berge,  and  Podkost. 

Early  on  the  29th  the  first  army  received  a  telegraphic  order  from 
Berlin  to  afford,  by  its  speedy  advance,  relief  to  the  second  army, 
which,  notwithstanding  its  victorious  encounters,  of  which  we  shall 
soon  speak,  was  in  a  difficult  situation  enough.  The  Prussians  ad- 
vanced upon  Gitschin  in  the  afternoon,  in  two  columns.  On  neither 
side  could  they  break  their  way  through.  But  at  half-past  seven 
there  came  an  order  from  Benedek,  that,  as  he  had  given  up  the  idea 
of  moving  on  the  Iser,  and  the  maintenance  of  Gitschin  had  there- 
fore become  purposeless,  the  army  of  the  Iser  should  unite  itself  with 
the  main  army.  Tlie  Saxons  and  Austrians  evacuated  their  posi- 
tions accordingly.  The  Prussians  fiercely  pursued  the  retreating 
.Vustrians  through  the  streets  of  Gitschin  ;  but  the  Saxon  life- 
guards, with  equal  skill  and  bravery,  covered  their  retreat,  and  then 
themselves  withdrew  after  holding  the  town  a  stricken  hour.  The 
capture  of  Gitschin  was  of  the  first  strategic  importance  for  the  Prus- 
sians, inasmuch  as  it  tended  to  facilitate  the  junction  of  the  first 
and  Elbe  armies  (already  united)  with  the  second  army.  The  main 
responsibility  for  the  Austrians'  misadventures  lay  with  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. The  loss  of  the  Austrians  in  prisoners  was  ex- 
ceptionally great,  and  had  a  demoralizing  effect  on  their  troops ;  and 
even  their  cavalry  had  failed  to  maintain  its  ancient  fame. 

Benedek's  reason  for  countermanding  the  movement  on  Gitschin 
was  that  he  now  became  disagreeably  conscious  of  the  pressure 
exercised  by  the  second  army  on  his  right  flank.  On  the  2oth  the 
crown  prince's  army  stood  on  the  line  from  Liebau  to  Reinerz  before 
the  three  portals  into  Bohemia,  at  Trautenau,  Braunau-Eypel,  and 
Nachod.  Benedek  still  had  sufficient  time  to  bar  these  mountain 
portals  ;  but,  intent  only  on  the  offensive  against  Prince  P>ederick 
Charles,  he  contented  himself  with  despatching  a  force  utterly 
inadequate  for  this  end,  —  namely,  the  corps  of  von  Gablenz  to 
Trautenau,  and  that  of  von  Ramming  to  Nachod.  The  middle  pass 
—  Eypel  —  he  left  entirely  unguarded.  On  the  26th,  therefore,  the 
Prussian  guards,  constituting  the  centre  of  the  second  army,  were 
able  to  enter  Bohemia  through  it  without  impediment.  The  first 
corps,  on  their  right,  under  Bonin,  passed  through  the  defile  of 
Trautenau,  where  several  ravine-like  [)aths  converge  into  one.  The 
Prussians  found  Trautenau  unoccupied,   while    Gablenz's   advance 



guard  was  driven  back  from  Kapellenberge  and  Ilohenbruck.  Knt 
on  Gablenz  returning  to  the  attack  with  his  main  force,  first  the 
heights  were  recaptured  from  the  Prussians,  and  then  the  town  itself  ; 
and  they  were  ultimately  forced  back  into  the  narrow  pass,  all  mainly 
through  Bonin's  injudicious  disposition  of  his  force.  Only  the  ex- 
haustion of  their  enemy  saved  them  from  greater  losses. 

Von  Steinmetz,  with  the  fifth  corps,  had  better  fortune  at  Nachod. 
Here  again  the  Prussians  were  first  at  the  spot,  and  by  the  evening 
of  the  26th  occupied  the  town   and  entrance  to  the  pass.     But  the 

Fig.  57.  — General  von  Steinmetz. 

actual  passage  of  the  defile,  whose  narrowness  precluded  any  attempt 
at  deploying,  was  difficult  exceedingly,  and  was  fiercely,  though  un- 
skilfully, opposed  by  von  Ramming.  On  the  evening  of  the  2Tth 
the  Prussians  stood  on  a  line  stretching  from  Eypel,  by  Kosteletz  and 
Nachod,  to  Habeischwert.  On  the  28th  the  fifth  corps,  wliile  seeking 
to  unite  with  the  other  sections  of  the  second  army,  struck  at  Skalitz 
upon  the  eighth  Austrian  corps,  by  which  Benedek  had  replaced  von 
Ramming's  sorely  shattered  troops.  Notwithstanding  the  enemy's 
superior  force,   Steinmetz    (Fig.    57)    unhesitatingly  delivered   his 


attack,  and  seized  the  forest  of  Dubno.  A  most  embittered  struggle 
developed  itself  around  the  wood,  in  which  the  enemy's  superiority 
in  numbers  was  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  rapid  and  de- 
structive fire  of  the  needle-gun ;  at  last  a  brilliant  concentrated  charge 
gave  the  railroad  station  and  the  town  into  the  hands  of  the  Prus- 
sians. On  the  same  day  the  advance  of  the  guards  drove  Gablenz 
(Fig.  58),  with  great  loss,  from  Trautenau,  rescuing  Bonin  from  his 
critical  position.  The  mountain  passes  were  now  cleared  for  the 
second  army,  with  the  great  roads  to  the  upper  Elbe  lying  open 
before  it,  on  which  river  the  retreating  foe  was  first  able  to  take  up 

General  von  Gablenz. 

a  position  under  the  cover  of  his  fortresses.  No  impediment  worth 
naming  now  lay  in  the  way  of  the  unification  of  the  crown  prince's 
whole  army  on  the  plateau  between  Gradlitz  and  Königinhof. 
Miller's  di\dsion  of  the  guards,  on  the  29th,  took  Königinhof  by 
storm,  the  first  and  sixth  corps  following  close  upon  it.  As  the 
passage  of  the  Elbe  required  to  be  opened  for  the  crown  prince  by 
the  march  in  advance  of  the  first  army,  he  granted  his  sorely  wearied 
troops  a  day's  rest  on  the  30th,  and  in  an  order  of  the  day  con- 
gratulated them  on  having  reached  their  first  goal. 

On  the  same  day  King  "William,  accompanied  ])y  Moltke,  Roon, 
and  Bismarck,  entered  Sichrow  to  take  the  command  in  person.     On 

Vol.  XIX.— 15 


the  previous  evening,  speaking  from  the  balcony  of  his  palace  in 
Berlin,  he  had  said  :  "  Great  things  have  been  achieved,  greater  yet 
remain  to  be  accomplished."  His  progress  through  Prussian  territory 
was  like  a  triumph.  Nothing  now  hindered  the  immediate  junction 
of  the  two  Prussian  armies,  but  for  strategical  reasons  it  was  resolved 
still  to  keep  them  asunder.  Cavalry  parties  kept  up  a  sort  of  con- 
nection between  them.  Up  to  July  2  the  army,  sorely  in  need  of 
rest,  remained  in  its  position,  which  described  a  semicircle  twenty 
miles  across,  the  advanced  guard  of  the  army  of  the  Elbe  being 
pushed  forAvard  to  Simidar.  But,  although  the  vans  of  the  hostile 
armies  were  less  than  five  miles  apart,  strangely  enough  neither  sus- 
pected the  proximity  of  the  other.  The  Prussians  thought  their  foe 
was  posted  behind  the  Elbe,  vnth  the  fortresses  of  Josephstadt  and 
Königgrätz  on  his  wings  ;  in  reality  he  stood  on  the  right  (west) 
bank,  on  their  own  side. 

By  the  30th  the  concentration  of  the  main  Austrian  army  had 
been  consummated.  At  Miletin  and  on  the  plateau  of  Dubenetz, 
there  stood  in  a  position  of  considerable  natural  strength^  five  army- 
corps  and  four  cavalry  divisions  in  a  line  of  not  more  than  five  miles 
in  extent.  But  Benedek  knew  that  only  two  of  his  corps  —  the 
second  and  third  —  were  intact ;  all  the  others  had  suffered  enormous 
losses,  in  all  35,000  men,  including  1000  officers.  He  was  no  longer 
in  a  position  to  attack  one  of  the  two  hostile  armies,  without  the 
other  assailing  him  in  the  rear.  A  junction  with  Clam-Gallas  and 
the  Saxons  could  only  be  effected  by  a  retrograde  movement  towards 
Königgrätz,  and  this  he  made  on  the  night  of  July  1.  The  new 
position  was  well  chosen  for  defence,  and  his  situation  was  by  no 
means  hopeless.  But  seized  with  a  sort  of  desponding  melancholy, 
he  had  lost  all  confidence  in  a  favorable  issue,  and  secretly  tele- 
graphed to  the  emperor :  "  I  beseech  your  majesty  earnestly  to  make 
peace  at  any  price ;  a  catastrophe  is  inevitable."  The  emperor 
replied  :  "  Peace  is  an  impossibility.  If  a  retreat  is  unavoidable, 
let  it  be  made  in  the  best  order."  Hereupon  Benedek  announced 
that  he  would  begin  the  retreat  to  Pardubitz  on  the  3d.  Meanwhile, 
however,  the  victory  over  the  Italian  army  at  Custozza  had  inspired 
the  military  party  in  Vienna  with  new  courage.  On  the  night  of 
the  2d  General  von  Baumgarten  brought  Benedek  the  peremptory 
order  to  attack,  taking  upon  himself  the  position  of  chief  of  the 
general  staff. 

Already  on  July  1  news  had  reached  King  William  in  his  head- 


quarters  at  Gitschin  of  the  approaching  arrival  of  the  French  envoy, 
Benedetti  —  another  reason  for  pressing  matters  to  an  issue,  only 
that  a  longer  rest  seemed  necessary  for  the  troops.  His  suite 
received  orders  to  accompany  him  on  the  morning  of  the  3d  to  a 
conference  with  the  crown  prince  at  Königinhof.  But,  ere  setting 
out,  tidings  came  from  the  advance-guard  at  Cerekwitz  that  an 
Austrian  encampment  was  visible  on  the  heights  of  Lipa.  A  daring 
reconnaissance  confirmed  the  report,  and  determined  Prince  Fred- 
erick Charles  for  battle.  On  his  own  responsibility  he  made  the 
necessary  arrangements.  To  the  crown  prince  he  sent  the  request 
to  cover  his  left  Aving,  or,  preferably,  that  he  should  cross  to  the 
right  bank  of  the  Elbe  by  way  of  Königinhof.  General  Herwarth 
received  orders  to  advance  to  Nechanitz.  At  eleven  in  the  evening 
the  prince's  chief  of  staff  arrived  in  Gitschin  to  announce  the  change 
in  the  situation.  The  king  hesitated.  The  troops  seemed  not  yet 
sufficiently  recuperated,  and  the  distance  of  the  second  army  too 
considerable.  But  a  council  of  war  summoaed  by  him  decided  for 
battle,  and  the  chief  of  staff  carried  back  to  Prince  Frederick  the 
royal  assent  to  the  attack.  Up  till  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  of 
July  3  the  troops  were  kept  moving  in  torrents  of  rain  to  the 
stations  assigned  them. 

The  ground  on  which  the  battle  of  Königgrätz  was  fought  con- 
stituted a  square  of  ten  miles  on  each  side,  lying  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Upper  Elbe,  and  di\dded  into  two  nearly  equal  parts  by  the 
trough  of  the  stream  of  Bistritz.  On  the  west  half,  towards  Horitz 
and  Gitschin,  stood  the  Prussians  ;  on  the  eastern,  towards  Joseph- 
stadt and  Königgrätz,  the  Austrians.  The  Prussian  position  had 
the  advantage  of  a  good  line  of  retreat,  while  the  Elbe  ran  almost 
immediately  in  the  rear  of  the  Austrians.  Of  their  wings,  only  the 
right  had  any  natural  strength  ;  here  a  series  of  steep  ridges  com- 
pletely filled  the  space  between  the  Elbe  and  the  Bistritz,  and  consti- 
tuted a  natural  fortress  that  was  not  to  be  turned,  nor  to  be  stormed 
without  great  sacrifices.  "While  the  Prussians,  of  their  own  choice, 
presented  a  front  of  nearly  twenty-five  miles,  the  Austrians,  206,000 
in  number,  were  concentrated  on  a  line  of  little  more  than  five  miles 
in  length. 

It  was  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  King  William  gave 
the  order  for  attack.  In  union  with  the  army  of  the  Elbe,  Prince 
Frederick  Charles  held  himseK  strong  enough  —  even  should  the 
enemy  direct  all  its  force  against  him  —  to  sustain  himself,  at  least 


till  the  nearest  corps  of  the  second  army  could  come  to  his  support. 
He  was  not  aware  that  he  had  the  whole  Austrian  army  before  him, 
but  reckoned  only  on  three  corps  and  the  Saxons.  It  was  essen- 
tial, that,  till  the  arrival  of  the  second  army,  he  should  occupy  the 
enemy  at  all  points;  and  to  do  this  he  had  to  cross  the  Bistritz.  His 
plan  was  that  the  first  army,  advancing  from  Sadowa,  should  break 
the  enemy's  centre  by  storming  the  heights  of  Lipa,  while  the  army 
of  the  Elbe  should  support  this  main  attack  by  a  simultaneous 
advance  against  the  left  wing.  If  it  succeeded  in  turning  this  wing, 
then  the  Austrian  centre  was  untenable.  But  the  army  of  the  Elbe 
did  not  progress  so  rapidly  as  was  expected.  General  Herwarth, 
indeed,  after  a  five  hours'  march,  appeared  at  half-past  seven  before 
Nechanitz;  but  it  required  an  hour  for  him  to  gain  possession  of  the 
village,  and,  instead  of  fording  the  Bistritz,  he  consumed  another 
hour  in  restoring  the  bridge  destroyed  by  the  enemy  there.  Not 
until  three  p.m.,  after  the  arrival  of  heavy  re-enforcements,  did 
he  succeed  in  driving  the  Austrian  left  from  its  main  position  at 
Nieder-Prim  and  Problus. 

Meanwhile  the  Prussian  centre  had  had  to  bear  up  against  long 
hours  of  heavy  work.  Fording  the  Bistritz,  it  opened  the  fight  with 
an  attack  upon  the  villages  of  Mokrovous,  Dohalitz,  and  Benatek. 
Fog  and  rain  hid  everything  from  view ;  only  the  flashes  of  the  can- 
non revealed  a  strong  artillery  opposed  to  it.  In  point  of  fact,  the 
assailants  had  struck  upon  an  over-strong  power  of  resistance  — 
four  divisions  and  four  army-corps  as  well  as  the  excellently  chosen 
main  position  of  the  Austrian  artillery  on  the  heights  of  Lipa.  A 
hundred  and  sixty  pieces  showered  death  into  the  Prussians  in  the 
valley,  who  even  at  last  were  able  to  respond  with  only  120.  For 
four  mortal  hours  did  the  infantry  stand  the  proof  of  inactive  endu- 
rance under  the  ever-increasing  storm  of  grape-shot.  The  plan  of 
the  battle  demanded  from  the  centre  only  the  resolute  maintenance 
of  the  ground  they  had  won,  till  both  wings  of  the  grand  army 
could  come  into  action.  Desultory  onsets,  due  to  the  war-spirit  of 
the  men  and  their  weariness  of  inaction,  while  they  could  not  be 
prevented,  were  productive  of  no  results  beyond  needlessly  exagger- 
ating the  loss  of  life.  This  condition  of  the  battle  inspired  Benedek 
with  the  hope  of  breaking  his  enemey's  centre  before  the  wings 
came  up  to  its  support.  From  Cischkowes  he  despatched  the  corps 
of  Thun,  from  Maslowed,  that  of  Festetics  against  the  wood  of  Bena- 
tek, held  only  by  a  single  division,  the  7th,  under  LieutenantrGeneral 



von  Fransecky  (Fig.  59).  Here  a  struggle  —  the  most  murderous  in 
the  battle  —  developed  itself.  With  heroism  all  but  unparalleled, 
fourteen  Prussian  battalions  under  Fransecky  maintained  the  fight 
for  more  than  two  hours  against  fort^^-three  Austrian.  With  the 
combat  fluctuating  this  way  and  that  in  the  dense  forest,  the  troops 
lost  all  formation,  so  that  any  uniform  leading  was  impossible ;  and 
not  the  commands,  but  only  the  example,  of  their  officers  incited  the 
men,  when  driven  back,  to  rally.  To  the  victory-announcing  blare 
of  trumpets  the  Austrians  precipitated  themselves  on  the  last  rally- 

Fk;.  59.  — General  von  Fransecky. 

ing-point  of  their  exhausted  antagonists.  General  Fransecky 
collected  the  last  relics  of  his  men,  determined  to  die  rather  than 
yield.  Already  the  king  was  considering  the  necessity  for  a  retreat, 
and  the  cavalry  was  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  covering  it.  Then 
in  a  moment  —  between  twelve  and  one  o'clock  —  the  cry  was  heard, 
"  The  crown  prince  is  coming  !  "  and  the  thinned  ranks  were  inspired 
with  new  life.  It  was  not  long  till  the  Austrian  attack  slackened. 
Benedek  had  received  from  Josephstadt  a  telegram  announcing  the 
approach  of  the  second  army. 

To  Prince  Frederick  Charles's  call  on  the  cro\vn  prince  to  come 


to  the  help  of  the  first  army  in  the  impending  fight — which  arrived 
at  Königinhof  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning — the  latter  had  replied 
that  liis  first  corps  should  be  ready  to  support  him,  but  that  more 
he  felt  himself  prevented  from  doing  by  the  earlier  command  of  the 
king.     At  five  there  arrived  the  changed  order  for  the  advance  of 
the  whole  second  army.     The  sound  of  cannon  thundering  in  the 
distance   admonished   to  speed.      The  Guards  and  the  sixth  corps 
moved  in  the  van.     After  crossing  the  Trotina  brook,  the  foremost 
batteries,  towards  noon,  were  able  to  open  their  fire  upon  the  height 
of  Horenewes.     Fearfully  now  did    Benedek    expiate  his    error  of 
having  in  the  fight  around  the  wood  of  Benatek  sacrificed  the  two 
corps  destined  to  cover  his  right  flank  against  an  attack  from  the 
north.     When  the  Austrians    realized    their   danger,  they  directed 
their  artillery  against   the    new  assailant;   but  what   they  had    to 
oppose  to  the  crown  prince  was  only  remnants  of  broken  commands. 
By  two  o'clock  the  Guard  had  gained  a  fast  footing  on  the  height  of 
Horenewes,  while  the  division  of  Hiller  scaled  the  plateau  of  Mas- 
lowed,  scattering  all  before  it  and  capturing  fifty-five  guns.     Press- 
ing farther  in  the  same  direction,  the  wedge  forced  itself  into  the 
enemy's  side,  while,  to  the  left  of  the  Guards,  the  sixth  corps  was 
already  assailing  him  in  the  rear.     The  second  Austrian  corps  hur- 
ried to  replace  itself  in  safety,  and  by  so  doing  opened  a  wide  gap 
in  the  defensive  line  into  which  the  battalion  of  von  Kleist,  of  the 
first  regiment  of  the  Guards,  forced  itself.     On  a  sudden  the  two 
battalions  standing  on  the   high   ground  of  Chlum  saw  themselves 
surprised,  dispersed,  captured.     The  key  of  the  Austrian  position 
was   in    Prussian    hands.       Benedek,    who  —  without    suspicion    of 
what  was  going  on  in  his  close  neighborhood  —  had,  from  the  high 
ground  between  Chlum  and  Lipa,  been  keeping  his  attention  exclu- 
sively directed  to  the  fight  in  the  front,  immediately  on  receiving 
the  alarming  intelligence  hastened  with  all  speed  thither,  only  to  be 
received  with  a  fierce  fire,  and  to  have  his  suite  dispersed.      The 
height,  he  decided,  must  be  retaken  cost  what  it  might;    but  the 
storming  columns  were  ridden  down  by  their  own  Uhlans  giving 
away  before  the  frightfully  rapid  fire  of  the  Prussians.     Towards 
three  o'clock  Rosberitz,  to  the  south  of  Chlum,  was  also  taken,  while 
in  Nedelist,  to  the  left,  nearly  an  entire  Austrian  brigade  was  sur- 
rounded   and  annihilated;    on  the    right  the   wood   and   village  of 
Lipa  were    captured   by   two    Prussian   divisions.      Still    Benedek 
resolved  to  make  one  attempt  more  to  recover  the  lost  position,  and 

PLATE     X  I  I  r 

Crown  Prince  Frederick  William  of  Prussia. 
From  tlie  steel  engraving  by  F.  Weber ;  Oiigiual  portrait  by  F.  Winterhalter. 
llidory  of  All  Nations.  Vol.  XIX.,  page  231. 

CLOSE    OF   THE   BATTLE    OF  KÖNIGGRÄTZ    {BADOWA).        231 

the  12,000  Prussians  holding  it  were  compelled  to  evacuate  Ros- 
beritz,  before  the  storming  columns,  40,000  or  50,000  strong,  which 
he  had  rallied  for  this  end.  But  Chlum,  despite  all  his  efforts,  was 
not  reached,  while  the  concurrent  advance  of  the  army  of  the  Elbe 
from  the  south  threatened  his  line  of  retreat  on  two  sides.  In  hot 
haste  the  command  was  given  for  the  retreat. 

While  the  struggle  was  still  raging  around  Rosberitz,  the  king, 
who  since  eight  o'clock  had  watched  the  battle  from  the  Roskosberge, 
ordered  an  advance  along  the  whole  line.  The  troops  hitherto  held 
in  reserve  on  the  Bistritz  received  the  command  with  shouts  of  joy, 
and  to  the  music  of  their  bands  pressed,  without  a  check,  forward 
to  the  front.  King  William,  in  a  letter  to  his  wife,  thus  describes 
his  meeting  with  these  troops :  "  First  I  came  on  the  two  divisions  of 
the  Guard,  and  a  part  of  the  Fusileer  regiment  of  the  Guards  carry- 
ing with  them  twelve  captured  cannon,  in  full  advance.  The  exul- 
tation of  the  men  on  seeing  me  is  past  description.  The  officers 
sprang  forward  to  kiss  my  hand,  which  at  such  a  time  it  was  impos- 
sible to  deny  them ;  and  so  it  went  on  from  one  troop  to  another 
towards  the  front,  all  the  time  to  the  accompaniment  of  cannon-fire 
and  of  hurrahs  that  seemed  as  if  they  would  never  cease.  There 
are  moments  that  to  be  understood  must  be  experienced."  On 
tlie  height  of  Chlum  the  two  princes  met,  and  congratulated  each 
other.  Shortly  thereafter  the  crown  prince  (Plate  XIII.)  found  his 
father.  Unable  to  utter  a  word,  the  king  held  him  in  his  arms,  and 
decorated  him  with  the  Order  of  Merit,  while  the  hautboys  blared 
out :  "  Nun  danket  alle  Grott,'''  —  the  hymn  with  which  the  army  of 
Frederick  the  Great  had  celebrated  the  victory  of  Leuthen.  Driven 
back  upon  the  Elbe,  the  defeated  army  seemed  on  the  eve  of  a  catas- 
trophe. But  now  its  artillery  and  cavalry  offered  themselves  as 
sacrifices  for  the  infantry;  the  former  constituting  itself  into  a  fire- 
vomiting  semicircle  around  the  retreating  bands,  the  latter  throwing 
itself  between  the  pursuers  and  pursued.  A  start  was  thus  gained 
for  the  retreat,  the  men  dashing  into  the  passages  of  the  river 
mostly  without  formation  of  any  kind.  But  when  they  found  the 
gates  of  the  fortress  of  Königgrätz  shut  against  them,  and  the 
ground  around  it  laid  under  water,  with  darkness  shrouding  all  in 
gloom,  a  complete  panic  seized  the  demoralized,  though  almost  un- 
pursued,  army.  Many  hundreds  were  drowned.  Only  individual 
regiments  gave  creditable  examples  of  discipline  and  obedience. 
The   Saxons,  in   particular,  maintained   an  unbroken  array.     Their 


crown  prince,  Albert,  attached  himself  to  the  first  Jäger  battalion, 
as  being  the  last  of  his  troops  to  leave  the  field,  and  ^^ith  it  reached 
the  passage  at  Pardubitz, 

The  loss  of  the  Austrians  was  terrible,  amounting  to  44,000  men, 
of  whom  26,000  were  missing  with  nearly  500  officers.  The  Prussians 
paid  for  their  victory  with  1900  officers  and  men  killed,  and  7000 

Next  day  Field-Marshal  von  Gablenz  announced  himself  to  the 
king  at  Horitz  with  a  proposition  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  but 
received  for  answer  that  Prussia  was  ready  to  treat  for  peace  on 
pohtical  grounds,  but  that  an  armistice  was  not  to  be  thought  of. 
Appearing  again  on  the  8th,  he  was  not  received  by  the  king. 
While  the  corps  of  von  JNlutius  remained  behind  to  observe  Joseph- 
stadt and  Königgrätz,  the  rest  of  the  Prussian  army  broke  up, 
on  the  5th,  for  the  south,  Major-General  von  Rosenberg  with  the 
Gardelandivehr  occupying  Prague.  Benedek's  purpose  of  checking 
the  advance  of  the  Prussians  by  taking  up  a  flank  position  near 
Olmütz,  where  he  had  collected  the  remains  of  his  army  in  an 
intrenched  camp,  was  frustrated  by  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph, 
who  ordered  him  to  hasten  with  all  speed  to  the  defence  of  the 
threatened  capital.  Already  King  William  had  come  to  the  resolu- 
tion of  sending  the  crown  prince  only  after  Benedek,  and  himself 
leading  the  first  and  Elbe  armies  directly  to  Vienna,  so  as  to  reach 
it  in  advance  of  the  troops  Austria  was  drawing  from  Italy.  The 
Prussians  interposed  themselves  between  the  capital  and  the  north- 
ern army  advancing  towards  it  from  Olmütz.  Benedek  saw  that  a 
direct  march  was  impracticable,  and  resolved  therefore  to  make  a 
detour  over  the  Little  Carpathians  and  through  the  valley  of  the 
Waag.  Here  also  the  foe  was  at  his  heels.  On  the  22d  he  was 
attacked  at  Blumenau  by  the  seventh  and  eighth  divisions  under 
General  von  Fransecky,  whose  object  was,  by  the  capture  of  Pres- 
buro-,  to  compel  him  still  farther  to  the  left,  so  that  the  main  Prus- 
sian army  might  have  time  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  against  Vienna. 
But  during  the  fight  news  arrived  of  the  armistice  to  take  effect  at 
midday  of  the  22d.  Fransecky,  eager  to  make  the  most  of  the  hours 
still  at  his  disposal,  had  his  flanking  columns  in  the  Austrian  rear 
when  the  moment  came  to  desist  from  hostilities. 

Of  that  prodigious  energy  which,  within  a  month,  had  carried 
the  Prussians  from  Dresden,  Görlitz,  and  Frankenstein  up  to  the 
walls  of  Vienna,  and  given  into  their  hands  200  cannon,  eleven  flags 


and  standards,  and  40,000  prisoners,  there  was  little  trace  to  be 
discovered  among  their  Italian  allies.  Von  Usedom,  the  Prussian 
minister  in  Florence,  had,  inded,  urged  them  to  energetic  action,  so 
that  by  a  concurrent  blow  Austria  should  be  compelled  to  divide  her 
strength.  To  effect  this,  he  urged,  they  must  wait  neither  for  the 
evacuation  of  Venetia  nor  trouble  themselves  with  the  Quadrilateral, 
but,  turning  the  latter,  strike  the  foe  in  the  open  field,  force  their  way 
to  the  Danube,  and  thence  stretch  out  a  hand  to  Prussia.  But  La 
Marmora,  who  had  resigned  the  presidency  of  the  ministry  to 
Ricasoli  in  order  to  take  the  post  of  chief  of  staff  under  the  king, 
was  aware  of  the  pact  of  June  9,  and  asked  himself  why  Italy 
should  venture  so  high  a  stake  on  a  game  that  she  was  bound  to 
win  in  any  case.  On  Usedom's  plan  being  thus  rejected,  there  re- 
mained only  the  choice  between  a  formal  siege-war  or  of  operating 
within  the  Quadrilateral.  La  Marmora  decided  for  the  latter,  but  in 
such  a  way  that  he  divided  the  army  into  two  —  namely  that  of  the 
Mincio  under  the  king,  which  should  operate  towards  Villafranca, 
and  that  of  the  Po  under  Cialdini,  which  should  support  the  king  by 
way  of  Rovigo.  As  soon  as  the  Archduke  Albert  was  assured  of 
the  king's  march  towards  the  Mincio,  he,  although  he  had  but 
80,000  men  to  oppose  to  200,000,  without  concerning  himself  about 
Cialdini,  crossed  the  Adige,  and  occupied  the  line  from  Custozza  to 
Castelnuovo.  The  king  crossed  the  Mincio  between  Goito  and 
Salionze ;  and,  on  June  24,  the  corps  of  Durando,  constituting  his 
advance,  came  unexpectedly  into  collision  with  the  Austrians  at 
Custozza.  On  the  ItaUan  side  there  was  an  utter  want  of  concert  or 
uniformity  in  the  leadership.  After  a  most  obstinately  contested 
battle,  with  losses  of  about  8000  men  on  each  side,  the  king  had  to 
retreat  over  the  Mincio ;  but  as  the  Austrians  —  anxious  to  draw 
their  troops  towards  the  Danube  —  made  no  pursuit,  he  was  able 
to  halt  on  the   Oglio. 

The  news  of  Königgrätz  had  fallen  like  a  thunderclap  on  Vienna, 
transmuting  over-arrogant  confidence  into  deepest  consternation. 
Benedek,  hitherto  the  idol  of  the  people,  was  dismissed  ignominiously 
from  his  post,  and  the  victor  of  Custozza  called  to  the  command- 
in-chief  m  his  place.  Scarcely  less  alarming  than  the  defeat  was  the 
indifference,  or  rather  the  malicious  satisfaction,  manifested  by  the 
Hungarians.  An  imperial  manifesto  of  July  7,  appealing  to  their 
hereditary  loyalty,  fell  without  effect.  In  this  strait  the  emperor 
no  longer  hesitated  to  do  that  openly  which  he  had  already  done 


secretly  on  June  9,  and  in  order  to  oppose  his  undivided  strength  to 
the  Prussians,  formally  made  over  Venetia  to  the  emperor  of  the 
French  (July  5),  with  the  announcement  that  he  was  ready  to  accept 
his  good  offices  as  a  mediator  for  peace.  On  the  Tuileries,  too,  the 
news  of  Sadowa  (as  the  French  name  the  great  battle)  fell  like  a 
lightning-stroke.  Napoleon's  whole  web  was  rent  to  pieces.  Only 
as  authoritative  arbiter  between  the  combatants  could  he  hope  to 
save  France's  sorely  damaged  prestige.  He  undertook,  therefore,  the 
office  of  mediator,  and  telegraphed  to  Victor  Emmanuel  that  further 
bloodshed  was  uncalled  for,  inasmuch  as  Italy  could  obtain  Venetia 
from  his  hands,  stating,  further,  that  he  was  writing  the  king 
of  Prussia  to  propose  an  armistice  to  him  also,  as  preliminary  to 
peace-negotiations.  Italy  blushed  through  shame  at  having  to  re- 
ceive as  a  gift  from  a  third  party  what  she  was  too  weak  to  conquer 
by  her  arms.  "  There  is  something  of  higher  value  than  Venetia," 
wrote  Ricasoli  to  the  ambassador  in  Paris ;  "  and  that  is  the  honor  of 
Italy,  of  the  king,  and  the  monarchy."  He  laid  it  down  as  a  pre- 
condition for  his  acceding  to  an  armistice  that  Prussia  also  should 
assent  to  such,  and  that  Italy's  just  claims  —  especially  on  the 
Italian  Tyrol  —  should  be  satisfied.  Cialdini  received  orders 
promptly  to  resume  the  offensive,  and  on  the  8th  crossed  the  Po, 
while  Garibaldi  with  his  guerillas  invaded  the  Tyrol.  Great  things 
were  expected  by  the  Italians  from  their  fleet,  but  the  sea  was  to  be 
as  barren  of  laurels  as  the  land.  On  July  20  Admiral  Tegetthoff 
worsted  the  badly  managed  Italian  squadron  off  Lissa.  The  Re 
d'ltalia  was  sunk  with  her  entire  crew,  the  Palestro  blown  up.  Over- 
come with  terror.  Admiral  Persano  took  refuge  with  his  other  ships 
in  the  harbor  of  Ancona. 

Napoleon  would  now  have  preferred  to  take  the  part  of  an  armed 
mediator ;  but  from  this  his  minister  of  war,  Randon,  earnestly 
dissuaded  him,  representing  that  the  Mexican  expedition  had  so 
emptied  the  arsenals  and  demoralized  the  whole  military  system  of 
France,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  put  a  respectable  force  in  the 
field.  But  that  he  should  come  out  of  the  crisis  with  entirely  empty 
hands  seemed  to  the  emperor  damaging  alike  to  his  own  prestige  and 
that  of  his  government.  In  this  way  he  came  to  have  recourse  to 
the  TrinhgeldpoUtik  Q pour  boire,' or  'tip'  policy)  so  mercilessly 
satirized  by  Bismarck.  On  July  10  the  French  council  of  ministers 
decided  to  refuse  Austria's  petition  for  help. 

The  task  assigned  to  France's  envoy,  Benedetti,  was  a  hard  one, 



—  namely,  that  of  dealing  with  the  Prussians  in  their  hour  of 
triumph,  without  being  able  to  lend  weight  to  his  representations  by 
being  able  to  point  to  an  army  ready  for  the  field.  It  was  July  12 
ere  he,  after  many  difficvilties,  reached  the  royal  headquarters  at 
Zwittau,  and  then  only  to  find  that  Bismarck  cherished  the  desire  of 
coming  to  a  speedy  understanding  with  Austria  without  the  interven- 
tion of  a  third  party.  Already,  with  a  keen  eye  to  future  possibilities, 
this  astute  minister  was  calculating  the  value  of  Austria's  friendship, 
while  cholera,  which 
was  working  havoc  in 
the  army,  also  coun- 
selled the  abridg- 
ment of  the  cam- 
paign. Beust  arrived 
in  Paris  on  the  13th, 
commissioned  by  the 
Emperor  Francis  Jo- 
seph to  ask  Napoleon 
to  intervene  immedi- 
ately and  with  vigor. 
It  was  now  too  late. 
He  found  the  French 
emperor  under  bodily 
suffering ;  and  the 
only  answer  he  could 
extract  was,  "  I  am 
not  ready  for  war." 
Communications  be- 
tween the  Prussian 
headquarters  and 
Paris  were  impeded  by 
the  frequent  disturbances  of  the  telegraph  lines.  The  main  points  on 
which  Prussia  insisted  before  consenting  to  an  armistice  were  —  the 
exclusion  of  Austria  from  Germany ;  the  erection  of  a  North  Ger- 
man Confederation  under  Prussian  leadership ;  and  a  large  accession 
of  territory.  Rather  than  return  home  without  these  ends  attained, 
the  king  had  declared  he  would  prefer  to  abdicate.  Of  Prussian 
aggrandizement  Drouyn  de  I'Huys  would  hear  only  on  condition  of 
equivalent  gain  for  France.  But  the  adroit  Prussian  ambassador, 
von  der  Goltz  (Fig.  60),  succeeded  in  getting  the  emperor,  behind  his 

Fig.    60.  —  Count  vou  der  Goltz.     From  the  copper- 
plate engraving  by  Weger.    Original,  a  photograph. 


minister's  back,  to  consent,  on  the  19th,  to  the  incorporation  into 
Prussia  of  Hanover,  Electoral  Hesse,  Nassau,  and  Frankfort-on-tlie- 
jNIain,  and  the  delay  of  the  consideration  of  equivalents  for  France 
till  after  the  king's  return  to  his  capital.  An  armistice  of  five  days 
—  in  which  Italy  was  included  —  was  arranged,  and  Nikolsburg  fixed 
on  as  the  seat  of  further  negotiations.  These  Bismarck  insisted  on 
conducting  -with  Austria  alone  to  the  exclusion  of  her  German  allies. 
On  July  26  the  peace  preliminaries  were  signed ;  Austria  remaining 
territorially  unchanged  with  the  exception  of  the  loss  of  Venetia. 
Emperor  Francis  Joseph  recognized  the  dissolution  of  the  German 
Confederation,  and  gave  his  consent  to  a  reconstruction  of  Germany 
with  Austria  excluded.  He  pledged  himself  to  recognition  of  the  new 
Confederation  that  Prussia  was  to  establish  north  of  the  Main,  and 
declared  his  acquiescence  to  the  South  German  states  constituting 
themselves  into  a  union  with  the  prospect  of  ulterior  closer  national 
alliance  with  the  northern  league.  He  made  over  to  Prussia  all  his 
claims  to  Schleswig-Holstein,  and  finally  agreed  that  Austria  should 
pay  a  war  indemnity  of  20,000,000  thalers.  At  the  emperor's  ex- 
press request,  Prussia  left  Saxony  in  its  integrity.  The  king  of 
Prussia  bound  himself  to  get  Italy's  assent  to  the  peace.  On  these 
preliminaries  being  signed,  an  armistice  was  concluded  for  four 

In  the  scene  of  war  in  the  west  the  issue  was  such  as  it  must 
ever  be  where  unity,  vigor,  and  preparedness  are  set  against  dis- 
union, perplexity,  and  unreadiness.  While,  after  the  capitulation  at 
Langensalza,  the  three  sections  of  the  Prussian  western  army, 
previously  operating  apart,  were  concentrated  to  form  the  army  of 
the  jNlain,  of  the  four  Confederate  army  corps  which  the  diet  had 
decreed  to  mobilize,  only  two,  the  seventh  and  eighth,  were  actually 
on  foot,  the  former  (Bavarian)  40,000  strong,  the  latter  (Wilrtem- 
berg,  Baden,  and  Hesse-Darmstadt,  with  the  addition  of  Nassauers 
and  an  Austrian  brigade  made  up  of  fortress-garrisons)  number- 
ing 46,000,  —  excellent  material,  but,  devoid  as  they  were  of  all 
unity,  really  little  better  than  an  armed  mob.  The  troops  of  Elec- 
toral Hesse,  quite  unprepared  for  the  field,  were  used  to  re-enforce 
the  garrison  of  Mayence.  Not  one  of  the  South  German  states 
was  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  in  a  state  of  military  preparedness ; 
in  Bavaria  companies  contained  on  a  peace-footing  about  twenty- 
five  men,  and  many  had  not  a  full  complement  of  officers.  Prince 
Alexander  of  Hesse,  at  the  head  of  the  eighth  corps,  had  under- 

THE    WAR  IN    THE    WEST.  237 

taken  the  task  unwillingly  and  with  little  hope,  and  especially  pro- 
tested against  being  in  any  way  subordinated  to  the  leader  of  the 
seventh  corps,  tlie  aged  Bavarian  Prince  Charles ;  each  of  them 
thought  only  of  the  defence  of  his  own  land.  After  the  capture  of 
the  Hanoverians  at  Langensalza,  the  two  corps  directed  their  march 
separately  but  convergingly  towards  the  Fulda  road,  on  which  they 
felt  sure  of  meeting  with  their  collected  antagonists. 

Von  Falkenstein,  in  accordance  with  Moltke's  instructions,  deter- 
mined by  taking  the  route  from  Eisenach  to  Fulda,  the  designed 
point  of  junction  of  the  two  hostile  corps,  to  interpose  himself 
between  these,  and  so  hinder  their  unification.  The  division  of 
Göben  was  the  first  to  strike  the  foe,  at  Salzungen  (July  2),  and 
after  a  short  fight  took  Dermbach.  Several  encounters  took  place 
on  the  4th ;  in  particular  the  division  of  Beyer,  in  its  advance  on 
Fulda,  came  into  collision  with  the  Bavarian  reserve  cavalry  under 
Prince  Taxis  near  Hünfeld.  The  first  discharge  of  artillery  inspired 
the  cuirassiers  with  such  terror  that  they  rushed  back  in  headlong 
flight  upon  the  succeeding  cavalry  column,  and  carried  it  in  disorder 
along  with  them.  That  his  troops  might  recover  their  organization, 
the  prince  resolved  to  retreat  by  a  night  march  over  the  heights  of 
Rhön  upon  the  E'ranconian  Saale ;  but  when  near  Hersfeld  they  were 
seized  by  a  second  panic,  and  broke  in  wild  flight,  which  only 
partially  terminated  at  Würzburg.  Taxis  was  removed  from  his 
command,  and  his  division  reconstructed.  This  flight  opened  to  the 
Prussians  the  way  to  Fulda,  and  that  the  more  completely  that 
Prince  Charles,  finding  the  enemy  on  his  flank,  gave  up  all  thought 
of  a  junction  with  the  seventh  corps,  and  concentrated  his  force 
behind  the  Franconian  Saale. 

The  defeat  of  Königgrätz  damped  the  spirit  of  Prussia's  other 
enemies  as  well  as  of  Austria.  True,  Bavaria  still  declined  her 
proffers  of  peace ;  but  the  great  quarrel  was  now  decided,  and  an 
early  peace  in  view ;  until  this  came  the  main  object  of  the  southern 
allies  was  to  defend  their  own  lands  against  invasion.  Instead, 
therefore,  of  seeking  a  junction  mth  the  Bavarians,  Prince  Alex- 
ander Ustened  to  the  call  of  the  diet  to  come  to  its  defence  in  Frank- 
fort, and  left  Falkenstein  free  to  deal  with  the  Bavarians  alone. 
Crossing  the  Rhön  range,  the  Prussian  'general  forced  the  passage  of 
the  Franconian  Saale  (July  10)  at  five  points  before  the  Bavarians 
had  been  able  to  reach  the  defensive  position  selected  by  them  near 
Poppenhausen.     On  a  sudden,  however,  Falkenstein  turned   away 


from  seeking  the  Bavarians,  and,  crossing  the  Spessart  on  his  right, 
made  after  Prince  Alexander,  who  was  marcliing  hither  and  thither 
without  any  fixed  object.  After  bloody  combats  at  Frohnhofen  and 
Aschaffenburg,  he  occupied  Frankfort  on  the  16th,  and  let  this  main 
nest  of  anti-Prussian  intrigues  experience  all  the  woes  'of  conquest. 
A  contribution  of  six  million  florins  was  levied  from  the  city,  and 
two  senators  were  made  prisoners.  The  rump  of  the  diet  had  on 
the  11th  fled  to  Augsburg,  where  in  the  inn  of  the  Three  Moors  it 
closed  its  inglorious  existence  (August  24). 

While  in  Frankfort,  Falkenstein  received  his  letter  of  recall.  The 
discontent  at  headquarters  with  his  military  conduct  was  concealed 
by  his  nomination  to  the  governorship  of  Bohemia.  His  successor, 
von  Manteuffel,  inaugurated  his  command  by  demanding  from  the 
city  a  further  sum  of  24,000,000  florins  within  twenty-four  hours ; 
and  on  the  payment  not  being  promptly  made,  penal  warrants  were 
lodged  in  the  houses  of  the  senators,  while  the  burgomaster  Fellner  in 
despair  committed  suicide.  After  the  fight  at  Aschaffenburg,  Prince 
Alexander,  ignoring  the  defence  of  Frankfort,  had  effected  a  junction 
with  the  Bavarians  on  the  Tauber.  When  the  army  of  the  Main,  re- 
enforced  to  60,000  men,  resumed  operations  on  the  21st,  Manteuffel 
anticipated  offensive  action  on  the  part  of  the  princes  by  delivering 
a  series  of  successful  assaults  upon  their  army  at  Hundheim  and 
other  positions  from  the  2od  to  the  26th  inclusive.  This  vigorous 
offensive,  conjoined  with  the  advance  of  the  second  reserve  corps, 
which  the  grand  duke  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin  had  collected  at 
Leipsic  with  the  view  of  getting  in  the  rear  of  the  Bavarians,  as 
well  as  the  news  of  the  armistice  concluded  between  the  main 
powers,  broke  down  the  latter's  resistance.  While  the  Prussians 
were  cannonading  the  citadel  of  Würzburg,  a  Bavarian  flag  of  truce 
appeared  on  the  27th ;  the  war  was  at  an  end.  Two  days  thereafter 
the  grand  duke  of  Baden  recalled  his  troops,  and  replacing  his  war- 
ministry  by  one  favorable  to  Prussia,  concluded  a  truce.  Already, 
on  the  21st  and  22d,  King  Wilham,  amid  the  exultant  shouts  of  his 
people,  had  made  his  triumphal  entry  into  Berlin. 

On  August  23  the  definitive  peace  between  Austria  and  Prussia, 
on  the  basis  of  the  Nikolsburg  preliminaries,  was  signed  at  Prague. 
Peace  was  not  concluded  between  Austria  and  Italy  till  October  3, 
when  the  latter  state  formally  received  Venetia  on  consideration  of 
35,000,000  florins,  and  her  taking  on  herself  a  share  of  debt  amount- 
ing to  65,000,000. 


In  Nikolsburg,  Bismarck  had  insisted  resolutely  on  the  exclusion 
of  the  secondary  states  from  the  negotiations ;  and  it  gave  Austria 
little  concern  to  leave  to  their  fate  allies  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
war  with  only  half  a  heart.  Not  till  July  28  was  Bavaria  admitted 
to  conference  at  Nikolsburg ;  the  sacrifices  demanded  by  Bismarck 
from  it  being  20,000,000  thalers  and  a  slice  of  territory,  in  the  north 
of  the  Rhine  Palatinate  and  Franconia,  containing  at  least  500,000 
inhabitants.  Aghast,  von  der  Pfordten  called  on  France  for  aid, 
depicting  the  danger  which  the  mediatizing  of  the  southern  states 
inferred  for  it  also,  and  the  advantages  it  would  derive  from  stretch- 
ing out  a  helping  hand  to  the  dynasties  delivered  over  to  the  tender 
mercies  of  Prussia.  Minister  Dalwigk  of  Hesse-Darmstadt  spoke 
yet  more  emphatically.  He  implored  the  French  to  enter  at  once 
the  Palatinate  and  Rhenish  Plesse,  where  they  would  be  received  with 
open  arms,  assuring  them  that  though  Pfordten  could  not  invite 
them  openly  he  would  be  as  glad  to  see  them  there  as  he  himself 
would  be.  Thus  the  three  foremost  ministers-  of  the  secondary 
states  —  Beust,  Pfordten,  and  Dalwigk  —  vied  with  each  other  in 
their  efforts  to  place  the  decision  in  regard  to  the  national  fate  of 
Germany  in  the  hands  of  France.  That  their  end  was  not  attained 
is  one  of  Bismarck's  greatest  services  to  his  country.  He  offered 
to  renounce  all  Prussia's  acquisitions  in  Franconia  on  the  right  of 
the  Main,  provided  Bavaria  would  enter  into  the  proposed  secret 
alliance,  offensive  and  defensive.  With  deep  emotion  the  Bavarian 
replied  that  he  now  saw  how  deeply  Bismarck  had  been  calumniated, 
and  how  true  a  German  heart  beat  in  his  bosom.  On  August  22 
Bavaria  concluded  peace,  as  well  as  the  secret  alliance  whereby  both 
parties  guaranteed  the  integrity  of  each  other's  territories;  the  king 
of  Bavaria  pledging  himself,  in  case  of  war,  to  make  over  the  full 
command  of  his  troops  to  the  king  of  Prussia,  which  had  already 
been  done  by  Würtemberg  (August  13),  and  P>adeii  (August  17). 
Bavaria  paid,  like  the  others,  a  war-contribution,  l)ut  was  i-equired 
to  cede  only  the  district  of  Gersfeld,  Orb,  and  the  enclave  of  Cauls- 
dorf.  Through  these  settlements  the  line  of  the  Main  —  south  of 
which  Napoleon  had  interdicted  Prussia  from  passing  —  was  practi- 
cally obliterated.  Hesse-Darmstadt  became  a  party  to  the  peace  on 
September  3,  ceding  the  landgraviate  of  Hesse-Homburg,  and  a  part 
of  the  circle  of  Giessen,  and  entered,  with  the  province  of  Upper 
Hesse  on  the  north  of  the  Main  and  the  ])ortion  of  its  army  apj^er- 
taining  thereto,  the  North  German  Confederation.    Meiningen,  whose 


duke  had  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  sou  George,  made  its  peace  on 
October  8;  Reuss-Greiz  ou  September  26.  Last  of  all,  on  Octo- 
ber 21,  came  Saxony,  which,  thanks  to  the  good  offices  of  Austria, 
escaped  without  any  loss  of  territory  in  consideration  of  a  war-con- 
tribution of  10,000,000  thalers.  The  claims  of  the  grand  duke  of 
Oldenburg  were  satisfied  by  the  grant  of  the  district  of  Ahrensböck 
iu  Holstein,  and  1,000,000  thalers. 

The  triumphant  Prussians  could  now  return  to  their  homes 
with  the  proud  consciousness  of  having  achieved  grander  results 
than  had  ever  been  accomplished  by  their  laurel-crowned  fathers  in 
the  most  glorious  days  of  the  monarchy.  All  that  envy  and  jealousy 
had  done  to  damage  their  land  for  fifty  years  had  now  been  expiated 
by  the  severe  penalty  of  a  fratricidal  war.  Through  the  domains 
incorporated,  Prussia  had  received  an  accession  of  28,000  square 
miles  of  territor}^,  with  a  population  of  4,800,000,  and  was  there- 
fore fully  justified  in  assuming  the  rank  of  a  great  power  in  every 
respect.  Her  domains  were  now  rounded  off  into  a  compact  whole ; 
she  was  now  the  leading  state  of  Germany,  and  for  the  first  time  all 
North  Germany  to  the  ]\Iain  saw  itself  bound  together  through  her 
into  one  great  and  vigorous  political  power. 

The  patriotic  feelings  evoked  by  the  war  had  tended  to  peace 
at  home.  The  new  elections  to  the  house  of  representatives  that 
took  place  on  the  eventful  July  3,  the  day  of  Königgrätz,  resulted 
in  annulling  the  predominance  of  the  '  Party  of  Progress,'  and  in 
the  return  of  a  majority  of  Conservatives  and  moderate  Liberals. 
Army-organization  —  gloriously  justified  as  it  had  been  —  could  no 
longer  constitute  an  apple  of  discord  between  the  government  and 
the  people's  representatives ;  and,  this  out  of  the  way,  the  strife  over 
the  budgets  and  the  constitution  died  away  of  itself.  The  speech  from 
the  throne  on  the  opening  of  the  Landtag,  on  August  5,  breathed  a 
spirit  of  peace  and  concord,  admonishing  that  only  through  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  people's  house  working  together  in  harmony  could 
the  seed  sown  in  so  much  blood  be  brought  to  full  maturity.  It  an- 
nounced that  the  costs  of  the  war  had  been  met  by  the  state's  receipts 
and  funds  in  hand,  and,  frankly  acknowledging  that,  in  consequence  of 
the  domestic  strife,  the  government  had  not  been  conducted  on  con- 
stitutional principles,  asked  indemnity  therefor  on  the  score  of  neces- 
sity, so  that  an  end  might  be  put  to  the  conflict  for  all  time.  The 
speech  closed  by  asking  an  extraordinary  credit  of  60,000,000  thalers 
for  the  army  and  fleet,  and  permission  to  replace  the  moneys  with- 


drawn  from  the  treasury  from  the  compensation  money  received 
from  the  defeated  states.  "  Have  confidence  in  us,"  exclaimed 
Bismarck,  "  that  we  will  employ  these  means  only  for  the  carrying 
out  of  the  policy  we  have  so  auspiciously  initiated."  A  peculiarly 
gratifying  proof  of  the  restoration  of  harmony  between  the  king  and 
people  was  given  by  the  house  when  the  fomier  asked  for  1,500,000 
thalers  wherewith  to  reward  the  more  illustrious  leaders  in  the  war ; 
it  gave  Bismarck  the  first  place,  next  after  him  ranking  the  war- 
minister  von  Roon,  ]\Ioltke,  Herwarth,  Vogel  von  Falkenstein,  and 

The  incorporation  of  the  newly  acquired  territories  was  effected 
by  means  of  a  transition-period,  during  which  the  government  was 
endowed,  till  October  1,  1866,  with  dictatorial  powers.  Of  the  de- 
posed princes,  the  elector  of  Hesse-Cassel  and  the  duke  of  Nassau 
consented  to  compacts  with  the  Prussian  crown.  The  king  of  Han- 
over, on  the  contrary,  maintained  his  hostile  attitude,  till,  in  the  end 
of  September,  1867,  his  former  minister,  Windthorst,  concluded  an 
arrangement  by  which  he  was  secured  in  the  interest  of  16,000,000 
thalers,  without  any  express  renunciation  of  his  claim  to  the  throne. 
By  far  the  greatest  part  of  the  various  peoples  submitted  to  unifica- 
tion with  Prussia  most  reluctantly  and  with  bitterness  of  heart; 
above  all  was  this  the  case  in  Hanover,  where  a  half-smothered 
Guelf  sentiment  continued  to  prevail,  especially  among  the  orthodox 
clergy,  and  in  Schleswig-Holstein.  Tliis  recalcitrant  feeling  was, 
however,  largely  mollified  by  an  avoidance  of  violent  changes,  the 
grant  of  provincial  constitutions,  and  the  assignment  of  not  incon- 
siderable funds  for  home-administration. 

Nevertheless,  remodelled  Prussia  was  to  find  its  full  strength 
and  realize  its  influence  through  intimate  association  with  rejuve- 
nated Germany.  On  August  18,  1866,  sixteen  North-German  gov- 
ernments —  the  others  following  —  entered  into  a  provisional  compact 
of  federation  with  it,  according  to  which  the  new  Confederation 
should  have  a  constitution  based  on  that  of  Prussia  of  June  10, 
1866,  but  with  co-operation  of  a  national  parliament  to  be  chosen  in 
accordance  with  the  election-law  of  1849.  On  December  15  Bis- 
marck submitted  the  draught  of  the  Confederate  constitution  to  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  the  allied  states  invited  to  Berlin,  requiring  only 
such  sacrifices  of  independence  as  were  essential  for  the  general 
good  of  the  entire  Confederation.  It  was  an  entirely  new  experi- 
ment, —  a   confederation    of   monarchies    which    had   hitherto    been 

Vol.  XIX.— 16 


regarded  as  independent,  and  theoretically  were  still  to  remain  so, 
with  no  mere  ideal  of  a  constitution  like  that  formulated  in  St.  Paul's 
Church  at  Frankfort  in  1849,  but  with  one  adapted  to  the  needs  of 
the  peoples.  By  it  the  presidency  was  permanently  united  with  the 
Prussian  crown,  which,  as  representing  the  Confederation,  in  its 
name  was  to  declare  war  and  conclude  peace,  enter  into  alliances 
and  other  compacts  with  foreign  states,  accredit  and  receive  em- 
bassies, and  name  the  state-chancellor.  The  separate  states  were  to 
be  represented  through  the  Federal  Council  (Bundesrat),  Prussia 
having  seventeen  of  the  forty-three  votes,  but  possessing  no  veto  on 
its  decisions. 

February  24,  1867,  the  first  North  German  diet  (Reichstag)  met 
to  determine  on  the  constitution  (Plate  XIV.).  "  The  basis  of  our  re- 
lations," said  Bismarck,  "  shall  not  be  violence  either  towards  princes 
or  people,  but  confidence  in  Prussia's  loyalty  to  covenant ;  and  this 
confidence  will  never  be  shaken  so  long  as  you  manifest  equal  loyalty 
towards  us."  To  the  National  Liberal  party  fell  the  role  of  stand- 
ing as  mediator  between  unification  and  freedom,  principle  and 
expediency;  while  the  ignoring  of  fundamental  laws  made  the  con- 
stitution unacceptable  to  the  'Party  of  Progress,'  whose  fears 
moreover,  that  the  desired  determination  of  the  military  budget  for 
a  series  of  years  might  infer  a  menace  to  freedom,  were  not  to  be 
assuaged  by  Bismarck's  assurance  that  government  desired  "  the 
development  of  the  highest  degree  of  liberty  compatible  with  the 
general  safety."  "Let  us  set  to  work  quickly,"  he  urged,  "and 
place  Germany  in  the  saddle  ;  she  will  soon  ride  of  herself."  Yet, 
after  all,  it  was  the  Confederation's  military  system  that  constituted 
one  of  the  main  points  of  difference  between  the  government  and 
the  Reichstag.  But,  by  the  acceptance  of  a  measure  afterwards  in- 
corporated in  the  constitution,  army  organization  and  the  three  years' 
term  of  service,  so  much  insisted  on  by  the  government,  received 
legal  sanction,  at  first,  indeed,  only  till  the  end  of  1871  ;  but  by  a 
later  vote,  the  Confederate  army  was  made  sure  beyond  this  date, 
as  well  as  a  grant  of  225  thalers  for  each  man  in  it.  A  proposition 
for  the  creation  of  a  federal  ministry  and  a  house  of  peers  Bismarck 
resisted  effectually  on  the  ground  of  its  incompatibility  with  the 
Federal  Council.  On  April  10  the  federal  constitution  was  for- 
mally sanctioned  by  230  votes  to  53;  and  next  day  the  king  closed 
the  Reichstag  with  the  words :  "  The  time  has  come  when  our 
German  people,  through  its  unified  strength,  is  in  a  position  to  main- 



tain  its  rights  and  dignity,  and  insure  peace."  After  receiving  the 
sanction  of  the  various  local  diets  the  constitution  came  into  force, 
July  1,  1867. 

In  the  same  year  met  the  first  legislative  Reichstag  of  the  North 
German  Confederation.  It  approved  of  two  weighty  measures,  pro- 
moted by  the  governments,  —  namely,  of  universal  and  uniform 
liability  to  military  service,  and  of  the  provision  of  extraordinary 
means  for  the  augmentation  of  the  fleet, — sanctioning,  moreover, 
a  general  consular  system ;  the  erection  of  a  supreme  federal  tribunal 
of  commerce  sitting  at  Leipsic;  measures  in  favor  of  greater  indus- 
trial freedom,  and  in  regard  to  emigration  and  the  right  of  workmen 
to  combine;  the  preparation  of  a  general  penal  code;  and  confirming 
the  commercial  code  already  in  existence.  That  the  Zollverein 
should  continue  was  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course.  How  firmly 
established  it  had  become  in  the  course  of  the  three  decades  of  its 
existence  was  evidenced  by  the  quiet  and  regular  manner  in  which 
the  customs-authorities  discharged  their  functions  during  the  war, 
counting  on  their  receipts  as  confidently  as  in  time  of  profoundest 
peace.  But  the  time  had  now  come  for  organizing  it  on  a  yet  faster 
basis.  Henceforth  the  Bundesrat  and  Reichstag  were  to  decide  for 
North  Germany  on  all  matters  of  customs-legislation ;  South  Ger- 
many was  to  take  part  in  the  new  Zollverein  only  on  condition  of 
complying  with  the  necessary  conditions  and  consenting  to  the  annul- 
ment of  the  previous  liberum  veto.  The  new  customs-compact  be- 
tween the  North  German  Confederation  and  the  other  former  members 
of  the  Zollverein,  signed  on  July  8,  1867,  extended  the  duration  of 
the  union  until  1877  ;  the  Bundesrat,  augmented  by  representatives 
of  the  southern  states,  and  a  customs-parliament  superseding  the 
former  customs-conferences.  The  customs-parliament,  immediately 
on  its  meeting,  consented  to  a  new  customs-  and  commercial-con- 
vention with  Austria  in  place  of  that  dissolved  by  the  war  of  1866. 

The  economic  unification  of  the  whole  German  nation  was 
thus,  in  spite  of  the  Main  line  of  separation, 'effected.  But  unity  of 
spirit  was  still  wanting.  The  most  of  the  petty  states  conformed 
themselves  easily  and  willingly  to  the  new  order  of  things,  and 
amalgamated  their  troops  with  those  of  Prussia ;  the  people  of 
Waldeck  even  compelled  their  prince  to  make  over  the  administra- 
tion of  his  little  domain  to  it  for  ten  years,  and  would  have  made 
the  transfer  perpetual  had  not  Bismarck  laid  down  the  principle 
that  the  number  of  the  still  existing  sovereignties  must  not  be  dis- 


tiirbed.  In  Saxony,  on  the  contraiy,  the  conquered  party  endured 
the  'Prussianizing'  with  ill-concealed  antipathy,  and — in  spite  of 
King  John's  formal  assurance  that  he  would  be  as  true  to  the  new 
Confederation  as  he  had  been  to  the  old — regarded  everyone  with 
national  leanings  as  a  traitor  to  his  country.  Still  more  pronounced 
was  the  hatred  of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  to  their  victor.  To  the 
easy-going  South  German  the  militaiy  rigor  of  the  great  North 
German  power  was  especially  ungrateful,  while  Ultramontanism  and 
democracy  saw  in  Prussia  their  most  dangerous  foe.  Würtemberg's 
and  Bavaria's  choice  of  deputies  to  the  customs-parliament  fell 
mainly  on  democratic  particularists.  The  anxiety  of  the  South 
Germans  in  regard  to  an  extension  of  the  competence  of  the  customs- 
parhament,  Bismarck  assuaged  by  the  most  soothing  assurances. 

Baden,  on  the  other  hand,  showed  an  unreserved  readiness  to 
enter  the  North  German  Confederation,  and  even  to  organize  its 
troops  in  association  with  the  Prussian.  Bismarck,  however,  judged 
the  time  was  not  come  for  this.  He  "  would  not  cream  the  milk 
from  fear  of  the  rest  becoming  sour."  The  Hessian  chamber  showed 
a  similar  disposition;  while  in  Bavaria,  on  the  contrary,  the  anti-Prus- 
sian or  '  patriotic  '  party  gradually  got  everything  into  its  own 

On  December  20,  1867,  Bismarck  closed  his  justification  of  his 
Schleswig-Holstein  policy  by  imploring  Germans  at  this  crisis  to 
stand  shoulder  to  shoulder,  and  to  hold  their  eyes  closely  fixed  on 
the  exterior,  so  as  to  keep  watch  in  common  over  the  national  inter- 
ests. No  one  understood  the  full  import  of  his  words  at  the  time ; 
in  little  more  than  two  years  it  was  patent  to  all  the  world. 

For  Austria,  too,  the  day  of  Königgrätz  constituted  a  turning- 
point.  On  it  not  the  Austrian  army  alone,  but  Belcredi's  reaction- 
ary policy  as  well,  suffered  a  signal  defeat.  "  Away  with  this  system," 
was  the  cry  common  to  the  German  press,  whose  mouth  even  the 
state  of  siege  could  not  stop.  The  calls  of  the  government  on 
the  people  to  strain  every  nerve  for  the  country  met  either  with  pas- 
sive resistance  or  contemptuous  defiance.  The  agitation  for  the 
constitution  was  initiated,  July  7,  by  an  address  of  the  common 
council  of  Salzburg  for  the  summoning  of  the  Reichsrat.  Vienna 
responded  to  the  imperial  manifesto  of  the  10th  with  the  prayer  that 
the  capital  should  not  be  exposed  to  the  perils  of  a  conflict,  but 
especially  that  such  constitutional  and  political  reforms  should  be 
introduced   as    were  calculated  to   give  confidence  for  the  future. 


Belcredi  treated  the  appeal  with  contempt,  and  a  direct  address  from 
the  Vienna  common  council  met  with  no  better  reception.  The 
exasperation  became  more  intense.  Above  all,  it  began  to  be  seen 
that,  without  reconciliation  to  Hungary,  nothing  was  to  be  effected. 
A  meeting  of  German-Austrian  deputies  at  Aussee,  on  September 
10,  formulated  as  their  programme  :  "  Dualism,  limited  by  common 
parliamentary  administration  of  affairs  essentially  common ;  repudia- 
tion of  federalism,  and,  instead,  union  with  Hungary,  not  through  the 
provincial  diets,  but  through  the  Reichstag  of  the  hereditary  lands ;  " 
and  already  the  conviction  had  forced  itself  on  the  emperor  that  the 
only  way  out  of  the  difficulty  lay  in  this  direction.  The  victory  at 
Custozza  had  inspired  Belcredi  with  courage  to  adjourn  the  intrac- 
table Hungarian  diet.  But,  anon,  the  day  of  Königgrütz  broke  this 
resolution,  and  suggested  the  thought  of  making  the  continuance 
of  the  war  with  Prussia  practicable  through  immediate  reconciliation 
with  Hungary.  In  profoundest  secrecy,  Deak  was  summoned  by 
the  emperor  to  Vienna.  He  earnestly  counselled  Austria's  separa- 
tion from  Germany,  assuring  the  emperor  that  he  could  then  depend 
all  the  more  securely  on  Hungary  pacified  by  the  concession  of  its 
demands.  For  the  carrying  out  of  this  plan  the  emperor  called  on 
the  dismissed  Saxon  minister,  von  Beust,  whose  fluent  tongue  had 
impressed  him  with  the  belief  that  no  one  else  was  fitted  to  raise 
Austria  out  of  its  state  of  humiliation.  Thus  did  Beust  —  a  Protes- 
tant and  an  alien  —  come  to  undertake  the  heavy  task  of  foreign 
minister,  to  the  satisfaction,  indeed,  of  the  general  public,  but  with 
rancorous  mistrust  on  the  part  of  the  aristocracy.  His  nomination 
as  minister-president,  February  7,  1867,  broke  up  the  cabinet  based 
on  the  October  diploma, 

Beust  took  his  stand  unreservedly  on  the  Aussee  programme. 
The  announcement  which  in  November  g-reeted  the  reconvened 
Hungarian  diet,  that  the  emperor  was  ready  to  concede  its  demands, 
insured  dualism,  with  the  partition  of  the  monarchy  into  two  halves, 
—  one  Cisleithan,  the  other  Transleithan.  Hungary  received  its 
own  responsible  ministry,  with  Count  Gyula  Andrassy  (formerly  con- 
demned to  the  gallows  for  high  treason)  at  its  head;  the  only  matters 
reserved  for  the  general  ministry  in  Vienna  being  the  unified  army, 
foreign  politics,  the  customs,  and  the  public  debt.  In  February, 
1867,  the  Hungarian  constitution,  inclusive  of  the  provisions  of 
1848,  was  rehabilitated ;  and  on  June  8  the  imperial  pair  were 
crowned  in  Buda,  with  all  circumstances  of  ceremony,  inclusive  of  an 


amnesty  for  the  banished  rebels,  and  permission  to  return.  The 
Huno-arian  state,  which  thus  attained  recognition,  consisted  of  four 
members,  —  Hungary,  Transylvania,  Croatia,  and  the  Military  Fron- 
tier. But  scarce  was  the  yoke  removed  from  their  own  necks  when 
the  Magyars  began  an  unscrupulous  system  of  misgovernment  of  the 
others.  The  Military  Frontier  was  left  still  subject  provisionally  to 
the  general  war-ministry,  while  Transylvania  was,  on  the  other  hand, 
simply  incorporated  with  Hungary,  as  was  Croatia  on  June  21, 
186 8,  with,  however,  some  special  provisions,  including  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  special  portfolio  for  Croatia  in  the  ministry  at  Pesth. 
Flume  was  made  into  a  sort  of  free  city.  On  December  29,  amid 
great  rejoicings,  the  Croat  deputies  —  after  twenty  years'  separation 

—  made  their  entry  into  the  Hungarian  lower  house. 

But  for  confirmation  of  the  accommodation  with  Hungary  the 
assent  of  the  other  provinces  also  was  necessary,  and  this  was  not  to 
be  thought  of  without  the  restitution  of  constitutional  privileges  in 
them  also.     This,  however,  encountered  opposition  from  two  quarters 

—  from  the  clerico-feudal  party,  to  which  the  concessions  to  liberalism 
were  an  abomination,  and  from  the  Slavs,  who  demanded  federalism, 
in  place  of  unification,  for  this  half  of  the  empire.  Beust  (Fig.  61) 
made  a  breach  in  this  racial  opposition  by  inducing  the  Gahcian  diet, 
through  important  concessions  to  the  Poles  at  the  cost  of  the 
Germans  and  Ruthenians,  to  send  delegates  unconditionally  to 
the  Reichsrat,  while  a  German-Liberal  majority  was  secured  in 
Bohemia  and  Moravia  by  dissolving  their  diets,  and  bringing  strong 
influence  to  bear  on  the  new  elections.  Dissatisfied  with  this  con- 
dition of  matters,  a  strong  deputation  of  Czechs,  Croats,  Ruthenians, 
and  Slovaks  attended  the  opening  of  the  Slavic  ethnographic  exhi- 
bition at  Moscow  on  May  15,  1867,  to  testify  to  all  the  world  that, 
since  the  victory  of  dualism,  all  their  hopes  centred  in  Russia.  On 
May  22  the  Cisleithan  Reichsrat  was  once  more  reopened,  and 
began  its  labors  with  an  address  as  strongly  reprehensive  of  the  abro- 
gated system  as  was  in  any  way  compatible  with  respect  for  the 
sovereign.  Now,  however,  so  liberal  a  spirit  was  breathed  on  it  from 
above,  that  the  majority  had  no  motive  for  opposition.  The  Cislei- 
than citizen-ministry  (otherwise  the  '  ministry  of  doctors  ')  consti- 
tuted under  Prince  Karlos  Auersperg,  was  accepted  with  enthusiasm. 
Beust,  in  reward  for  his  services  in  pacifying  Hungary,  was  elevated 
to  the  chancellorship  of  the  empire.  In  the  negotiations  of  the 
deputations  summoned  from  both  halves  of  the  empire  to  settle  their 


relations  to  each  other  and  to  the  state,  it  was  soon  seen  how  well 
the  Magyars  knew  to  make  use  of  the  advantages  of  their  position. 
While  the  contribution  of  the  hereditary  lands  for  the  common  needs 
was  fixed  as  high  as  seventy  per  cent,  that  of  Hungary  was  only  tliirty ; 
and,  in  regard  to  the  national  debt,  the  former  had  further  to  bur- 
den themselves  with  a  yearly  contribution  of  twenty-five  millions  for 
ten  years.  Thus  was  inaugurated  the  completely  distinct  financial 
economy  of  the  two  parts  of  the  present  ♦  Austro-Hungarian  jNIon- 
archy,'  and  at  the  same  time  the  transference  of  its  centre  of  gravity 
towards  the  east. 

Fig.  61.  — rriedrich  Ferdinaud,  Count  von  Beust.  Imperial  Chancellor  of  Austria. 
From  the  lithograph  by  Joseph  Bauer. 

A  series  of  laws  of  high  importance  enacted  the  equality  of  all 
citizens  before  the  law ;  complete  liberty  of  faith  and  conscience ; 
the  equal  right  of  all  the  Cisleithan  races  to  the  means  for  cultivat- 
ing their  own  speech,  without  compulsion  to  learn  another;  inde- 
pendence of  the  judiciary ;  the  erection  of  a  supreme  imperial 
tribunal  for  deciding  in  conflicts  of  competency  between  judicial  and 
administrative  authorities,  between  diets  and  the  government,  prov- 
inces and  the  empire  —  thus  developing  the  'February  patent'  of 
1861  into  a  veritable  constitution.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Poles, 
through  the  threat  of   their  withdrawal,  extorted  from  the   Reichs- 


rat  a  very  serious  limitation  of  its  anthority  to  the  effect  that, 
while  the  February  patent  endowed  it  with  all  competence  not 
expressly  reserved  to  the  provincial  diets,  this  relation  was  now 
precisely  reversed.  The  Czechs,  who,  strange  to  say,  found  allies 
in  the  German  high  nobility,  already  went  so  far  as  to  claim  for  the 
crown  of  Wenceslaus  a  dignity  equal  to  that  of  St.  Stephen,  and  to 
deny  the  competence  of  the  Reichsrat  to  deal  with  Bohemian 
matters,  showing  in  every  way  decided  hostility  to  everything  Ger- 
man. The  meetings  of  the  people  on  the  Ziskaberg  took  an  openly 
mutinous  character;  the  German  cashio,  the  national  theatre,  and 
other  obnoxious  buildings  were  demolished  by  the  populace  of 

If  a  special  incitement  was  still  required  to  make  the  clerics  into 
embittered  enemies  of  the  liberal  reforms,  this  was  f m-nished  by  the 
ao-itation  that  sprang  up  in  Cisleithania  against  the  concordat. 
When  the  minister  of  justice,  Hye,  in  the  summer  of  1867,  intimated 
his  purpose  of  submitting  an  interconfessional  law.  Archbishop 
Rauscher  suddenly  interposed  with  a  secret  plenipotentiary  warrant, 
granted  at  the  time  of  the  concordat  negotiations  in  1855,  by  which 
the  government  bound  itself  to  introduce  no  changes  in  church 
matters  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Vatican.  The  attitude  of 
the  bishops  became  still  more  hostile  to  the  government  after  the 
installation  of  the  new  ministry,  but  an  address  of  theirs  against 
constitutionalism  met  with  a  decided  repulse  from  the  emperor. 
The  decision  of  the  upper  house  also  —  after  the  feudal  prepon- 
derance there  was  overcome  by  a  creation  of  peers— in  favor  of 
revision  of  the  concordat  was  hailed  with  acclamations  in  Vienna. 
In  vain  were  all  the  fiery  appeals  of  the  bishops.  On  IMay  25, 
1868,  appeared  the  three  confessional  laws  passed  by  both  houses, — 
a  marriage  law,  conferring  all  jurisdiction  therein  on  the  civil  courts  ; 
a  school  law,  leaving  religious  instruction  to  the  several  churches, 
but  interdicting  their  interference  in  other  educational  matters ;  an 
interconfessional  law,  enacting  that  in  the  case  of  mixed  marriages 
the  male  children  should  follow  the  father,  the  female  the  mother, 
and  forbidding  the  adherents  of  one  chutch  being  made  to  contribute 
to  another.  Little  wonder  that  Beust's  proposal  for  a  new  concor- 
dat, with  repeal  of  the  old,  received  no  welcome  in  Rome !  On  the 
contrary,  a  papal  allocution  appeared  on  June  22"  denouncing  the 
new  laws  as  abominable,  damnable,  and  to  be  altogether  rejected. 
In  its  contest  with  so  many  and   so   powerful  adversaries  the 


German-Liberal  centralizing  system  wasted  its  strength.  It  was  too 
weak  to  cope  at  once  with  the  opposition  of  the  autonomists  and 
the  clerico-feudalists.  The  Czechs  kept  aloof  from  the  Reichsrat; 
the  Poles,  the  clerical  Tyrolese,  the  Istrians,  the  Slovaks,  and  the 
deleo-ates  of  Trieste  now  announced  their  withdrawal.  After  the 
resignation  of  Prince  Auersperg,  in  April,  1869,  partly  in  conse- 
quence of  friction  between  him  and  the  imperial  chancellor,  and 
the  appointment  of  Count  Taafe  in  his  stead,  the  question  of  whether 
the  reluctance  of  the  diets  to  send  delegates  to  the  Reichsrat  should 
be  met  by  having  recourse  to  direct  election  produced  a  breach 
within  the  ministry  itself.  As  the  attempt  to  heal  this  by  the 
partial  reconstruction  of  the  cabinet  under  the  presidency  of  Hasner 
had  to  be  given  up,  there  remained  scarcely  any  alternative  but  that 
of  making  trial  of  federalism.  In  this  conviction  a  new  administra- 
tion, under  the  Polish  Count  Potocki,  was  constituted  in  1870. 
The  attempt  to  unite  the  Cisleithanians  under  the  hegemony  of  the 
Germans,  as  the  Transleithanians  were  combined  under  that  of 
the  Magyars,  thus  proved  a  total  fiasco. 



ON  the  opening  of  the  French  legislative  body  on  February  15, 
1865,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  announced  the  impending 
return  of  his  troops  from  JNIexico  in  these  words  :  "  In  closing 
the  temj)le  of  war,  we  are  proud  to  inscribe  on  a  triumphal  arch  the 
words:  'To  the  glory  of  the  armies  of  France,  for  their  victories  in 
Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  and  America.' "  But  no  rhetoric,  however 
pompous,  could  undo  the  fact  that  the  imperial  policy  had  suffered 
a  crushing  defeat  in  ^Mexico,  not  merely  military,  but  mora]  as  well. 
The  nation  felt  itself  touched  in  its  honor.  The  opposition  assumed 
a  confidence  and  audacity  strange  to  it  since  the  conp  cVetat.  In 
the  municipal  elections,  in  defiance  of  all  efforts  to  the  contraiy,  a 
spirit  hostile  to  the  government  made  itself  manifest. 

The  issue  of  Sadowa,  also,  France  regarded  as  in  effect  a 
national  humiliation.  Napoleon  had  placed  his  stake  on  the  cards 
of  Austria,  and  had  lost.  He  felt  he  must  do  something  to  rehabil- 
itate his  sorely  damaged  prestige ;  and  this  he  determined  to  attempt 
by  operating  on  three  lines :  He  would  purchase  forgiveness  for 
the  miscarriage  of  his  foreign  policy  by  liberal  reforms  at  home ;  a 
reorganization  of  his  army  should  neutralize  the  so  suddenly  mani- 
fested superiority  of  that  of  Prussia;  and,  finally,  an  expansion  of 
territory  towards  the  east  should  realize  the  fundamental  aim  of  his 
policy,  from  which  lie  had  never  suffered  his  eyes  to  deviate,  and  at 
the  same  time  gratify  the  restless  cravings  of  his  people.  The 
failure  of  every  one  of  these  devices  involved,  as  we  shall  see,  his 
own  ruin. 

The  empire  shared  the  fate  of  all  despotisms,  in  breeding  no 
statesmen.  In  vain  did  men  call  for  a  younger  race  able  to  accom- 
plish something.  The  more  obvious  the  emperor's  physical  decay 
became,  the  more  deranged  became  the  guidance  of  France's  policy. 
There  was  no  longer  a  ministry  bound  together  by  identity  of  princi- 
ple ;  each  minister  was  but  the  tool  for  carrying  out  the  purposes  of 
the  nation's  virtually  irresponsible  head.     The  unity  which  charac- 



terized  the  earlier  adherents  of  the  empire  had  vanished ;  such  as 
made  some  profession  (at  least)  of  regard  for  liberty  separated  them- 
selves from  those  whom,  from  their  servile  subserviency,  they  ironi- 
cally nicknamed  '  Mamelukes.'  Count  Morny,  Napoleon's  half- 
brother,  president  of  the  legislative  body,  won  over  Emile  Ollivier, 
deputy  for  Paris,  to  the  contemplation  of  a  fusion  between  the  empire, 
now  in  process  of  transformation,  and  those  liberals  who  were  willing 
to  accept  good  even  from  the  hand  of  a  government  they  disliked  ; 
but  Morny's  unexpected  death  foiled  the  effort  to  build  up  a  dynas- 
tic opposition  in  the  chamber,  and  in  Rouher's  hands  the  reforms 
which  the  emperor  now  felt  to  be  imperative  shrivelled  up  into  mere 
abortions.  "  The  hour  has  come,"  Napoleon  said  in  a  note  addressed 
to  this  minister,  January  19,  1867,  "for  giving  to  our  institutions  all 
the  development  of  which  they  are  susceptible,  and  to  the  people  all 
the  freedom  compatible  with  the  preservation  of  the  power  with 
which  the  country  has  intrusted  its  sovereign."  And  in  what  did 
these  reforms  consist?  First  stood  suppression  of  debates  on  the 
address,  on  the  pretext  that  in  the  five  years  of  their  continuance 
they  had  failed  to  accomplish  their  end,  and  only  served  to  agitate 
the  public  mind  to  no  useful  purpose.  These  were  to  be  superseded 
in  the  future  by  a  "  wisely  ordered  right  of  interpellation."  In 
future  a  special  minister  should  be  charged  with  the  duty  of  repre- 
senting the  government  before  the  senate  and  lower  house,  while  two 
measures  were  to  be  introduced  forthwith,  —  the  one  making  the 
press  again  subject  simply  to  the  common  law,  the  other  relating  to 
the  right  of  combination.  To  the  senate  was  to  be  given  the  right  of 
pronouncing,  not  only,  as  formerly,  on  the  constitutionality  of  new 
laws,  but  on  their  expediency  as  well,  and  whether  they  should  be 
referred  for  consideration  to  the  second  chamber.  Such  were  the 
reforms  which  the  emperor  dignified  wath  the  title  of  "  the  crowning 
of  the  structure  erected  through  the  will  of  the  nation."  To  lessen 
the  evil  impression  caused  by  their  inadequacy,  he  ordered  the  rein- 
stallation of  the  legislative  tribune,  which  had  been  removed  after 
the  coup  (Tetat.  As  the  only  result  of  the  'crowning,'  there  remained 
the  universal  conviction  that  the  genius  and  institutions  of  the  empire 
were  not  in  harmony  with  the  requirements  of  the  nation. 

The  efforts  of  the  emperor  for  the  reform  of  the  anuy  had  an 
issue  still  more  fatally  eventful.  Even  if  the  war  of  1866  had  not 
set  the  necessity  for  this  before  his  eyes,  the  reports  of  his  military 
attache  in   Berlin,  Colonel   Stoffel,  should   have   availed  to  do   so. 


This  official  —  himself  a  distinguished  officer  —  was  never  weary  in 
representing  the  superiority  of  the  Prussian  army,  not  only  in 
respect  of  organization,  but  morally  and  intellectually  as  well. 
"  Who  knows,"  he  asked,  "  in  what  France's  fatal  blindness  to  these 
facts  may  end  ?  Let  us  beware  of  thinking  that,  in  the  next  war, 
we  shall  have  to  do  with  Austrian  troops.  Compared  with  Prussia, 
France,  in  respect  to  general  culture  and  organization,  is  fifty  years 
behind,  while  in  respect  of  material  pleasures  and  self-indulgence 
she  is  two  centuries  ahead." 

One  step  towards  army  reform  the  emperor  took,  by  arming  the 
infantry  with  the  chassepot  rifle ;  but  in  regard  to  other  reforms  not 
less  needful,  his  counsellors  and  the  nation  generally  did  not  lend 
him  support.  When  he  addressed  himself  to  the  mihtary  commis- 
sion constituted  under  his  presidency  for  aid  in  enforcing  universal 
liability  to  service  and  the  formation  of  separate,  independent  army 
corps,  he  met  with  the  most  obstinate  resistance.  The  chambers,  he 
was  told,  would  never  sanction  measures  of  such  a  character;  no 
deputy  could  face  his  constituents  who  voted  for  the  imposition  of 
such  burdens  on  the  people.  The  emperor  —  mortified  to  find  how 
much  his  voice  had  lost  in  influence  —  had  now  recourse  to  another 
plan  for  attaining  his  end.  But  his  new  reorganization  scheme, 
approved  by  the  commission,  of  re-enforcing  the  field  army  to 
800,000  men,  and  for  the  creation  of  a  garde  mobile  400,000  strong, 
for  ser\T.ce  in  the  interior  —  thus  threatening  the  land  with  a  burden 
threefold  heavier  than  formerly  —  was  received,  on  its  promulgation 
in  December,  1867,  with  a  shriek  of  execration  so  universal  that  the 
government  lost  no  time  in  declaring  that  what  it  submitted  was  but 
a  rough  sketch,  capable  of  modification  in  any  direction.  Reform  in 
some  shape  was,  however,  a  matter  of  such  necessity  that  Marshal 
Niel,  immediately  on  his  installation  as  minister  of  war  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  again  took  up  the  subject.  But  he  had  to  make  the  same 
experiences  that  the  emperor  had  done.  The  legislative  body  took 
its  stand  so  determinedly  on  dispensation  from  service,  either  by 
exemption  or  purchase,  that  the  government  saw  itself  compelled  to 
give  way.  One  party,  indeed,  under  the  leadership  of  Jules  Simon 
(Fig.  62),  appealing  to  the  levee  en  masse  of  1792,  declared  for  the 
total  abolition  of  a  standing  army  and  the  substitution  of  a  national 
guard  on  the  Swiss  type ;  another  party,  following  the  banner  of 
OUivier,  reprobated  the  reforms  as  foreshadowing  a  war  of  revenge 
for  Sadowa,  for  which  they  had  no  good  will.     It  fared  worst  of  all 



with  the  garde  ^nobile  in  course  of  formation.  Denial  of  exemption 
by  purchase  made  the  right  of  abstention  from  drill  practically  unre- 
stricted ;  and  Niel's  (Fig.  62)  weak  concessions  —  that  the  exercises 
should  not  exceed  fifteen  in  the  year,  and  should  not  require  any 

Fig.  62.  — Jules  bimou.     From  the  portrait  by  H.  Kull. 

guardsman  to  be  more  than  twenty-four  hours  from  home  —  which 
rendered  the  whole  scheme  virtually  nugatory,  were  incorporated  in 
the  army  law  of  February  1,  1868. 

But  the  main  defect  in-  the  new  army  law  was  not  so  much  that 
it  was  ill-considered,  and   not  adequate  for  its  purpose,  as  that  it 



nurtured  the  vain  belief  that  in  this  armed  agglomeration  of  a  (^arde 
mobile,  P>ance  had  called  into  existence  a  force  able  to  cope  with  the 
Prussian  land  wehr  made  up  of  veteran  soldiers,  and  that  she  had  now 

General  Niel. 

an  army  able  to  measure  swords  with  that  of  any  other  power.  This 
illusion  became  the  more  dangerous  in  proportion  as  the  prickles  of 
Sadowa  touched  the  quick.  That  on  this  battlefield  France  had 
suffered  as  humiliating  a  defeat  as  Austria,  and  that  the  responsi- 


bility  for  this  rested  with  Napoleon  III.,  was  the  immovable  convic- 
tion of  every  Frenchman,  imposing  on  the  emperor  the  imperative 
duty  of  making  up  in  some  other  way  what  had  there  been  lost. 
With  childlike  simplicity  he  sent,  through  his  ambassador,  Benedetti, 
proposition  after  proposition  respecting  '  compensation  '  for  Prussia's 
aggrandizements,  —  speaking  now  of  the  boundaries  of  1814,  again  of 
the  Rhenish  Palatinate  and  Mayence,  of  Luxemburg  and  Belgium, 
and  suggesting  a  treaty  of  alliance.  Bismarck  vetoed  or  ignored  all 
these  proposals  with  equal  imperturbability,  until,  in  January,  1867, 
the  French  government  learned,  first,  of  the  secret  alUance  between 
the  South  German  states  and  Prussia ;  next,  that  the  Count  of 
Flanders,  heir  presumptive  to  the  Belgian  throne,  was  betrothed  to 
the  Princess  Marie  of  HohenzoUern-Sigmaringen,  thus  effectually 
blocking  France's  schemes  on  Belgium.  With  a  heavy  heart  Napo- 
leon had  to  give  up  his  hopes  of  Belgium  and  Rhenish  territories. 
But  he  kept  on  assiduously  forging  new  plans  for  the  acquisition  of 
Luxemburg  at  least. 

While  French  agents  were  busily  at  work  among  the  people  of 
the  grand  duchy,  the  emperor,  with  equal  energy,  entered  into  direct 
negotiations  with  the  king  of  Holland.  Prussia,  he  assured  him, 
"  was  favorable  to  the  transfer  of  the  duchy,  indeed,  she  looked  on 
this  as  the  very  best  means  for  getting  rid  of  the  occupation  of 
the  fortress  with  the  least  injury  to  German  national  sentiment.  A 
refusal  on  his  (the  king  of  Holland's)  part  would  make  a  war  for  the 
satisfaction  of  French  feeling  inevitable,  and  of  that  Holland  would 
most  surely  be  the  first  victim."  In  The  Hague  the  Prussian  victo- 
ries had  aroused  deep  anxiety,  the  queen — a  princess  of  Wiirtemberg 
—  being  a  bitter  foe  to  Prussia.  But  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs 
in  France,  with  a  sick  emperor,  and  the  prospect  of  a  regency,  pre- 
sented an  aspect  little  assuring.  The  first  step,  therefore,  was  to 
secure  Prussia's  concurrence  in  black  and  white.  But  this  was  not 
to  be  extracted  from  Bismarck.  He  referred  the  Paris  cabinet  to  the 
Dutch  king  as  sole  lord  paramount  of  the  territory,  reserving,  how- 
ever, in  mild,  but  scarcely  to  be  misunderstood,  terms,  Prussia's  right 
of  veto  to  its  incorporation  with  France.  Notwithstanding  this 
reservation,  the  emperor  persisted  in  believing  that  Prussia  would 
interpose  no  insurmountable  obstacles,  inasmuch  as  her  assent  would 
draw  her  and  France  nearer  to  each  other,  and  be  an  evidence  of  their 
friendly  relations  to  the  rest  of  Europe.  England  and  Russia,  more- 
over,  started  no  objections.     On    March   19,    1867,    therefore,    the 


French  minister  at  The  Hague,  on  the  pledge  of  the  most  profound 
secrecy,  submitted  liis  proposition,  —  namely,  the  sale  of  Luxemburg 
to  France  in  consideration  of  her  guaranty  for  the  integrity  of  the 
Netherlands  and  of  her  securing  the  concurrence  of  Prussia.  The 
king's  answer  seemed  to  promise  the  best. 

And  never  did  the  imperial  government  stand  more  in  need  of 
some  success.  In  the  legislative  body  the  opposition  made  its 
assaults  on  its  foreign  policy  "with  more  telling  effect  than  ever ; 
Thiers  offering  himself  a  spokesman  for  those  who  ascribed  to  its 
mismanagement  both  the  war  of  1866  and  the  coalition  of  Germany. 
With  German  unification  effected,  France,  he  prophesied,  would  sink 
to  the  level  of  a  second  or  even  of  a  third-rate  power.  She  must 
approximate  herself  to  England,  Austria,  and  the  lesser  powers,  and 
prepare  herself  for  the  struggle.  The  English  alliance  and  peace, 
with  1,200,000  men  under  arms,  were  her  only  safeguards.  "  Not  one 
blunder  more  must  be  made  ! "  "  Garnier  Pages,"  Ollivier  said, 
"  believes  that  what  Bismarck  has  created  will  not  endure.  He  errs ; 
it  will  not  only  endure,  but  it  will  develop  itself  still  further.  The 
day  will  come,  in  the  nearer  or  more  remote  future,  but  infallibly, 
when  the  confederations  of  the  North  and  South  will  draw  nearer 
to  each  other,  and,  despite  of  the  Peace  of  Prague,  join  hands  across 
the  Main," 

From  Berlin,  too,  there  came  an  answer  to  Thiers's  speech.  It 
consisted  in  the  publication  in  the  Preussischer  Staatsanzeiger  of 
March  19,  of  the  treaty  —  offensive  and  defensive  —  with  South 
Germany,  by  which  his  threat,  "  Thus  far  and  no  farther,"  was 
made  a  mere  empty  form  of  words.  The  impression  made  by  this 
disclosure  was  deep  and  wide-spread.  In  The  Hague  it  was  seen 
with  alarm  that  the  relations  between  Paris  and  Berlin  were  by  no 
means  so  cordial  as  French  diplomats  had  represented.  More 
earnestly  than  before  the  king  insisted  on  a  preliminary  understanding 
with  Prussia  in  regard  to  Luxemburg,  and  desired  that  the  cession 
should  be  arranged  through  the  signatories  to  the  treaties  of  1839. 
In  Berlin  he  proposed  the  direct  question  of  what  Prussia  would  say 
if  he  divested  himself  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  grand  duchy.  But 
Prussia  gave  no  explicit  answer,  saying  before  doing  so  it  must 
ascertain  how  the  question  was  regarded  by  its  Confederate  allies,  by 
the  signatories  of  the  treaties,  and  by  German  public  opinion,  adding 
that  the  king  must  take  the  responsibility  of  his  dealings  on  himself. 
This  the  latter  took  as  a  half-consent,  and,  on  March  30,  signified  to 

THE  EXPOSITION   OF  1867.  2o  ( 

the  emperor  his  assent.  In  the  Tuileries  the  affair  was  looked  on 
as  settled,  and  as  a  triumph  wrung  from  Prussia.  Only  the  formal 
sisrnature  was  still  wantingf. 

But  on  the  following  evening  there  came  telegrams  from 
Benedetti  intimating  a  cliange  in  Berlin.  In  view  of  the  agitation  in 
Germany,  the  opposition  of  the  military  party,  and  the  impending 
interpellation  from  the  Liberal  side  through  Bennigsen  (Fig.  64), 
Count  Bismarck  desired  the  postponement  of  the  signing.     On  the 

Fig.  64.  —  E  .  von  Bennigsen.    From  the  engraving  by  Weger.    Original ,  a  photograph. 

3d  the  Berlin  cabinet  gave  it  to  be  known  in  The  Hague  that  it 
would  regard  the  cession  of  Luxemburg  as  a  casus  belli.  This  gave 
the  Dutch  king  a  pretext  for  backing  out  of  the  engagement,  of 
which  he  willingly  availed  himself.  In  the  circumstances  the  ques- 
tion of  the  cession  of   Luxemburg  was  not  again  mooted. 

This  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  German  public  opinion  was 
brought  to  bear  with  effect  on  the  decision  of  any  great  political 
question.  Napoleon  was  beside  himself  with  rage.  In  his  first 
transports  he  was  disposed  rather  to  fight  than  let  escape  the  prey 
be  had  thought  already  his.  In  Berlin  mobihzation  was  contem- 
plated.    But  while  in  Paris  the  emperor's  hands  were  tied  by  the 

VuL.  XIX.— 17 


ill-prepared  state  of  his  army,  in  the  Prussian  capital  an  impediment 
developed  itself  in  the  king's  scruples  to  shed  liis  subjects'  blood  for 
so  trifling  a  cause,  and  especially  in  one  in  which  his  right  was  not 
beyond  question.  Bismarck  asked  him  to  give  him  only  four  days, 
and  ere  their  expiration  he  had  effected  a  compromise.  This  was 
made  the  easier  for  him,  that  France  was  on  the  eve  of  opening  a 
World's  Exposition,  whose  success  the  emperor  was  loath  to  imperil 
by  a  great  war.  Of  indemnification  to  France  nothing  more  was 
heard.  A  diplomatic  conference  met,  at  Russia's  suggestion,  in 
May,  for  the  revision  of  the  treaties  of  1839,  and  resulted  in  a  new 
compact  on  the  basis  of  the  neutralization  of  Luxemburg  under 
the  collective  guaranty  of  the  treaty-powers,  according  to  which 
Prussia  was  to  withdraw  its  garrison,  and  the  fortress  to  be  de- 

The  outcome  of  the  Luxemburg  embroglio  was,  as  Moltke  pointed 
out  in  the  Reichstag,  to  demonstrate  that  a  power  had  been  consti- 
tuted in  the  heart  of  Europe  that,  having  no  desire  for  conquest  it- 
self, was  yet  strong  enough  to  interdict  such  to  its  neighbors.  French 
vanity  might  regard  this  issue  as  a  victory ;  if  so,  it  was  so  petty  a 
one  as  rather  to  resemble  a  defeat.  None  the  less  the  second  Paris 
Exposition  developed  a  splendor  of  pomp  calculated  to  impress  on  all 
the  world — and  especially  on  its  own  people  —  that  imperial  France 
was  the  foremost  of  all  lands.  Paris  saw  within  its  walls  almost  all 
the  rulers  and  princes  of  Europe,  of  whom  none  attracted  so  much 
notice  as  William  of  Prussia  and  the  Czar  Alexander  IL  But 
Napoleon's  attempts  to  allure  the  latter  to  the  side  of  France  proved  a 
failure.  The  unconcealed  sympathy  of  the  French  public  with  a  Pole 
—  Berezowski  —  who  at  a  grand  parade  on  June  G  discharged  two 
shots  at  him,  sent  Alexander  home  more  alienated  than  he  came. 

All  the  more  diügently  did  the  emperor  court  the  friendship  of 
Austria,  whom  tlie  common  desire  of  revenge  for  Königgrätz  seemed 
to  designate  as  an  ally  of  France.  And  he  found  a  congenial  spirit 
in  the  imperial  chancellor,  Benst,  who,  notwithstanding  his  profes- 
sions on  entering  the  Austrian  service  of  burying  the  past,  repelled 
all  Bismarck's  attempts  at  reconciliation.  Equally  obstinate,  and 
even  more  annoying  to  victorious  Prussia,  were  the  dethroned  sov- 
ereigns, blind  King  George  of  ILmover  with  his  '  Guelf  legion ' 
and  the  elector  of  Hesse-Cassel,  who  remained  constant  centres  of 
intrigue,  until  their  attitude  became  a  menace  to  the  general  peace. 
On  March  2,  1868,  the  property  of  both  was  confiscated,  the  interest 


thereof  being  put  at  their  disposal  under  conditions  that  made  them 
innocuous.  Thus,  to  use  Bismarck's  expression,  "the  venomous 
reptiles  were  pursued  into  their  holes."  Such  was  the  origin  of  the 
so-called  '  Reptile  Fund.' 

Austria's  enfeebled  and  distracted  condition  ought  to  have 
admonished  Beust  not  to  provoke  a  new  and  uncalled-for  war  mth 
Prussia.  Nevertheless,  all  his  efforts  were  directed  to  preparing  a 
day  of  vengeance  for  Koniggriitz,  and,  with  this  end,  to  entering 
into  the  closest  possible  relations  with  France.  The  Emperor  Fran- 
cis Joseph  was  on  the  eve  of  setting  out  to  the  exposition  of  1867 
when  the  news  of  his  brother's  execution  in  Mexico  came  to  stop 
him.  In  return  the  French  royal  pair  paid  him  a  visit,  nominally  of 
condolence,  at  Salzburg,  in  August,  1867.  In  reality  the  ol)ject  was 
political ;  and  unquestionably  a  still  closer  understanding  would  have 
been  arrived  at,  had  not  Count  Andrassy  pointed  out  not  only  Aus- 
tria's absolute  need  of  peace,  but  yet  more  emphatically  Hungary's 
unqualified  aversion  to  war  and  the  still  stronger  antipathy  of 
Austria's  German  subjects.  Andrassy's  objections  prevailed,  and 
both  parties  saw  the  expediency  of  avoiding  intervention  in  German 

On  December  11,  1866,  the  French  troops,  in  accordance  with 
the  compact  of  September  15,  186-1,  and  despite  all  the  protests  of 
the  clergy,  were  withdrawn  from  Rome.  The  imperial  government 
had  not  failed  to  admonish  the  Italian  of  its  duty  in  this  event,  but 
w^as  itself  the  first  to  violate  the  treat}'.  For  the  papal  legion  levied 
with  its  concurrence  in  Antibes  and  officered  by  Frenchmen  was 
nothing  but  the  suljstitution  of  one  French  garrison  for  another,  —  a 
fact  put  beyond  question  by  the  despatch  of  General  Dumont  thither, 
in  the  following  July,  virtually  as  its  commander.  The  fidelity  ^^^th 
which  the  Italian  cabinet  had  observed  the  compact  of  1864,  not- 
withstanding the  loud  calls  on  it  to  come  to  Rome,  justified  its  pro- 
test against  this  gross  l)reach  of  it.  Rut  tlie  situation  quickly 
changed.  Ricasoli,  after  the  failure  of  his  scheme  for  rehabilifctting 
the  state-finances  through  the  partial  appropriation  of  the  property  of 
the  church,  retired  to  give  place  to  a  ministry  formed  from  the  Left 
under  Rattazzi.  Garibaldi  judged  that  the  moment  had  come  for 
cutting  the  Gordian  knot  with  the  sword.  He  came  back  direct 
from  the  congress  of  the  '  Friends  of  Peace '  at  Geneva  (of  which  he 
had  been  nominated  honorary  president),  inspired  witli  accumulated 
hate  of  the  Pope  and  the  priesthood.     But  Rattazzi  also  was  mind- 


fill  of  his  obliofations.  He  caused  the  Roman  frontier  to  be  watched 
by  40,000  men;  and  when  Garibaldi  appeared  in  order  to  put  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  movement,  he  was  arrested,  and  sent  home  to  Ca- 
prera.  His  son,  Menotti  Garibaldi,  however,  found  his  way  with  some 
hundreds  of  men  into  Roman  territory.  The  insurrection  gained 
ground,  and  that  the  more  unobstructedly,  that  Rattazzi  retired 
from  office,  leaving  Florence  for  some  days  without  a  government. 
Garibaldi  evaded  the  watchfulness  of  his  guard,  and  put  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  volunteers.  The  revolt  invaded  Rome  itself,  and  the 
situation  of  the  Pope  became  gravely  serious.  Napoleon  w^as  long 
at  a  loss  what  to  do.  A  declaration  in  favor  of  the  Pope  would  alien- 
ate Italy,  on  which  he  calculated  for  his  plans  for  the  future,  while 
his  wife  insisted  on  immediate  intervention.  A  French  corps  under 
General  Failly  appeared  just  in  time  to  avert  the  defeat  of  the  papal 
force  at  Mentana,  on  October  30,  1867,  and  to  compel  the  guerillas 
to  surrender.  "  The  chassepot  has  done  wonders,"  telegraphed  the 
general  to  Paris ;  and  for  the  second  time  the  papal  government  was 
maintained  in  Rome  through  French  occupation. 

Napoleon  wished  to  leave  the  whole  Roman  question  to  be  deter- 
mined by  his  favorite  expedient,  a  congress,  and,  indeed,  sent  out  invi- 
tations for  one  ;  but  the  declinature  of  the  three  non-catholic  great 
powers,  on  the  ground  that  there  was  no  basis  for  an  understanding, 
prevented  the  carrying  out  of  his  idea. 

The  year  1867  closed  with  presages  far  from  favorable  for  the 
empire.  Miscarriage  succeeded  miscarriage  ;  isolation  in  European 
affairs,  and  discontent  and  disaffection  at  home,  combined  to  cast  a 
cloud  of  discredit  on  the  pohtical  genius  men  had  ascribed  to  the  em- 
peror. The  guidance  of  events  had  slipped  out  of  his  hands.  He 
was  no  longer  the  dispenser  of  peace  or  war ;  age  and  sickness  had 
mide  his  need  of  rest  imperative ;  and  his  silence  and  impassiveness 
had  become  more  marked  than  ever.  His  wife's  influence,  too,  pre- 
vailed more  and  more  over  his  power  of  resistance ;  he  stood  in  awe 
of  her  vehemence,  and  at  the  same  time  considered  her  an  astute 
and  well-meaning  counsellor.  Terrible  was  the  intellectual  barren- 
ness that  brooded  over  the  empire.  Napoleon  himself  —  with  assis- 
tance —  compiled  a  life  of  Julius  Caesar,  and  in  this  posed  before 
the  world  as  the  nephew  of  the  new  Caesar  —  a  second  Octavianus 
Augustus,  who  closed  the  era  of  revolutions  and  civil  war,  and 
founded  a  lasting  absolutism.  But  the  age  of  the  Virgils  and 
Horaces,  which  his  hireling  scribes  had  announced  as  inaugurated, 


would  not  materialize.  All  the  emperors  endeavore  to  chain  litera- 
ture to  his  chariot-wheels  resulted  in  failure.  Between  a  govern- 
ment which  suffocated  political  life,  and  a  literature,  such  as  that  of 
France,  that  drew  a  large  portion  of  its  inspiration  from  politics, 
there  yawned  a  great  chasm.  The  spirituelle  women  who  used  to 
lend  such  a  unique  charm  to  French  society  were  extinct.  Romance, 
which  attained  its  meridian  brilliancy  under  the  monarchy  of  July, 
had  degenerated  into  satire,  in  which  the  blase  society  of  the  empire 
took  a  sort  of  pleasure  in  hearing  its  vices  castigated.  But  the 
satire  became  personal,  and  many  of  its  sharpest  missiles  were 
directed  against  the  emperor.  Rochefort,  the  editor  of  the  notorious 
La  Lanterne,  had  to  take  refuge  in  Brussels,  whence  Ids  envenomed 
shafts  flew  in  clouds  over  France.  Even  the  historical  works  of 
this  epoch,  as  Ernest  Renan's  renowned  "  Life  of  Jesus,"'  had  their 
origin  in  the  tendency  antagonistic  to  ('aesarism.  E.  Tenot's 
"  Historical  Studies  on  the  Coup  d'etat "  wounded  the  Empire  more 
deeply  than  the  poisoned  stings  of  La  Lanterns. 

Through  such  influences  the  political  sentiment  became  sensibly 
more  disaffected.  The  republican  party  gave  signs  of  reanimation. 
The  young  Godefroy  Cavaignac,  son  of  the  general,  became  the  hero 
of  the  hour,  because  in  the  presence  of  the  prince  impeiial  he  had 
refused  to  accept  a  prize  from  the  hand  of  the  minister  Duruy.  On 
All-Souls'  Day  there  was  a  republican  demonstration  at  the  grave  of 
the  people's  representative,  Baudin,  shot  down  on  December  3,  1851. 
Subscriptions  for  the  decoration  of  his  grave  were  opened  by  several 
journals,  and  the  enemies  of  Caesarism  flocked  quite  openly  to  con- 
tribute. The  processes  instituted  and  rigorously  pressed  against 
these  papers  gave  the  democratic  party  the  best  opportunity  for  set- 
ting the  coiip  d'etat  and  its  author  in  the  pillory.  A  young  advocate, 
Leon  Gambetta  (Fig.  65),  gained  high  renown  by  his  masterly  and 
impassioned  defence  of  his  clients,  who  through  him  escaped  with 
light  sentences.  From  this  day  forth  Gambetta  was  a  man  of  mark. 
To  all  this  was  superadded  the  unfavorable  state  of  the  finances.  A 
loan  of  700,000,000  francs  was  required  to  meet  innnediately  urgent 
needs,  and  Thieivs  sliowed  that  since  the  institution  of  the  empire 
there  had  been  an  annual  deficit  of  260  to  270  ndllions.  For  this 
deplorable  condition  he  held  responsible  the  false  policy  of  the  govern- 
ment and  the  powerlessness  of  the  chambers  to  "  make  it  hear  the 
truths  which,  honestly  spoken,  would  have  power  to  shake  a  govern- 
ment, but  which,  left  unsaid,  would  destroy  it." 



Fxa.  05.  —  Gambetta.     M'om  the  portrait  Tjy  G.  P.  A.  Healey. 


The  dissatisfaction  pervading  the  country  found  expression  in 
the  general  election  of  1869,  Altliough  the  attempt  again  made  to 
unite  the  whole  liberal  party  in  opposition  to  the  official  candidates 
proved,  as  it  had  so  often  done  before,  a  failure,  yet  the  opposition 
had  so  grown  in  strength  that  it  carried  1*3  seats  out  of  293.  The 
first  impression  made  bj'  tliis  issue  on  the  Tuileries  was  that  now, 
less  than  ever,  could  there  be  any  thought  of  the  extension  of  the 
people's  liberties.  But  when,  immediately  on  the  meeting  of 
the  chambers,  the  middle  or  moderate  party,  116  strong,  arrayed 
itself  against  the  government  with  a  claim  for  the  extension  of  con- 
stitutional riglits  and  for  ministerial  responsil>ility,  tlie  dread  that  l)y 
the  union  of  this  party  with  the  Left  a  hostile  majority  might  be 
constituted,  compelled  to  quite  a  different  conclusion.  An  imperial 
message  of  July  12,  without  yielding  ministerial  responsibility, 
granted  to  the  legislative  body  the  right  of  regulating  its  own  in- 
ternal affairs,  of  choosing  its  bureau,  of  modifying  commercial 
treaties,  and  of  voting  on  the  details  of  the  budget.  Further  con- 
cessions were  held  in  view.  The  result  of  the  elections,  however, 
was  that  the  majority  of  the  ministers  gave  in  their  resignations,  and 
that  the  'vice-emperor,'  Rouher,  was  transferred  to  the  lucrative 
sinecure  of  the  presidency  of  the  senate.  A  senatorial  decree  of 
September  8  confirmed  the  constitutional  changes.  Imperialism  had 
entered  on  a  perilous  crisis.  "  The  empire,"  Persigny  had  written 
to  the  emperor  in  December,  1867,  "is  tottering  on  all  sides. 
Wherefore  make  plans  for  repairing  a  house  that  is  on  fire  ?  " 

The  Restoration  and  the  monarchy  of  July  had  entirely  excluded 
the  lower  classes  from  the  franchise  by  a  high  qualification.  The 
second  republic  left  the  fatal  legacy  of  universal  suft'rage,  Avhich 
Louis  Napoleon  abused  to  base  liis  absolutism  on  the  dread  of  the 
propertied  classes  for  anarchy.  In  the  feeling  that  his  system  could 
not  bear  parliamentary  discussion,  his  government  gave  almost  exclu- 
sive prominence  to  foreign  politics  to  the  studied  ignoring  of  parlia- 
mentarism ;  but  \vhen  its  external  mishaps  compelled  it  to  slacken  the 
bit  at  home,  it  saw  itself  in  a  situation  having  all  the  disadvantages 
of  parliamentary  regime  Avithout  its  compensation  —  namely,  that  of 
enabling  the  government  to  share  responsibility  with  the  representa- 
tives of  the  people.  Ever  since  1863  every  new  election  had  been 
followed  by  a  new  shock  to  Caesarian  absolutism.  Every  new  con- 
cession to  public  opinion  was  like  a  breach  through  whicli  tlie  foe 
could  pour  in,  while  the  wall  itself  was  weakened.       Thiiiiis  could 


not  remain  as  they  were.  The  degree  of  heat  to  which  the  dema- 
gogic passions  had  attained  was  evidenced  by  the  terrible  excitement 
over  the  killing  of  the  journalist,  Victor  Noir,  who,  in  carrying  a 
challenge  from  Rochefort  to  Prince  Pierre  Bonaparte,  was  assailed  by 
the  vilest  abuse,  struck  in  the  face,  and  finally  shot  down.  His  inter- 
ment was  a  virtual  republican  demonstration.  The  trial  of  the 
prince  resulted,  indeed,  in  his  acquittal ;  but  the  journals  teemed  with 
the  wildest  invectives  against  the  empire.  With  repubhcanism  pure 
and  simple  the  government  would  have  had  no  great  difficulty  in 
dealing ;  but  it  was  seriously  concerned  about  the  gro\^  th  and  atti- 
tude of  the  middle  party,  which  threatened  to  spread  desertion  even 
among  the  ranks  of  its  own  partisans.  The  emperor  had  now  to  decide 
between  reverting  to  absolute  autocracy  or  going  still  further  onwards 
in  the  path  of  reform,  and  reconstructing  his  rule  on  a  liberal  basis. 
Of  these  alternatives  he  chose  the  latter.  In  the  eloquent  deputy 
Emile  Ollivier,  he  believed  he  had  discovered  the  man  to  infuse  new 
blood  into  the  veins  of  already  effete  imperialism.  On  February  2, 
1870,  Ollivier  formed  a  ministry  chosen  from  the  moderate  party,  in 
which  he  himself,  as  keeper  of  the  seal,  undertook  the  department  of 
justice  as  well  as  that  of  instruction. 

Thus  had  the  empire  acquired  a  parliamentary  administration 
much  the  same  as  had  existed  under  preceding  governments.  But 
Bonapartism  and  parliamentarism  were  things  so  alien,  that  it  was 
impossible  that  the  reconciliation  between  them  could  be  genuine. 
Napoleon  called  to  mind  the  source  of  his  power.  The  offspring  of 
the  plebiscite  of  1852,  it  required  the  sanction  of  a  new  plebiscite 
for  the  modifications  it  had  since  undergone.  On  JNIarch  21  the 
keeper  of  the  seals  was  commissioned  to  prepare  a  Senatus  consultum, 
confirming  the  amended  constitution.  On  April  20  it  was  ready. 
"  Changes  in  the  constitution,"  it  said  in  its  most  important  provis- 
sions,  "  can  be  effected  only  through  the  people  on  the  motion  of 
the  emperor.  The  emperor  is  responsible  to  the  people,  to  whom  he 
is  entitled  at  all  times  to  appeal.  He  commands  the  forces  on  land 
and  water ;  declares  war ;  concludes  treaties  of  peace,  alliance,  and 
conmierce ;  nominates  to  all  offices ;  and  authorizes  the  dispositions 
necessary  for  the  carrying  out  of  the  laws."  On  May  8  the  French 
people  were  summoned  to  their  comitia  to  vote  on  the  following 
plebiscite :  "  The  people  sanction  the  liberal  reforms  wliich  have 
been  effected  by  the  emperor  in  co-operation  with  the  great  corpo- 
rate state-bodies  since  1860,  and  confirm  the  Senatus  considtiim  of 

The  OLLI  vier  minis  tut. 


April  20,  1870.""     The    'Ayes'    numbered  7,350,142;    the  'Noes,' 

Ill  all  the  greater  cities  —  Strasburg  excepted  —  the  '  Noes '  were 
in  the  majority ;  even  the  army  gave  40,000  negatives.  Yet  the 
assenting  majority  was  so  great  that  it  gave  the  emperor  and  per- 
sonal rule  a  feeling  of  strength  and  confidence.  "  Prussia  had  its 
triumph  at  S ad owa,"- boasted  Ollivier  (Fig.  66)  on  June  30;  "the 
empire  has  had  its  in  the  plebiscite.     Henceforth  the  world  acknowl- 

FiG.  66.  —  Einile  Ollivier.     From  the  engraving  by  A.  Weger.    Original,  a  photograph. 

edges  the  supremacy  of  France."  Armed  with  the  plebiscite  and 
with  Niel's  army -law,  Napoleon  held  liimself  fully  equij)ped  to  ex- 
tort from  the  intractable  Prussians  by  force  -what  they  liad  hitherto 
denied  to  his  blandishments.  The  empress  and  her  clerical  coterie  — 
which  preached  a  federation  of  the  Catholic  I^atin  races  against  the 
Protestant  Teutonic  peoples  —  were  on  fire  with  eagerness  for  the 
conflict.  The  recall  of  the  Duke  of  Gramont,  ambassador  in  Vienna, 
to  assume  the  guidance  of  the  foreign  office,  was  the  first  step  t()\\ards 



converting  into  fact  what  had  been  hitherto  only  the  object  of  tlie 
most  secret  schemes. 

It  \\as  long  since  the  world  had  wrapped  itself  so  confidently  in 
the  dream  of  peace  as  it  did  now.  So  fully  did  this  seem  assured 
that  Virchow  (Fig.  67),  on  October  21,  1860,  made  a  motion  in  the 
Prussian  lower  house,  in  the  name  of  the  '  Party  of  Progress,'  for 
reducing  the  military  expenses  of  the  North  German  Confederation, 
and  bringing  about  a  general  disarmament  througli  diplomatic  nego- 
tiations. Neither  he  nor  Deputy  Lasker,  who  urged  tlie  imme- 
diate accession  of  Baden  to  the  Confederation,  liad  any  suspicion  of 

V  r ... 

Fig.  07. — Eudolf  Vircliow.     From  the  coiiper-plate  engraving  by  H.  Koemer,  1883. 

wliat  was  going  on  behind  the  scenes  on  the  hist(nieal  stage.  This 
was  nothing  less  than  a  Franco-Austro-ltalian  conspiracy  —  guided 
from  Paris  —  for  a  common  war  against  Prussia  and  the  North  Ger- 
man  Confederation. 

Since  the  meeting  of  Napoleon  and  Francis  Joseph  at  Salz.burg, 
in  August,  1867,  a  constant  interchange  of  letters  went  on  between 
them  down  to  1869,  the  result  being  a  mutual  and  profoundly 
secret  pledge  of  alliance.  Concurrently  with  this  there  went  on 
—  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Vienna  cabinet —  a  correspondence  be- 
tween Napoleon  and  Victor  Ennnanuel,  who  felt  himself  bound  to 


the  author  of  Italian  unity.  Begun  in  18G8,  it  went  on  till  June, 
1869,  Alenabrea  (Fig.  68;,  president  of  the  Italian  cabinet,  being 
his  king's  sole  confidant.  The  Roman  question  proved  for  a  long 
time  an  obstacle  to  an  understanding.  However,  not  to  lose  en- 
tirely the  fruit  of  so  much  pains,  the  three  sovereigns  continued 
their  interchange  of  letters,  these  embodying,  if  not  a  formal  treaty, 
at  least  promises  of  mutual  help  in  the  war  supposed  to  be  impend- 
ing. In  February,  1870,  the  Archduke  Albert,  the  victor  of  Cus- 
tozza,  appeared  in  Paris  to  concert  a  connnon  plan  of  campaign. 
The  discovery  of  a  casus  belli  was  left  to  Napoleon,  —  Beust  condi- 
tioning only  that  this  should  not  be  found  in  a  German  question, 
for  this  would  throw  the  whole  country  into  the  arms  of  Bismarck. 
Napoleon,  on  the  other  hand,  believed,  like  all  Frenchmen,  that  all 
south  Germany  yearned  to  be  set  free  from  subjection  to  Prussia. 

Beust  suggested  as  a  pretext  some  Eastern  question.  The  Tui- 
leries,  instead,  began  to  feel  its  way  towards  proposing  a  general 
disarmament,  thinking  in  this  way  to  find  a  specious  pretext  for 
war  with  Prussia.  Leboeuf,  Niel's  successor  as  minister  of  war, 
proposed  a  reduction  of  10,000  men  in  the  annual  levy.  But 
the  scene  was  suddenly  changed ;  and,  instead  of  the  disarmament 
question,  quite  another  —  that  of  the  candidature  for  the  Spanish 
throne  —  came  to  the  foreoround. 

The  Spanish  throne  had  been  vacant  since  October  3,  1868.  The 
selfish  and  short-sighted  policy  of  the  Moderados  (reactionaries)  in 
marrying  the  youthful  queen,  Isabella,  to  her  impotent  kinsman, 
Don  Francisco,  secured,  indeed,  its  immediate  object  of  keeping 
their  party  in  power,  but  in  its  later  consequences  worked  their  own 
ruin  as  well  as  that  of  the  queen.  An  insane  attenq)t  on  the 
queen's  life,  February  2,  1852,  by  a  priest  named  ]\Ierino,  gave 
occasion  to  the  last  outburst  of  Spain's  traditional  loyalty  for  its 
sovereigns,  but,  at  the  same  time,  to  the  adoption  of  measures  of 
Draconic  severit}-,  which,  in  conjunction  with  the  licentiousness 
prevailing  in  the  royal  household  and  the  maladministration  of  the 
]\Ioderados,  fostered  the  spread  of  anti-dynastic  tendencies.  On 
June  30,  1854,  the  Progressist  revolution,  with  General  O'Donnell 
as  its  leader,  reared  its  head  victoriously  at  Vicalvaro,  a  village  near 
Madrid.  The  queen-mother,  Maria  Christina,  the  mainstay  of  the 
absolutists,  had  to  take  refuge  in  Portugal.  The  constituent  Cortes 
were  summoned,  professedly  for  the  purpose  of  instituting  a  genu- 
inely liberal  government,  in  reality  very  much  more  with  a  view  to 



Fig.  68.  —  General  Meaabrea.     From  a  photograph. 


the  gratification  of  personal  ambition,  which  lay  too  much  at  the 
root  of  the  whole  movement.  After  O'Donnell  succeeded  in  eject- 
ing Espartero  from  the  presidency  of  the  ministry,  he  dismissed  the 
members  of  the  Cortes  to  their  homes,  any  resistance  being  over- 
powered by  force.  Espartero  retired  definitively  into  private  life. 
For  a  short  time  O'Donnell  had  to  make  way  for  INIarshal  Narvaez  ; 
but  on  regaining  possession  of  the  helm,  June  30,  1858,  he  sought 
—  though  with  but  indifferent  success — to  confirm  his  position  by 
raids  into  the  domain  of  foreign  politics.  A  perfectly  purposeless 
campaign  was  undertaken  in  Cochin-China  on  the  futile  pretext  of 
avenging  the  maltreatment  of  Spanish  missionaries  there.  A  second 
war  against  Morocco  resulted,  indeed,  in  victory ;  but  the  peace, 
prematurely  concluded  in  face  of  a  new  Carlist  rising,  bore  no  pro- 
portion to  the  sacrifices  made  by  Spain  or  to  the  high-wrought  ex- 
pectations of  its  people.  The  fruitless  attempt  to  reduce  San 
Domingo,  the  resultless  participation  in  the  Mexican  expedition,  the 
inglorious  war  against  Chile  and  Peru, — dragging  its  slow  length 
down  to  1869,  —  all  combined  to  show  how  hopeless  it  was  for 
Spain,  in  her  age  of  internal  weakness,  to  attempt  to  emulate  the 
glories  of  her  great  days.  At  home  these  repeated  disillusions 
served  to  sever  the  last  weak  ties  that  l)ound  the  Progressistas  to  the 
throne.  Largely  re-enforced  in  numbers,  and  under  the  leading  of 
Sagasta,  Olozaga,  and  Prim  (Fig.  69)  they  announced  themselves  as 
the  party  of  the  revolution.  By  their  side  the  democrats  began  to 
take  shape  as  a  separate  party.  For  years  pronunciamentos  abounded, 
which  became  more  menacing  with  every  new  issue.  Prim  was  the 
hero  of  the  revolutionists ;  but  he,  after  repeated  defeats,  had  in 
February,  1866,  to  take  refuge  in  Portugal.  Thence  he  sent  out  in- 
vitations to  the  heads  of  the  opposition  to  meet  for  consultation,  on 
August  16,  at  Ostend,  and  here  an  alliance  between  the  Progressistas 
and  democrats  was  sealed  by  the  resolution  to  set  a  new  revolution 
on  foot.  A  rising  initiated  in  August,  1867,  proved,  indeed,  a  failure  ; 
but  a  conviction  began  to  grow,  even  among  the  Moderados,  espe- 
cially after  Narvaez's  death  on  April  28,  1868,  that  the  queen,  now 
the  tool  of  the  lowest  creatures,  should  no  longer  lie  permitted  to 
occupy  the  throne.  The  Unionists  —  that  is,  those  who  advocated 
an  Iberian  union  under  the  house  of  Braganza — held  out  their 
hand  to  the  Progressistas:  others  made  advances  to  the  duke  of 
Montpensier,  the  husband  of  the  queen's  sister,  the  Infanta  Louisa, 
"Vvho  declared  himself  ready  and  willing  to  come  to  the  help  of  his 



sister-in-law  \vith  both  person  and  means.  Ultiniatel}',  as  the 
parties  could  not  agree  among  themselves,  it  was  resolved  to 
dethrone  Isabella,  and  leave  all  beyond  this  to  be  determined  by  the 

Fig.  69.  —  General  Prim.     From  a  photograph. 

Instructed  of  these  plots,  Gonzalez  Bravo,  Narvaez's  successor, 
caused  a  number  of  the  suspected  generals  to  be  arrested  and  de- 
ported to  the  Canary  Isles,  and  at  the  same  time  warned  ]\Iontpensier 
to  leave  the  country.  He  further  secured  Napoleon's  good-will  by 
offering  to  send  Spanish  troops  to  protect  the  pope,  in  case  the  French 
should  have  to  be  recalled  from  Rome.      It  was   even  purposed 


that  the  emperor's  friendship  should  be  still  furtlier  confirmed  by  a 
personal  meeting  with  Isabella,  when  the  fleet  under  Admiral  Topete 
in  the  harbor  of  Cadiz  gave  the  signal  for  a  rising.  Prim  re-arj- 
peared,  according  to  concert  the  banished  generals  landed  on 
September  19,  Seville  rose,  and  on  the  28th  Serrano  defeated  at 
Alcolea,  on  the  Guadalquivir,  the  royalists,  who  went  over  in  a  body 
to  the  victors.  The  movement  spread  ;  the  revolution  was  proclaimed 
in  Madrid ;  on  October  3  Serrano  entered  tlie  capital  amid  the  accla- 
mations of  the  people,  and  instituted  a  provisional  government.     The 

throne    of    the    Bourbons  —  rotten    through    internal    corruj^tion 

collapsed.  The  queen  fled  to  France,  where  she  abdicated  in  favor  of 
her  son,  Alfonso.  Unionists  and  Progressistas  shared  the  ministerial 
portfolios  among  them.  But  while  all  was  jubilant  exultation  in 
Madrid,  the  republican  propaganda  raised  its  head  in  Catalonia ;  and 
the  eloquence  of  Castelar  and  Fernando  Garrido  spread  its  doctrines 
through  the  provinces,  till  republican  clubs  were  formed  in  the 
greatest  and  richest  cities  of  the  land.  Of  the  forty-nine  provinces  of 
Spain,  republican  deputies  to  the  Constituent  Cortes  were  sent  up 
from  twenty-five.  Still,  among  the  three  main  parties,  the  ascend- 
ancy remained  with  the  Progressistas.  The  article  which  declared 
monarcliy  the  form  of  government  in  S[)ain  w^as  accepted  by  the 
Cortes  by  214  voices  against  71.  On  June  6,  1869,  there  followed 
the  formal  promulgation  of  the  new  constitution.  By  the  nomination 
of  Serrano  to  the  provisional  regency.  Prim  —  once  more  premier  and 
war-minister  —  saw  his  plan  for  honorably  retiring  the  victor  of 
Alcolea  from  active  politics  successful.  Republican  risings  in 
several  places  were  suppressed  by  force. 

But  there  was  still  wanting  a  candidate  for  the  throne  \\\\o 
would  be  acceptable  to  all  the  three  parties.  Prince  Frederick 
Charles  of  Prussia,  the  hero  of  Königgrätz,  was  thought  of;  but 
his  creed  constituted  an  insurmountable  obstacle.  Then  came  into 
consideration  successively  the  young  duke  of  Genoa,  King  Ferdinand 
of  Portugal,  and  the  duke  of  Aosta  ■ —  all  without  result.  All  the 
more  eagerly  did  Montpensier  now  put  forward  his  claim ;  but  after 
killing  his  old  personal  enemy,  the  Infant  Henry  of  Bourbon,  in 
a  duel,  March  13,  1870,  he  was  sentenced  by  a  court-martial  to 
banishment  fifty  miles  from  Madrid.  The  Cortes  could  think  of 
nothing  better  than  to  endow  Prim  with  absolute  plenipotentiary 
power  to  deal  with  the  question  of  the  candidacy. 

Already,  in  February,  1869,  the  deputy  Salazar  y  Mazaredo  had 



drawn  Prim's  attention  to  Prince  Leopold  (Fig.  70)  of  HohenzoUem- 
Sigmaringen,  the  elder  brother  of  Prince  Charles  of  Rumania,  who, 
besides  his  personal  qualifications,  had  the  additional  one  of  being 
husband  of  the  king  of  Portugal's  sister.  Salazar  betook  himself 
in  person  to  Sigmaringen  to  make  offer  of  the  crown  to  the  prince ; 
but  he,  after  caret  idly  informing  himself  in  regard  to  the  distracted 
state  of  the  country,  absolutely  declined. 

Fig.  70. — Leopold,    Hereditary  Prince  of  HohenzoUem-Sigmaringen. 
engraving  by  A.  Weger.     Original,  a  photograph. 

rrom  the 

In  no  way  disconcerted  with  this  disappointment.  Prim,  next 
summer,  again  knocked  at  the  door  in  Sigmaringen,  and  this  time 
with  better  success.  After  some  hesitation,  the  prince  promised  to 
accept  if  he  was  the  choice  of  the  Cortes,  and  on  June  28  received 
from  King  William,  as  head  of  the  family,  the  assurance  that  he 
would  not  oppose  his  ^vish.  In  INhidrid  the  prince's  name  was  on 
every  lip;  although  Prim,  in  his  re{)ort  on  the  situation  to  the  Cortes, 
had  not  once  mentioned  it.  All  the  more  must  Prim  have  been  sur- 
jjrised  when,   on   July  2,   the    French    ambassador,   Mercier,  while 


utterly  disavowing  any  official  instructions,  and  professing  to  express 
only  his  own  individual  opinion,  told  him  that  in  the  choice  of  a 
Prussian  prince  —  so  already  had  French  diplomacy  begun  to  desig- 
nate Prince  Leopold,  although,  in  point  of  fact,  he  stood  nearer  to 
the  Bonapartes  than  to  the  royal  house  of  Prussia  ^  —  the  public 
sentiment  of  France  would  recognize  a  defiance,  and  that  this  senti- 
ment Napoleon  could  not  suffer  to  be  outraged.  With  justifiable 
feeling  Prim  replied  that,  in  that  case,  he  had  Ijetter  name  a  candi- 
date himself;  for,  in  his  view,  Ilohenzollern  excluded,  there  remained 
only  the  alternatives  of  Montpensier  or  Üie  republic.  This  challenge 
Mercier  evaded  on  the  plea  of  waiting  the  official  answer  from  Paris. 
This  answer,  which  might  have  resolved  the  whole  difficulty,  did  not 
come  ;  and  at  length  the  ministerial  council,  weary  of  waiting,  came 
to  the  conclusion  to  recommend  the  hereditary  prince  to  the  Cortes 
which  was  summoned  to  meet  on  the  20th.  Till  then  it  was  agreed 
to  keep  his  name  secret. 

The  suspicion  that  Mercier's  procedure  had  been  strictly  pre- 
scribed from  Paris  \Aas  converted  into  almost  a  certainty  by  the 
further  action  of  the  French  government.  Instead  of  stating  its 
objections  in  ^Madrid,  the  only  appropriate  place,  it,  contrary  to  all 
diplomatic  usage,  addressed  itself  to  Berlin,  the  Hohenzollern  candi- 
dature having  been  meanwhile  heralded  through  the  press  to  all 
Europe.  In  a  telegram  to  le  Sourd,  the  French  charge  (T affaires  in 
Berlin,  the  duke  of  Gramont  spoke  in  a  tone  of  unconcealed  menace 
of  the  bad  impression  made  by  the  news  of  this  intrigue,  with  which 
it  was  to  be  hoped  the  Prussian  cabinet  had  had  nothing  to  do.  On 
July  4  Secretary  von  Thile  gave  le  Sourd  the  thoroughly  correct 
answer  that,  for  the  Prussian  cabinet,  the  Spanish  question  had 
really  no  existence,  but  that  the  cabinet's  impression  was  that  the 
Spaniards  possessed  the  right  of  offering  their  crown  to  whom  they 
chose,  and  that  acceptance  or  declinature  lay  wholly  with  him  to 
whom  the  tender  was  made.  On  the  very  same  day  Gramont  re- 
ceived an  identical  answer  from  the  Prussian  ambassador,  von 
Werther;  but  this  minister  had  the  weakness  of  promising  to  instruct 
the  king,  whom  he  was  about  to  see  at  Ems,  in  regard  to  the  feeling 
prevailing  in  Paris,  and  to  communicate  his  answer  by  telegraph. 

But  in  Paris  the  answer  was  not  w^aited  for.     A  fevered  excite- 

1  Prince  Leopold's  father  was  son  of  the  French  princess.  Marie  Antoinette,  a 
niece  of  Murat,  king  of  Naples.  His  mother  was  the  Princess  Josephine,  a  daujjhter 
of  the  Princess  Stephanie,  sister  of  Hortense  de  Beauharnais.  —  Tr. 

Vol.  XIX.— 18 


nieiit  seemed  to  pulse  in  every  vein,  and  to  affect  the  judgment  of 
almost  every  one.  On  the  5th  the  deputy  Coehery  submitted  an 
interpellation  in  the  chamber  regarding  the  candidature.  In  the 
evening  the  ministerial  council  met  to  consult  upon  their  answer; 
and  one  was  agreed  on  which,  while  barring  the  choice  of  the  prince, 
seemed  to  dispose  of  the  matter  in  a  peaceful  way.  But  at  a  second 
sitting  next  morning  the  emperor,  to  the  surprise  of  the  ministers 
uninitiated,  assumed  —  probably  through  the  influence  of  his  wife 
over  night  —  quite  a  different  tone.  A  sharper  resolution,  aimed 
directly  against  Prussia,  was  adopted;  and  this  Gramont  read,  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  6th,  in  the  chamber.  "  We  will,"  it  said,  "  avoid 
every  interference  in  the  domestic  concerns  of  the  Spanish  people ; 
but  we  do  not  believe  that  respect  for  the  rights  of  a  neighboring 
nation  obliges  us  to  bear  patiently  that  a  foreign  power,  by  placing 
one  of  its  prmces  on  the  throne  of  Charles  V.,  should  disturb,  to  our 
prejudice,  the  existing  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  and  imperil  the 
interests  and  honor  of  France.  Tliis  eventuality  will  not,  we  firmly 
hope,  occur.  We  calculate  on  the  wisdom  of  the  German  people ; 
and  on  the  friendship  of  Spain.  But  should  it  be  otherwise,  we, 
strong  in  your  support  and  that  of  the  nation,  will  know  how  to  do 
our  duty  without  weakness  or  hesitancy." 

This  declaration  was  received  by  the  chamber  with  a  storm  of 
applause.  Only  two  voices  on  the  Left  were  raised  in  opposition  to 
the  virtual  declaration  of  war.  When  the  deputy  Picard  demanded 
the  submission  of  documents,  Granier  de  Cassagnac  called  out, 
"  Documents  are  uncalled  for  when  the  dignity  and  security  of 
France  are  at  stake."  From  the  chamber  the  frenzy  spread  to  the 
public.  The  press  joined  in  the  war-chorus.  The  Spanish  candida- 
ture fell  quite  into  the  background,  and  men  saw  only  the  Caudine 
Forks  where  Prussia  should  pass  under  the  yoke.  The  only  fear 
was  that  she  might  extricate  herself  from  the  strait  into  which  she 
was  driven.  Girardin  in  La  Liberie  exclaimed :  "  Will  Prussia, 
through  dread  of  imperilling  Bismarck's  work,  not  agree  to  fight? 
Good  I  Then  we  must,  with  the  butts  of  our  muskets  at  her  back, 
drive  her  across  the  Rhine,  and  compel  her  to  give  uj^  the  left  bank." 
Yet,  anxious  to  evade  the  charge  of  being  a  peace-breaker,  Gramont 
besought  the  English  Granville-Gladstone  cabinet  to  work  in  favor 
of  peace  in  Berlin  and  Madrid.  On  July  8,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
declared  to  Lord  Lyons,  the  English  ambassador,  that  Prussia's 
silence  made  it  impossible  to  his  government  longer  to  delay  military 


preparations,  indicating,  at  the  same  time,  the  prince's  voluntary 
renunciation  as  the  best  resolution  of  the  difficulty,  and  begging  the 
English  government  to  use  its  whole  influence  to  secure  this.  On 
the  evening  of  July  7  Benedetti,  then  at  Wild  bad,  received  a  tele- 
gram from  Gramont  (Fig.  71),  directing  him  to  proceed  at  once  to 
the  king  at  Ems,  and  require  him  to  advise  the  prince  to  recall  his 

Fig.  71.  — The  Duke  of  Gramont.     From  the  engraving  by  A.  Weger.     Original, 

a  photograph. 

The  provisional  government  in  ]\Iadrid  was  not  a  little  discon- 
certed by  the  disturbance  to  which  Prince  Leopold's  candidature  had 
given  rise.  The  foreign  minister,  Sagasta,  hastened  to  rectify,  in  a 
circular,  Gramont's  imputation  that  some  foreign  power  had  in- 
fluenced the  choice.  Salazar,  who  had  conducted  the  negotiations 
with  the  prince,  publicly  affirmed  that  the  king  of  Prussia  liad  in  no 
way  interfered  in  the  matter.  On  tlie  evening  of  July  8  Gramont 
received  from  Madrid  the  intimation  that  Prim  was  ready  to  facili- 
tate the  withdrawal  of  the  prince.     This  effected,  the  cams  belli  dis- 


appeared.  But  Gramont  telegraphed  to  Benedetti:  "The  candida- 
ture is  Prussian ;  and,  since  the  king  set  it  afoot,  to  him  alone  you 
must  address  yourself."  He  expressly  forbade  him  to  speak  with 
the  prince,  who,  indeed,  was  not  in  Ems.  As  the  ambassador  was 
quite  sensible  of  the  delicacy  of  the  situation,  he  was  careful  to 
assume  a  tone  at  once  temperate  and  respectful,  sedulously  guarding 
himself  against  speaking  of  orders  to  be  given  to  the  candidate. 
The  king  did  not  conceal  from  him  that  in  Gramont's  declaration  m 
the  chamber,  he  saw  a  challenge,  but  yet  was  at  pains  to  explain 
that  the  Prussian  government  had  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with 
the  matter.  He  himself  had  spoken  for  the  first  time  on  the  subject 
when  Leopold  asked  his  consent,  and  then  he  had  simply  said  that 
he  believed  nothing  could  be  said  against  his  intention.  Even  yet 
he  could  not  Avithdraw  from  this  attitude  ;  but  if  his  kinsmen  —  both 
father  and  son  —  were  disposed  to  withdraw  their  assent,  he  would 
do  nothing  but  approve  their  decision.  In  accordance  with  this,  von 
Werther,  who  returned  to  his  post  in  Paris  on  the  evening  of  the 
11th,  was  commissioned  to  assure  the  emperor  of  the  king's  jjeaceful 
disposition,  but  warned  against  suggesting  any  step  that  might  com- 
promise his  sovereign's  dignity.  Until  the  arrival  of  an  answer 
from  Sigmaringen,  King  William  declined  to  say  more. 

But  this  did  not  by  any  means  satisfy  the  fiery  duke  of  Gramont, 
who  was  beside  himself  with  impatience  in  Paris.  One  telegram 
chased  another  to  Benedetti,  all  to  the  same  effect :  "  We  can  wait 
no  longer."  On  the  11th  the  ambassador  had  a  second  audience  of 
his  majesty,  but  got  only  a  repetition  of  the  first  answer.  "  I  am 
well-advised,"  added  the  king  significantl}^,  "  of  the  preparations 
going  on  in  Paris,  and  use  my  own  precautions  against  being  taken 
by  surprise."  Meanwhile  the  French  chambers  became  ever  more 
impatient  over  the  silence  preserved  by  the  government.  On  July 
12  Clement  Duvernois,  a  discarded  favorite  of  the  emperor,  proposed 
an  interpellation,  demanding  what  guaranties  the  government  had 
conditioned  for  to  guard  against  fresh  complications  with  Prussia. 
This  question  suggested  to  the  ministers  a  new  motive  for  action,  — 
viz.,  the  fear  of  losing  their  portfolios  ;  for  it  imported  neither  more 
nor  less  than  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  Right  against  the  adminis- 
tration. Gramont  asked  to  be  allowed  a  delay  till  the  loth  before 
giving  his  answer.  But  two  and  a  half  hours  later  Olli  vier  ap- 
peared, beaming  with  joy,  in  the  chamber,  and  made  the  announce- 
ment  that,   according   to   advice   from   Äladrid,   Prince   Anton   of 

BENE  BE  TT  I  AT  EMS.  277 

Hohenzoilern  had  intimated  to  General  Prim  that  his  son,  in  order 
to  relieve  the  Spanish  nation  from  embarrassment,  had  renounced 
his  candidacy. 

This  gave  French  diplomacy  occasion  to  boast  of  a  success, 
which  it  was  easy  to  represent  as  a  victory  wrung  from  Prussia. 
France  had  frustrated  what  it  set  itself  to  frustrate.  But  the  Bona- 
partists  received  the  news  with  a  shout  of  indignation  against  the 
miserable  cowards  of  ministers,  that  allowed  themselves  to  be  satis- 
fied with  such  a  concession.  War  was  what  they  desired,  and  they 
were  beside  themselves  with  rage  to  see  their  well-contrived  scheme 
disappoint  them  through  the  king  of  Prussia's  wise  moderation.  A 
stronger  trump  must  be  played.  While  the  subject  was  under  debate 
in  the  chamber,  Gramont  received  a  call  from  the  newly  returned 
Prussian  ambassador;  and  their  interview  had  scarce  begun  when  it 
was  interrupted  by  the  incoming  of  the  Spanish  ambassador,  Olozaga, 
bringing  with  him  Prince  Anton's  telegram.  He,  too,  offered  his 
congratulations  on  the  adjustment  of  the  difficulty.  But,  on  the 
instant,  Gramont  declared  that  this  renunciation  was  insufficient  to 
allay  the  excitement  in  the  country.  French  sentiment  must  be  pro- 
pitiated, and,  for  this  end,  the  king  of  Prussia  must  address  an 
excusatory  or  apologetic  letter  to  the  emperor,  the  duke  himself 
thereupon  making  out  a  draught  of  it.  Ollivier,  still  deeply  exer- 
cised about  his  portfolio,  came  in  later,  and  went  into  ecstasies  over 
Gramont's  scheme.  If  von  Werther  felt  himself  precluded  from  per- 
sonally suggesting  the  idea  of  the  letter,  then  it  would  be  necessary 
to  instruct  Benedetti  to  do  so.  Strangely  enough,  the  former  did 
not  think  it  inconsistent  with  the  honor  due  his  sovereign  to  comply 
with  the  implied  request.  But  already  the  duke  had  sent  off  this 
telegram  to  Benedetti  :  "  Use  all  your  tact  —  I  might  say  craft  —  to 
arrange  it  that  the  prince  of  Hohenzollern's  renunciation  is  an- 
nounced, communicated,  or  given  in  through  the  king  of  Prussia  or 
his  government.  This  is,  for  us,  of  the  highest  importance.  The 
king's  concurrence  must,  at  any  price,  be  avowed  by  himself  or  be 
deducible,  in  some  tangible  way,  from  the  circumstances."  If  there 
had  remained  the  least  doubt  of  the  emperor's  detennination  to  com- 
pel the  king  to  war,  or  to  submit  to  the  deepest  humiliation,  this 
would  have  been  dissipated  by  the  next  telegram  demanding  that  he 
should  give  his  assurance  that  he  would  never  allow  the  candidature 
to  be  renewed  under  any  circumstances.  "  Go  at  once  to  the  king," 
it  concluded,  "  and  demand  such  an  assurance  from  him,  which  he 


cannot  hesitate  to  grant  unless  lie  lias  some  secret  scheme  in  the 

Before  Benedetti  had  got  so  far  as  to  arrange  for  a  new  audience, 
he  met  the  king,  on  the  morning  of  July  13,  on  the  springs  promenade. 
This  time,  also,  the  king  limited  himself  to  saying  that  as  yet  he 
knew  nothing  further  regarding  the  prince's  determination,  but  as  soon 
as  the  honrlj'-expected  courier  arrived  from  Sigmaringen,  he  would 
cause  him  to  be  called.  The  assurance  required,  he,  notwithstanding 
Benedetti's  repeatedly  urged  representations,  declined  to  give.  At 
midday  the  official  communication  from  Prince  Anton  reached  the 
king,  but  at  the  same  time  came  von  Werther's  report  of  his  conver- 
sation with  the  duke  of  Gramont.  This  report  thoroughly  opened 
King  William's  eyes  to  the  object  of  the  French  government,  and  de- 
termined him,  instead  of  again  summoning  Benedetti,  to  send  his 
aide-de-camp  to  him  with  the  message  that  in  the  official  renuncia- 
tion he  saw  an  end  of  the  whole  matter.  Although  Benedetti,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  new  despatch  from  Gramont,  applied  twice  during  the 
day  for  another  audience,  this  was  both  times,  though  in  the  luost 
courteous  terms,  denied  him.  In  the  following  night  Gramont  anew 
notified  the  ambassador :  "  We  cannot  recognize  the  renunciation 
communicated  by  the  Spanish  ambassador  as  satisfying  the  just  de- 
mands we  have  made  on  the  king  of  Prussia,  and  still  less  can  we  see 
in  it  a  guaranty  for  the  future.  To  be  secure  that  the  son  shall  not 
disavow  his  father's  renunciation,  it  is  indispensable  that  the  king 
shall  say  to  us  that  he  will  not  permit  the  prince  to  withdraw  from 
it."  Benedetti  again,  therefore,  sued  for  an  audience  ;  and  this  was 
granted  him  in  the  royal  waiting-room  of  the  railway  depot,  where 
the  king  awaited  the  train  to  carry  him  to  Coblenz.  "  I  saw  the 
king,"  he  reported  to  Paris,  "  at  the  railroad  station,  who  merely  said 
he  had  nothing  more  to  communicate  to  me,  and  that  any  further 
communications  must  come  to  him  through  his  minister."  In  refer- 
ence to  these  transactions  at  Ems,  Count  Bismarck  had  the  following 
telegram  sent  to  the  newspapers :  "  After  the  intelligence  of  the 
hereditary  prince  of  HohenzoUern's  renunciation  was  made  known 
officially  by  Spain  to  the  imperial  government  of  France,  the  French 
ambassador  demanded  from  his  majesty,  the  king,  at  Ems,  that  he 
should  authorize  him  to  telegraph  to  Paris  that  his  majesty  pledged 
himself,  for  all  time  coming,  never  again  to  give  his  consent  in  the 
event  of  the  Hohenzollerns'  reverting  to  their  candidature.  Upon 
this  his  majesty  declined  again  to  receive  the  French  ambassador, 


and  sent  liis  aide-de-camp  in  attendance  to  tell  him  that  he  had 
nothing  further  to  communicate  to  him."  Von  Werther  received 
his  dismissal  for  his  acceptance  of  Gramont's  by  no  means  honorable 

The  French  ministerial  council  met  on  the  14th,  and  Gramont 
had  a  hard  fight  to  maintain  against  those  of  his  colleagues  who 
were  disinclined  to  be  allured  to  the  war-path.  The  result  seemed 
favorable  to  peace.  Even  the  emperor  uttered  himself  in  this  sense 
to  the  representatives  of  Austria  and  Italy.  "  We  have  let  slip  a 
fine  opportunity,"  he  said;  "but  perhaps  peace  is  of  more  worth." 
But  the  passions  excited  by  the  government  swelled  on  the  streets  of 
the  capital  into  an  increasingly  violent  ferment.  A  second  council, 
in  the  afternoon,  resolved  on  mobilization.  A  third,  held  at  mid- 
night, took  the  final  resolve  for  war.  For  want  of  a  better  pretext 
it  fell  back  on  Benedetti's  treatment  at  Ems  and  Bismarck's  telegram. 

And  tliis  was  the  sense  of  the  declaration  which  Gramont  in  the 
senate  and  Ollivier  in  the  lower  house  read  as  an  answer  to  the  in- 
terpellations proposed.  The  senate  received  it  with  storms  of 
applause,  but  in  the  legislative  body  it  did  not  pass  without  keen 
criticism.  Gambetta  insisted  on  the  production  of  the  despatch 
according  to  which  King  William  had  denied  his  door  to  the  ambas- 
sador of  France.  Ollivier  had  for  answer  only  a  repetition  of  his  tale 
of  insult,  garnished  with  the  lie,  that  in  the  night  of  the  14tli  Prus- 
sia had  begun  her  military  preparations.  Benedetti,  on  his  arrival, 
was  astonished  to  learn  that  he,  and  France  in  his  person,  had  been 
insulted  in  Ems.  Of  special  despatches  Ollivier  confessed  he  had 
none,  but  he  had,  instead,  diplomatic  reports  from  two  representa- 
tives of  France,  whom  he  could  not  name.  In  reality,  these  referred 
only  to  the  painful  impression  that  the  newspaper  telegram  liad 
made  in  Munich  and  Bern.  But  most  resolutely  of  all  did  Tliiers 
take  up  his  position  against  the  insane  procedure  of  the  government. 
If  there  was  any  Frenchman  who  thirsted  for  revenge  for  Sadowa  — 
he  said  —  he  was  the  man  ;  but  he  found  the  pretext  so  badly  chosen, 
that  he  recognized  that  France,  in  adopting  it,  was  placing  herself 
in  the  wrong  in  the  eye§  of  all  Europe.  He,  too,  demanded  produc- 
tion of  the  despatches  on  which  the  decision  for  war  was  based.  A 
motion  to  this  effect  by  Jules  Favre  was  rejected  by  159  votes 
against  94  ;  and  OUiver  persisted  in  his  asseveration  that  if  ever  a 
war  was  justified  and  necessary,  it  was  this  to  which  Prussia  had 
compelled  France.     "  AVith  this  day,"  he  concluded,  "  there  begins 


a  heavy  responsibility  for  me  and  my  colleagues ;  we  take  it  upon  us 
with  hght  hearts  !  "  With  like  light-heartedness  did  the  committee 
appointed  to  report  on  the  war  supplies,  the  credits  for  the  army 
and  fleet,  the  frammg  of  laws  for  calling  out  the  garde  mobile,  and  for 
the  enlistment  of  volunteers,  perform  its  task.  It  acted  as  those  do 
who  wish  to  be  deceived.  To  its  question,  "  Are  we  ready  ?  "  Leboeuf, 
the  war  minister,  answered,  "  To  the  last  gaiter-button,  and  we  have 
eight  days'  start  of  the  enemy."  When  Gramont  was  asked  whether 
he  had  allies,  he  replied :  "  If  I  have  kept  the  committee  waiting, 
it  was  because  I  had  the  Austrian  and  Italian  ambassadors  with  me ; 
I  hope  the  committee  will  ask  me  nothing  further."  When  Gambetta, 
on  the  resumption  of  the  sitting,  energetically  pressed  for  the  pro- 
duction of  the  insulting  despatch  which  Bismarck  had  sent  to  all  the 
cabinets  of  Europe,  and  Gramont  answered  that  it  had  been  communi- 
cated to  the  committee,  his  assertion  was  corroborated  by  its  members, 
although  such  a  note  never  had  existence.  In  the  following  night- 
sittmg,  the  house  approved  the  government's  demands,  only  sixteen 
votes  being  recorded  in  opposition.  On  the  19th  it  sanctioned  an 
issue  of  treasury  bonds  for  500,000,000  francs.  Next  day  Ollivier 
issued  the  declaration  of  war  against  Prussia.  The  senate  and  legis- 
lative body  proceeded  in  company  to  the  Tuileries,  in  order,  before 
separating,  to  offer  their  tribute  of  homage  to  the  emperor. 

The  people  went  into  ecstasies.  Woe  to  the  traitor  who  ven- 
tured to  doubt  that  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  at  least,  would  be  the 
reward  of  victory.  Men  tore  the  newspapers  from  each  other's 
hands,  and  crowds  traversed  the  boulevards  singing  the  Marseillaise 
and  shouting,  "  To  Berlin  !     To  Berhn  !  " 

While  Napoleon  plunged  headlong  into  war,  he  had  good 
grounds  at  least  for  relying  on  the  active  co-operation  of  his 
secret  allies,  Austria  and  Italy.  In  a  despatch  of  the  20tli  to 
Prince  Metternich  (Fig.  72),  Austrian  ambassador  at  Paris,  Beust 
said :  "  Repeat  to  the  emperor,  that  we,  true  to  our  obligations, 
regard  the  cause  of  France  as  our  own,  and  will  contribute  to  the 
success  of  her  army  to  the  bounds  of  our  ability.  These  bounds, 
however,  are  restricted  on  the  one  hand  by  our  internal  difficulties, 
on  the  other  by  political  considerations  of  the  greatest  weight.  We 
have  reason  to  know  that  Russian  intervention  must,  under  certain 
conditions,  be  regarded  not  as  a  probability,  but  as  a  certainty.  Our 
apj)earance  in  the  field  would  involve  that  of  Russia.  To  keep  this 
power  neutral  till  the  advanced  season  of  the  year  will  not  allow 



Fig.  72.  — Prince  Metteriiich.     From  a  photoo^raph. 

her  to  think  of  mobilization,  and  to  avoid  everything  tliat  could  give 
her  a  pretext  for  interference  —  these  must  be  the  aims  of  our 
policy.  Russia's  neutrality  hangs  on  ours.  Let  me,  moreover,  re- 
peat what  I  emphasized  in  our  last  year's  conversation.  Our  ten 
millions  of  German  subjects  see  in  this  war,  not  a  duel  between 


France  and  Prussia,  but  the  beginning  of  a  national  conflict ;  and, 
further,  the  Hungarians  would  be  slow  and  reluctant  to  spend  their 
blood  and  treasure  to  recover  for  Austria  her  place  in  Germany.  In 
the  circumstances  neutrality  is,  by  an  imperative  necessity,  imposed 
upon  us."  The  despatch  goes  on  to  explain  that  this  neutrality  was 
but  a  means  —  the  only  means  —  for  enabling  Austria  to  equip  her- 
self for  war  without  exposing  herself  unprepared  to  an  attack  from 
Prussia  or  Russia,  and  that  he  had  been  in  correspondence  with 
Italy  with  a  view  to  conjunct  intervention,  but  that  tlie  necessary 
preliminary  to  this  was  the  immediate  settlement  of  the  Roman 
question.  "The  treaty  of  September,  1864,  is  no  longer  adequate 
for  the  situation.  We  cannot  leave  the  Holy  Father  to  the  unre- 
liable protection  of  his  own  troops.  The  day  on  which  the  French 
leave  the  States  of  the  Church,  the  Italian  army  must  enter  them. 
Never  shall  we  have  the  Italians  cordially  with  us  till  the  Roman 
thorn  is  drawn ;  and  is  it  not  better  to  know  that  the  Holy  Father 
is  under  the  safeguard  of  Italy  than  to  give  him  over  a  prey  to  the 
guerillas  of  Garibaldi  ?  By  doing  as  I  suggest  France  will  deprive 
its  enemy  of  one  weapon,  and  build  up  a  wall  against  the  flood  of 
Teutonism  which  Prussia,  a  preponderating  Protestant  power,  has 
known  how  to  set  afloat  in  Germany,  and  which  we  doubly  fear  on 
account  of  its  contagiousness." 

A  communication  to  the  same  effect  came  to  Napoleon  from 
Victor  Emmanuel.  However  divided  views  might  be  in  Florence 
in  regard  to  other  points,  they  were  at  one  on  this  —  that  the  oppor- 
tunity must  be  used  for  getting  rid  of  the  French  army  of  occupa- 
tion, and  of  the  treaty  of  1864,  and  that  for  the  attainment  of  this  end 
the  Austrian  proposition  held  out  the  best  prospect.  A  correspond- 
ence was  opened  between  Florence  and  Vienna,  in  which  the  terms 
were  agreed  upon  on  which  the  two  powers  should  pass  the  state  of 
armed  neutrality  into  that  of  offensive  alhance.  By  September  15 
both  were  to  have  completed  their  preparations,  and  begin  to  take 
part  in  the  war,  with  this  proviso,  however,  that  the  French  should 
by  that  time  have  made  a  successful  inroad  into  South  Germany. 
In  respect  to  Rome,  Austria  promised  to  gain  for  her  new  ally  better 
terms  than  those  of  the  treaty  of  1864.  On  August  3  Count  Vi- 
mercati  arrived  at  headquarters  in  Metz  to  explain  to  the  emperor  the 
conditions  of  this  compact.  Two  points  the  latter  found  to  take 
exception  to:  The  late  date  at  which  the  allies  were  to  enter  the 
field,  and  that  concerning  Rome.     Vimercati  hurried  back  to  Flor- 


ence,  where  he  found  Count  Vitzthum,  Austrian  ambassador  in  Brus- 
sels ;  and  here  the  final  conditions  were  settled.  The  date  for 
intervention  was  to  remain  unchanged ;  the  article  regarding  Home 
was  allowed  to  drop. 

All,  therefore,  that  was  now  lacking  was  the  French  invasion  of 
South  Germany.  Of  what  sort  this  was  to  be  was  to  \)e  inferred 
from  Gramont's  threat  to  the  representative  of  Baden  in  Paris. 
The  grand  duchy  was  to  be  converted  into  a  wilderness,  as  the 
Palatinate  had  been  in  the  daj'^s  of  Louis  XIV.,  not  even  the  women 
being  spared,  on  the  charge  —  shown  from  Carlsruhe  to  be  ground- 
less—  that  its  soldiers  used  explosive  bullets. 

But  this  invasion  did  not  materialize.  With  three  mighty  strokes 
the  German  sword  hewed  an  impassable  gap  between  France  and  the 
borders  of  the  Fatherland,  and  turned  the  grand  design  into  a  fiasco. 


THE   FRAXCCMiERMAX    WAR   OF    1870-1871. 


THROUGHOUT  all  the  negotiations  at  Ems,  King  William 
had  manifested  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  conciliation  that  his 
people  began  to  think  bordered  on  submissiveness.  In  any  real  dan- 
ger of  war  they  had  for  long  refused  to  believe,  because  the  questions 
at  issue  seemed  too  trifling  for  this.  Not  till  the  Ems  telegram  ^  made 
France's  wanton  breach  of  the  peace  patent  to  every  one  was  their 
long-enduring  patience  exchanged  for  an  outburst  of  indignation. 
The  king  on  his  journey  homeward  was  everywhere  greeted  ^\ith 
indescribable  enthusiasm.  The  crown-prince,  Bismarck,  Moltke, 
and  Roon  met  him  at  Brandenburg  in  order  to  discuss  the  situation 
on  the  way.  Even  yet  the  king  hesitated  to  speak  the  word 
"Mobilization."  Not  till,  on  his  arrival  in  Berlin,  he  received  the 
telegram  of  Olliviers  war  speech,  did  he  make  up  his  mind  to  pro- 
nounce it.  An  immense  multitude  accompanied  him  to  his  resi- 
dence, hurrahing  and  singing  without  cessation,  till  a  message  came 
out  asking  quiet  for  the  sake  of  the  council  about  to  be  held. 
In  the  course  of  the  night  this  body  adopted  two  momentous  resolu- 
tions—  mobilization  and  the  convocation  for  the  19th  of  the  North 
German  parliament.  A  circular  of  Bismarck  of  the  18th  to  the 
representatives  of  the  Confederation  put  the  matter  in  its  true  light : 
"  As  the  motives  actuating  the  emperor  we  can,  alas  !  recognize  only 
the  worst  and  meanest  instincts  of  hatred  and  jealousy  of  Ger- 
many's independence  and  prosperity,  combined  with  the  desire  of 
repressing  liberty  in  his  o-wn  land  by  involving  it  in  a  foreign  war." 

Next  day  the  Reichstag  was  opened.  In  the  course  of  his  address 
from  the  throne  King  William  said :  "  If  in  former  centuries  Ger- 
many bore  infractions  of  her  rights  and  insults  to  her  honor,  she  bore 
them  only  because  in  her  disintegration  she  was  unconscious  of  her 

1  This  telegram  from  Ems,  the  terms  of  which  as  published  conveyed  the  impres- 
sion of  an  actual  insult  by  King  AVilliam  to  Beuedetti,  is  very  generally  believed  to 
have  been  edited  by  Bismarck  with  the  express  intention  of  inflaming  the  public  senti- 
ment of  France  to  such  a  point  as  would  make  war  inevitable.  — Ed. 



strength.  To-day,  when  the  Ijond  of  legal  and  moral  union  has  been 
forged  in  her  wars  for  freedom  —  to-day,  when  (Germany's  armor  no 
longer  offers  the  foe  an  unguarded  spot  —  she  bears  in  herself  both 
the  will  and  the  power  to  repel  this  renewal  of  French  violence."  An 
hour  after  reading  this,  he  received  the  declaration  of  war  given  in 
by  the  French  charr/e  cV affaires,  le  Sourd,  and  devoted  the  rest  of  the 
day  to  reviving  the  Order  of  the  Iron  Cross.  The  Reichstag  received 
with  loud  applause  Bismarck's  announcement  that  Prussia  had 
accepted  France's  challenge,  and,  on  the  20th,  unanimously  voted 
120,000,000  thalers  (¥90,000,000)  for  war  expenses. 

Since  a    German  people  had  existed,  never  had  it   been    taken 
possession  of  by  a  feeling  of  nationality  so  general  and  so  powerful 
as  now.     The  fire  of  patriotism  glowed  in  every  breast ;  party  spirit 
was  mute  ;  the  '  Party  of  Progress  '  formally  renounced  opposition. 
As  by  a  charm  every  heart  was  stirred  by  the  notes  of  Schnecken- 
burger's  song,    composed  thirty  years  before,  I}ie  Wacht  am  Rhein  ; 
it  became  the   battle-song  and  lay  of  victory  for   all  the    German 
peoples.     The  spirit  of  the  War  of  Liberation  was  again  ahve,  but 
not    now  in  one  part  of  the   nation  only,  but  in  all.     The  South 
remained  not  one  whit  behind   the   North.     Foremost  of  all  came 
Louis  IL,  the   young  king  of   Bavaria,  with  the  announcement  on 
the  19th  that  he  had  ordered  the  mobilization  of  his  array,  in  order 
to  place  it  under  the  command   of  King  \^^illiam.     Only  the  Ultra- 
montane majority  in    the  chamber  —  the  '  Patriots  '  —  were   out  of 
line,  and  referred    the    government's    claim  for   27,000,000  florins 
(810,800,000)  to  a  committee  of  their  own  number,  which  recom- 
mended a  grant  of  only  five  to  seven  millions  for  the  maintenance 
of  an  armed  neutrality.     But  when  the  minister  Bray  reminded  the 
chamber  that  the  right  of  deciding  on  peace  and  war  vested  in  the 
king  alone,   and  von   Prankh  (Fig.    73),  the  minister  of  war,  de- 
clared that  Bavaria's  claim  to  independence  rested  on  its  fulfilling 
its  obligations,  a    part  of  the  majority   gave    way,  and  a   grant  of 
18,000,000  florins  was  voted  by  101  to  47.     Xor  did  the  democratic 
Great-German  chamber  of  Stuttgart  venture  to  interpose  any  obsta- 
cles,   though   the     minister,    Varnbiihler  —  ^\^th    Bismarck's    conni- 
vance —  asked   for  a  few  days'  respite  before  giving  a   conclusive 
answer  to  the  French   envoy,  with  the  view  that  France's  doubt  in 
regard  to  Würteml)erg's  attitude  might  operate  to  delay  her  prepa- 
rations.     On  the  22d  the  bridge  of  Kehl  was  blown  up  on  the  Baden 


rilE  FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1S71. 

If  Europe  had  still  any  doubt  as  to  who  was  the  disturber  of  the 
peace,  this  would  have  been  set  at  rest  by  the  publication  in  the 
"London  Times"  of  July  27  of  the  proposed  treaty  of  August  20, 
1866,  a  draught  of  which  Benedetti  so  unguardedly  left  in  Bis- 
marck's hands.  Gramont's  and  Ollivier's  denial  of  its  genuineness 
the  chancellor  disposed  of  by  exhibiting  a  photographic  copy  of  the 
original  to  the  diplomatic  corps,  as  well  as  other  documents  Avhich 
went  to  show  that  for  eight  years  Germany  had  labored  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  peace  of  the  world,  which  had  been  all  the  time 
threatened  by  France.     This  made  the  deepest  impression  on  Eng- 

FiG.  73. — Von  Prankh,  Bavarian  Minister  of  War.     (From  a  pliotonrapli.) 

lish  public  opinion,  which  was  emphatically  expressed  against  the 
peace-breaker.  English  statesmen,  however,  were  unft)rtunate  in 
their  dealings  with  the  embroglio.  When  Lord  Granville  made  offer 
in  Berlin  of  England's  good  offices  as  mediator,  Bismarck  referred 
him  to  Paris,  where  a  similar  proffer  had  been  already  declined. 
Now  that  Napoleon's  views  on  Belgium  had  l)ecome  palpably  evi- 
dent, Granville  proposed  to  the  combatants  to  enter  into  an  agree- 
ment pledging  both  to  resist,  in  conjunction  with  England,  any 
attack  made  by  either  on  the  integrity  of  that  country.  Before  the 
signing  of  the  compact  (iVugust  9  and  11)  the  course  of  events  had 


made  it  objectless.  Of  much  greater  value  to  Germany  than  Eng- 
land's equivocal  benevolence  was  the  firm  friendsliip  of  Russia,  which, 
by  the  announcement  of  its  neutrality,  held  not  only  Austria  in 
check,  but  Denmark  as  well,  for  whose  alliance  Napoleon  was  sedu- 
lously suing. 

The  prompt  and  unconditional  accession  of  South  Germany  to 
the  Northern  Confederation  was  only  the  first  of  a  long  series  of 
disillusions  that  awaited  France.  The  second  came  when  its  army 
began  its  march  to  the  frontiers.  It  had  entered  on  the  Crimean 
war,  as  well  as  the  Italian  campaign,  without  preparation,  and  in 
both  had  been  favored  by  fortune.  The  consequence  was  a  conviction 
that  for  a  French  army  preparation  was  not  necessary  to  insure 
success.  The  plan  was  to  place  two  armies  on  foot,  —  the  one  of 
150,000  at  Metz,  the  other  of  100,000  at  Strasburg,  both  to  cross 
the  Rhine  at  Maxau,  and,  by  their  invasion  of  South  Germany,  give 
the  signal  to  the  two  secret  allies.  A  reserve  of  50,000  men  was  to 
concentrate  at  Chalons.  The  fleet  should  support  the  operations  of 
the  land  army  by  throwing,  upon  the  accession  of  Denmark  and  Han- 
over, 30,000  men  on  the  north  coast  of  Germany.  The  consequence 
of  placing  the  troops  on  the  borders  without  mobilization  was  confu- 
sion beyond  comprehension.  Nothing  was  to  be  found  where  it 
ought  to  have  been.  Soldiers  and  companies  wandered  around  with- 
out being  able  to  find  the  corps  to  which  they  belonged ;  generals 
sought  their  brigades ;  regiments,  their  generals ;  throughout  the 
whole  army  there  was  a  lack  of  the  most  indispensable  necessaries  ; 
the  commissariat  broke  down  completely.  On  July  28  Napoleon, 
after  making  over  the  regency  to  the  empress,  left  St.-Cloud  with 
the  prince  imperial  for  Metz,  to  take  the  command-in-chief  of  the 
'  Army  of  the  Rhine.'  What  met  his  eyes  on  his  arrival  was  sim- 
ply indescribable  confusion.  Instead  of  385,000,  there  were  only 
220,000  men  actually  in  the  field.  The  right  wing  at  Strasburg 
under  MacMahon,  instead  of  107,000,  numbered  only  40.000.  Of 
any  passage  of  the  Rliine  there  could,  in  such  circumstances,  no 
longer  be  any  thought;  and  therewith  disappeared  the  condition  on 
which  Austria's  and  Italy's  co-operation  depended. 

A  very  different  picture  presented  itself  on  the  German  side. 
Here  the  mobilization  had  been  effected,  and  all  dispositions  made, 
with  machine-like  regularity  and  exactitude.  On  the  2ölh  l)egan  the 
transport  of  troops  to  the  west— so  exactly  ordered  that  not  a  single 
disarrangement  caused  delay.     Already,  in  1869,  Moltke  had  pre- 

288  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70~1S71. 

determined  the  whole  plan  of  movement  for  the  eventuality  of  a 
French  attack.  The  knowledge  that  the  German  army  would  be 
sooner  lit  for  action  than  the  enemy  decided  him  to  push  it  forward 
close  to  the  frontier.  A  daring  reconnoissance  (July  25-27)  by  the 
Baden  lieutenant,  Count  Zeppelin,  with  four  officers  and  eight 
dragoons,  through  the  circle  of  Weissenburg,  as  well  as  that  of 
Major  A^on  Egloffstein  towards  Bitsch,  gave  the  important  informa- 
tion that,  in  these  districts,  there  was  no  hostile  force  to  be  found. 
It  was  therefore  possible,  by  a  strong  offensive,  to  transfer  the  scene 
of  war  to  the  enemy's  country.  For  this  end  the  whole  German 
force  was  concentrated  in  the  Rhine  Palatinate.  Here  it  not  only 
stood  on  the  enemy's  inner  line  of  operations,  while  his  two  army 
groups  —  separated  by  the  Vosges,  and  without  cross-railroad  facili- 
ties —  could  only  touch  each  other  by  marching,  but  its  position 
constituted  the  most  effective  defence  for  South  Germany,  left 
apparently  destitute  of  protection.  Its  princes,  instructed  in  Moltke's 
plan,  had  no  hesitation  in  denuding  their  lands  of  troops  to  lead  these 
to  jom  the  hosts  of  North  Germany.  Punctual  to  the  hour  appointed 
every  corps  took  its  position  at  the  spot  designed  for  it. 

The  huge  German  host  was  divided  into  three  armies.  Its  right 
wing,  resting  on  the  Saar,  was  constituted  by  the  first  army  under 
General  Steinmetz,  60,000  strong,  composed  of  the  seventh,  West- 
phahan  corps  (von  Zastrow),  and  the  eighth,  Rhenish  (von  Göben). 
The  centre,  stretching  from  Saarlouis  to  near  Saargemund,  was  held 
by  the  second  army,  131,000  strong,  under  Prince  Frederick  Charles. 
To  it  belonged  the  Guards  under  Prince  Augustus  (Fig.  74)  of 
Wiirtemberg ;  the  third  corps,  Brandenburg  (von  Alvensleben  II.)  ; 
the  tenth,  Hanoverian  (von  Voigts-Rhetz),  and  the  fourth,  Thuringian 
(von  Alvensleben  I.).  Adding  the  reserve  standing  before  Mayence, — 
the  half  of  the  ninth  (Schleswig-Holstein)  corps,  the  Hessian  division, 
and  the  Saxon  (twelfth)  corps  under  their  crown-prince,  Albert,  —  the 
strength  of  this  army  amounted  to  194,000  men.  The  third  army, 
constituting  the  left  wing,  stood  on  both  banks  of  the  Rhine  from 
Landau  to  Rastatt,  and  consisted  of  the  fifth  and  eleventh  Prussian 
army  corps  (Posen  and  Hesse-Nassau),  under  von  Kirchbach  and  von 
Bose,  as  well  as  the  South  Germans,  —  namely,  the  two  Bavarian 
corps  under  von  der  Tann  and  von  Hartraann,  and  the  Wiirtemberg 
and  Baden  divisions  united  to  form  the  corps  of  von  Werder,  in  all 
130,000  men,  under  the  Crown  Prince  Frederick  William,  whose 
chivalric  spirit  and  cordiahty  of  disposition  quite  won  the  southern 



hearts.  The  total  strength  at  the  scene  of  war  was  384,000.  The 
first  corps  (von  Manteuffel),  the  second  (von  Fransecky),  and 
the  sixth  (von  Tümpling)  were  left  behind  provisionally  to  keep  eye 
upon  the  ambiguous  attitude  of  Austria.  For  the  duration  of  the 
war  the  whole  territory  of  the  North  German  Confederation  was  put 
under  five  governors-general,  of  whom  General  Vogel  von  Falken- 
stein watched  the  North  Sea  and  Baltic  coast,  with  90,000  men 
(SchlesAvig-Holsteiners  and  landwehr),  under  the  grand  duke 
Frederick  Francis  of  Mecklenburg,  at  his  disposal.     The  spirit  of  the 


YiG.  74.  — Prince  Augustus  of  Wiirteinberg.     From  a  photograph. 

army,  like  that  of  the  whole  people,  was  admirable.  Every  man 
knew  that  he  had  a  severe  struggle  before  him,  and  even  made  up  his 
mind  for  some  early  defeats ;  but  no  one  lost  confidence  in  ultimate 
victory.  By  August  3  the  three  armies  had  reached  their  stations  ; 
the  day  before,  King  William,  accompanied  by  Moltke,  entered  May- 
ence  to  take  the  command-in-chief  over  all  the  German  forces. 

On  the  French  side  the  first  army  corps  (Marshal  Mac^NIahon, 
Fig.  75),  fully  41,000  strong,  stood  in  the  department  of  the  Lower 
Rhine  ;    the  second  (General  Frossard),   2G,000,  at  St.-Avold  and 

VuL.  XIX.— VJ 


THE  FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR   OF  1870-1871. 

Jb'io.  Ih.  —  Marshal  MacMahou.     from  a  photograph. 


Forbach ;  the  third  (Marshal  Bazaine),  39,000,  between  Courcelles 
and  Boulay;  the  fourth  (General  Ladmirault;,  29,000,  at  Boulay; 
the  fifth  (General  Failly),  25,000,  at  Saargemund ;  the  Imperial 
Guard  (General  Bourbaki),  30,000,  at  Metz ;  the  seventh  corps 
(FeUx  Douay),  20,341,  was  in  process  of  organization  at  Belfort; 
the  sixth  corps,  under  Marshal  Canrobert,  was  gathered  into  the  camp 
at  Chalons  ;  but  the  gardes  mobiles  who  had  been  sent  him  from  Paris 
were  of  such  quality  that  he  urgently  begged  their  recall.  Further 
reserves  there  were  none.  Marshal  Leljoeuf  (Fig.  76)  acted  as  chief 
of  the  general  staff.  The  renunciation  of  the  original  plan  of  cam- 
paign just  when  it  should  have  been  opening  tended  greatly  to  in- 
crease the  disorder.  All  minds  having  been  filled  with  the  idea  of 
entering  South  Germany,  the  possibility  of  having  to  defend  their 
own  land  suggested  itseK  to  no  one.  No  officer  possessed  a  map  of 
the  frontier  departments.  In  regard  to  the  jiosition  of  the  German 
army  no  one  knew  anything ;  for  here,  as  all  through  the  war,  tlie 
French  cavalry  performed  the  duty  of  reconnoitring  most  imperfectly. 
Day  after  day  was  passed  in  almost  criminal  inaction.  The  position 
of  the  corps  showed  that  the  plan  of  crossing  the  Rhine  liad  been 
exchanged  for  that  of  an  advance  over  the  Saar ;  and,  with  this  view, 
the  corps  of  Frossard,  Failly,  and  Ladmirault  Avere  instructed  to 
place  themselves  under  Bazaine,  and  be  ready  to  march  on  the  21st. 
This,  omng  to  their  defective  equipment,  tlie  generals  declared  to  be 
impossible.  But  the  impatience  of  the  Parisians  must  be  satisfied; 
and  General  Frossard  received  orders  to  make  a  reconnoissance,  on 
August  2,  as  far  as  Saarbrücken.  Here  there  had  lain  for  fourteen 
days  a  weak  advance  guard,  consisting  of  a  Hohenzollern  battalion 
and  four  squadrons  of  Rhenish  Uhlans,  with  four  guns,  not  more  in 
all  than  1400  men;  but  their  commander,  Lieutenant-Colonel  von 
Pestel,  manoeuvred  so  skilfully  that  he  gave  the  enemy  the  impres- 
sion they  had  a  whole  army-corps  opposed  to  them.  After  a  combat 
of  three  hours,  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor  and  his  son,  the  little 
band,  on  the  receipt  of  higher  orders,  evacuated  the  town,  and  dis- 
appeared into  the  forest  of  Kiillerthal,  leaving  the  three  French 
divisions  no  wiser  than  when  the  engagement  began.  Pompous 
bulletins  announced  to  the  Parisians  the  serio-comic  capture  of  Saar- 
brücken. "  The  prince  imperial,''  they  reported,  "has  received  his 
baptism  of  fire  ;  his  coolness  and  presence  of  mind  were  worth  v  of 
the  name  he  bears."  The  emj)eror  returned  to  ^letz.  where  lie 
remained  inactive,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Canrobert  and  MacMahon. 

292  THE   FEASCO-GEEMAN    WAE    OF  1S70-1871. 

Fig.  76.  -Leboeuf.     From  the  engraving  by  A.  Weger.     Original,  a  photograph. 



But  no  such  inaction  characterized  the  other  sid*^.  Since  the 
enemy  would  not  move,  the  general  offensive  advance  on  tlie  Saar 
was  fixed  for  August  3.  The  left  wing  (the  third  army)  was  to 
move  first,  the  first  army  holding  back  for  a  time.  General  Mac- 
Mahon,  governor  of  Algeria  when  war  was  declared,  found,  on 
his  arrival  at  Strasburg  on  July  24,  his  army-corps  still  m  process 
of  organizing.  His  left  wing  —  the  division  of  Abel  Douay  —  stood 
in  and  around  Weissenburg,  without  a  suspicion  that  it  had  a  whole 

Fig.  77.  — Lieutenant-Geiieral  von  Bliunenthal.     From  a  photograph. 

army,  on  the  leash  for  the  spring,  close  over  against  it.  On  the 
4th  the  third  army  advanced  through  the  Bienwald,  the  Bavarian 
division  of  von  Bothmer  opening  the  attack.  The  fight  was  directed 
by  the  crown  prince  and  his  chief  of  süiff,  von  Blumenthal  (Fig.  77), 
from  the  height  of  Schweigen.  The  French  positions  were  desj^er- 
ately  defended.  It  was  midday  ere  the  town  coukl  be  stormed,  and 
the  battalion  holding  it  compelled  to  lay  down  its  arms.  Douay  him- 
self was  killed  by  a  shell.  The  fortified  hill  near  by,  the  Geisberg, 
cost  a  still  more  bloody  contest,  the  amval  of  artillery  having  to  be 


THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF   1870-1871. 

waited  for  to  force  its  brave  garrison  to  surrender.  Fifteen  hundred 
dead  and  wounded  was  the  heavy  price  the  victors  had  to  pay  for 
their  capture ;  but  even  this  sacrifice  was  more  than  compensated  by 
the  moral  effect  of  this  first  action  on  French  soil,  despite  of  chasse- 
pots  and  mitrailleuses,  Zouaves  and  Turcos. 

The  French,  through  the  loss  of  the  line  of  the  Lauter,  saw  them- 
selves thrown  completely  on  the  defensive.  Reconnoissances  dis- 
closed that  MacMahon  had  taken  up  a  position  behind  the  Sauer. 

It  was  the  crown  piince's 
purpose  to  give  his  sorely 
wearied  troops  a  rest-day 
on  the  Gth  ;  but  by  the 
evening  of  the  5th  the 
foreposts  of  the  two 
armies  stood  so  close  to 
each  other  that  they 
measured  swords  in  fre- 
quent little  skirmishes, 
the  eagerness  of  the  troops 
on  both  sides  anticiijat- 
ing  anv  resfular  leading-. 
Thus  came  about,  on  the 
6th,  the  battle  of  Worth. 
Here,  also,  the  French 
found  themselves  far  in- 
ferior in  numbers.  Even 
when  the  emperor,  at 
MacMahon's  solicitation, 
had  placed  the  first  and 
seventh  corps  at  his  dis- 
posal, he  was  able  to  avail  himself  only  of  the  former,  the  latter 
allowing  itself  to  be  detained  at  Bitsch  by  the  sound  of  cannonading 
on  its  left,  so  that  it  did  not  appear  on  the  battle-field.  But  this 
numerical  inferiority  was  in  great  measure  compensated  by  the  ex- 
traordinary strength  of  the  French  position  on  the  heights,  and  on 
the  vine-  and  hop-covered  slopes  stretching  from  the  Sauer  and  the 
Sulzbach.  Neither  the  Bavarians  pressing  onwards,  under  von  Hart- 
mann (Fig.  78),  against  the  enemy's  left,  nor  the  Hessians,  under 
von  Bose,  on  the  left  wing,  were  able  to  gain  any  decided  advan- 
tage ;  and  as  fruitless  were  all  von  Kirchbach's  attempts  from  Worth 

Fig.  78. 

General  von  Hartmann. 

From  a 



upon  his  front.  In  some  parts  the  Prussians  had  to  surrender  the 
advantages  won,  by  reason  of  severe  losses ;  in  others,  they  were 
hardly  able  to  bear  up  against  the  assaults  of  the  French,  Such  was 
the  state  of  matters  when,  at  eleven  o'clock,  orders  from  the  crown 
prince  reached  von  Kirchbach  to  desist  from  battle,  and  to  avoid  all 
that  might  bring  on  a  new  engagement.  As  this  order,  through  mis- 
take, reached  the  Bavarian  second  corps  also,  it  gave  up  the  fight, 
and  retired  from  the  field.  But  von  Kirchbach  (Fig.  79^  felt  that 
a  general  abandonment  of  the  struggle  was  not  to  be  effected  with- 
out great  loss,  and  that,  besides,  it  would  give  the  French  a  right 
to  claim  a  victory,  as 
well  as  time  to  draw  in 
new  re-enforcements. 
The  Germans  could  not 
expect  to  fight  later  under 
more  favorable  conditions. 
He  resolved,  therefore,  to 
ignore  the  order,  and  con- 
tinue the  fight  on  his  own 
responsibility.  On  h  i  s 
determination  being  an- 
nounced to  von  Bose 
(Fig.  80),  the  latter  re- 
sponded gladly  that  he 
would  not  abandon  the 
fifth  corps.  About  one 
o'clock  the  crown  prince, 
attracted  by  the  thunder 
of  the  cannon, —  contrary 
to  his  expectation,  waxing  louder,  —  came  on  to  the  field,  and  took 
command  of  the  battle.  The  fifth  corps  was  directed  to  delay  the 
direct  front  attack  on  the  heights  for  from  one  to  three  iiours,  when 
it  could,  have  the  co-operation  of  the  wings  exj^jected  by  that  time. 
The  whole  conflict  in  the  centre  consisted  in  an  almost  uninterrupted 
series  of  assaults  by  both  sides,  in  which  the  assailants  suffered 
immense  losses,  and  the  defenders  maintained  their  2)osition  nearly 
unbroken.  Only  laboriously  and  by  slow  degrees  did  the  greatly 
reduced  Poseners,  deprived  of  most  of  their  officers,  make  so  nnich 
progress,  through  calling  on  tlieir  last  reserves,  that  their  lines  of 
sharpshooters  enveloped  the  upper  margin  of  the  vineyards  jutting 

Fig.  79. 

General  von  Kirchbauli. 

From  a 


THE  FRANCO-GERMAN   UVlß    OF  1870-1871. 

forward  towards  Worth.  It  required  all  the  energy  and  skill  of  all 
their  leaders  and  the  devotion  of  the  troops  to  maintain  themselves 
in  such  a  position  till  the  successful  onset  of  the  eleventh  corps  on  the 
enemy's  left  wing,  and  its  advance  by  way  of  Gunstett  on  Morsbrunn, 
brought  the  much-needed  support  and  relief.  To  meet  this  onset 
the  French  cuirassier  brigade  of  JNlichel  charged  forward  like  a  thun- 
der-storm, only  to  fall  before  the  rajiid  German  fire.  "  ]Men  lay  on 
men  like  a  pack  of  cards  dashed  down  on  the  table."  The  eleventh 
corps  joined  hands  with  the  fifth ;  and,  exhausted  and  out  of  array 
as   the  men   were,  Elsasshausen   was   stormed   with   a  hurrah,   and 

attacks  —  first  of  French 
infantr}^,  then  of  Bonne- 
mam's  cavalry  brigade  — 
repulsed.  The  Bavarians, 
charging  from  the  right,  sup- 
ported their  sorely  thinned 
Prussian  brothers  in  arms, 
while  the  Wiirtembergers 
were  directed  from  Gunstett 
upon  Reichshofen  so  as  to 
impede  the  enemy's  retreat. 
After  an  embittered  but 
hopeless  house-to-house 
struggle  (in  which  General 
Raoult  was  slain),  Frösch- 
weiler, the  enemy's  last 
stronghold,  fell  about  five 
o'clock.  Such  as  were  not 
captured  fled  in  wild  dis- 
order by  the  roads  to  Reichshofen  and  Niederbronn,  and  had  to 
thank  for  their  deliverance  one  of  Failly's  divisions  that  enabled  the 
fugitives  to  put  the  passes  of  the  Vosges  between  them  and  their 
victors.  Six  thousand  prisoners  and  thirty-two  pieces  of  artillery 
testified  to  the  completeness  of  the  victory,  which  was,  however, 
bought  at  the  costly  price  of  489  officers  and  10,153  rank  and  file 
killed  and  woimded. 

On  the  same  day  that  MacMahon's  army  was  destroyed  at  Worth, 
the  ardor  of  the  troops  and  zeal  of  their  leaders  converted  the  for- 
ward movement  of  the  advance-gfuards  of  the  first  and  second  armies 
—  meant  only  as   a  measure  of   precaution  —  into  an  equally  hot 

Fig.  80. 

General  von  Bose.     From  a 


conflict  about  the  lieiglits  of  Spichern,  to  tlie  south  of  Saarbrücken, 
which  had  been  occupied  by  Frossard's  corps.  Von  Kanieke,  com- 
manding the  fourteenth  (Düsseldorf)  division,  on  learning  that  the 
enemy  was  retiring  on  these  heights  from  the  neighborhood  of  Saar- 
brücken, determined  that  his  withdrawal  should  not  be  unmolested. 
Shortly  before  midday  the  attack  w^as  opened,  and  by  half-past  two 
the  southern  border  of  the  Gifertwald  was  taken.  Here  further  ad- 
vance w^as  stopped  by  the  murderous  fire  of  artillery  and  small  arms 
showered  down  on  the  assailants  from  the  adjacent  height  of  Spi- 
chern. Success  depended  on  the  taking  of  the  Rotberg,  an  outjutting, 
craggy  chff  that  flanked  all  the  lines  of  approach  in  the  open.  Gen- 
eral von  Francois,  at  the  head  of  the  seventy-fourth,  gallantly  at- 
tempted to  scale  the  steep,  but  was  hurled  back.  While  leading  the 
thirt}Miinth  to  renew  the  attempt,  he  fell,  pierced  by  five  bullets ; 
and  the  Prussians,  tired  out  and  their  ammunition  expended,  had  to 
retire.  Kameke's  situation  became  critical.  It  was  fortunate  for 
him  that  Frossard  (Fig.  81)  did  not  in  turn  become  the  assailant, 
or  receive  re-enforcements.  To  the  hard-pressed  Düsseldorfers,  on 
the  contrary,  help  began  to  come  by  degrees.  Irrespective  of  orders, 
the  thunder  of  the  cannon  attracted  the  columns  in  the  rear  irresisti- 
bly to  the  front.  Von  Göben  came  up  with  his  Rhinelanders  and 
Brandenburgers,  and  undertook  the  command,  to  be  liimself  shortly 
superseded  by  his  ranldng  general,  von  Zasü^ow.  Von  Alvensleben 
also  took  part  in  the  fight.  The  troops  were  sent  into  the  fire  by 
battalions,  as  they  arrived.  A  terrible  struggle  developed  itself  on 
the  Rotberg,  as  well  as  in  the  woods  of  Gifert  and  Pfaffen ;  and  by 
six  o'clock  both  woods  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Prussians.  The 
toll-houses  on  the  lower  land  were  also  captured.  But  once  more 
the  enemy  threatened,  by  a  \agorous  onset,  to  give  an  unfavorable 
turn  to  tlie  battle.  Ultimately,  with  the  help  of  two  batteries, 
dragged  with  incredible  labor  up  the  height,  the  Germans  succeeded 
in  forcing  him  to  give  up  his  position.  With  the  oncoming  of  dusk 
the  retreat  became  general  at  all  points. 

At  Weissenburg  26,000  Germans  with  00  guns  fought  against 
5,300  French  with  18  guns;  at  Worth,  75,000  Germans  with  234 
guns,  against  35,000  French  with  131  guns;  but  at  Spichern  26,840 
Germans  with  78  guns  were  pitted  against  23,900  French  -with  90 
guns,  established  in  a  position,  by  nature  as  well  as  art,  apparently 
impregnable.  In  the  last  fight,  therefore,  it  was  not  numerical 
superiority,  but  the  heroism  of  the  men  and  skill  in  the  hauling,  that 


The  PRANCO-GERMAN   WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

carried  the  day.  "  These  battles,"  says  a  French  writer,  "  were  not 
triumphs  of  soldiers  over  soldiers,  but  of  organization,  order,  clear- 
ness of  comprehension,  and  certainty  in  execution  over  disorder, 
want  of  foresight,  and  inexperience."  The  frontier  was  penetrated 
by  a  double  wedge ;  and  the  French  army,  broken  through  at  the 

Fig.  81.  —  General  Frossard.     From  a  photograph. 

centre,  could  only  concentrate  far  in  the  rear.  Such  was  the  strate- 
gic victory;  the  moral  one  was  no  less.  Never  before  had  the  Ger- 
man peoples  rejoiced  with  such  enthusiasm  as  they  did  over  these 
triumphs  that  put  to  flight  all  the  fears  they  had  harbored.  Pro- 
portionately doleful  was  the  awakening  of  France  from  her  insanely 
vain  imaginings.      A  fabricated  despatch  promulgated   in  the  Paris 


Bourse,  telling  of  a  great  victory  and  the  capture  of  the  crown  prince 
with  25,000  men,  evoked  a  tumult  of  exultation  that  was  only  stilled 
on  its  falsity  becoming  painfully  manifest.  When  the  news  of  dis- 
aster came  in  the  night,  the  throne  of  the  Napoleons  tottered  to  its 
fall.  In  vain  did  the  empress-regent  endeavor  through  a  proclama- 
tion to  allay  the  general  consternation.  The  summoning  of  the 
chambers,  first  for  the  11th  and  then  for  the  9th,  with  the  declara- 
tion of  the  state  of  siege  for  Paris,  only  increased  the  excitement ; 
while  the  meeting  of  the  chambers  set  loose  the  tongues  of  the  Revo- 
lution. No  one  listened  to  Ollivier's  report,  meant  to  soothe  the 
popular  feeling.  Favre  thundered  out  the  demand  for  the  retire- 
ment of  the  ministry,  and  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  fifteen 
with  dictatorial  powers.  But  it  was  not  tliis  motion  of  the  opposi- 
tion that  brought  about  the  fall  of  the  administration,  but  a  vote 
of  want  of  confidence  proposed  by  Duvernois  as  representing  the 
Bonapartist  Right.  The  formation  of  a  new  cabinet  the  empress 
intrusted  to  Count  Palikao,  who  was  summoned  by  telegraph  from 
Lyons,  especially  to  the  headship  of  the  war-department.  His 
friends  termed  this  cabinet  "  the  ministry  of  national  defence,"  the 
opposition  called  it  derisively  that  of  "  the  last  hour,"  and  hastened 
to  bring  it  into  subjection  to  themselves.  On  another  motion  of 
Favre  the  law  of  August  12  enacted  the  reinstitution  of  the 
National  Guard,  and  the  enrolment  therein  of  all  men  from  twenty- 
one  to  thirty,  who  had  lived  one  year  at  least  in  the  commune,  with 
power  to  choose  their  own  officers.  The  foundation  was  thus  laid 
for  the  standing  army  of  the  Revolution.  The  next  most  pressing 
necessity  was  the  adoption  of  measures  for  the  defence  of  the  coun- 
try and  capital;  for  men  began  to  realize  the  de})th  of  the  abyss  on 
whose  brink  they  were  standing.  The  sick  emperor  broke  down 
under  the  burden  of  responsibility  imposed  upon  him.  Leboeuf's 
incapacity  was  plain  to  the  eyes  of  all ;  the  new  ministry  compelled 
his  resignation,  and  the  transfer  of  the  army,  170,000  strong,  lying 
around  Metz,  to  Bazaine,  whom  the  people  and  the  army  alike  de- 
manded. MacMahon  led  the  remains  of  his  own  army,  unmolested, 
back  to  Chalons.  Failly  wandered  aimlessly  around  with  his  force. 
The  purposes  of  the  leaders  changed  from  hour  to  hour.  The  im- 
mediate adoption  of  the  best  of  these  —  namely,  that  of  retreating 
on  Chtllons  —  was  prevented  by  dread  of  the  impression  this  would 
make  at  home  and  abroad,  and,  above  all,  on  Paris. 

Meanwhile    the    three    German    armies    resumed    their  advance. 

300  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1871. 

Dense  clouds  of  horsemen  concealed  their  movements  as  with  an 
impenetrable  veil,  and  spread  terror  among  the  people,  whose  fears 
King  William's  assurance  on  entering  their  country,  that  he  came 
"  to  make  Avar  on  French  soldiers,  not  on  P^rench  citizens,"  failed  to 
allay.  The  whole  force  co-operated  in  a  grand  turning  movement. 
In  order  to  afford  the  second  and  third  armies  time  to  encompass  the 
enemy,  the  first  army,  on  the  right  wing,  moved  slowly  in  advance. 
Prince  Frederick  Charles,  in  the  centre,  marched  at  a  quicker  rate  on 
Pont-a-Mousson,  and,  more  rapidly  still,  the  crown  prince,  on  the 
left,  upon  Nancy,  he  leaving,  however,  the  Badenese  division  of  von 
Werder  behind  for  the  investment  of  Strasburg,  and  other  detach- 
ments to  shut  in  the  smaller  fortresses,  —  Bitsch,  INIarsal,  Lichten- 
berg, Lützelstein,  Pfalzburg.  It  was  expected  that  the  enemy's 
main  strength  would  take  up  its  position  behind  the  Nied.  But 
Bazaine — who  had  assumed  the  command-in-chief  on  the  13th  — 
had  retired  it  to  the  Moselle  at  Metz,  and  posted  it  on  the  right 
bank,  under  the  guns  of  Forts  Queuleu  and  St.-Julien.  But  the 
plan  of  retreating  upon  Chalons  was  taken  up  anew,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  14th  Bazaine's  army  began  to  cross  the  river, 
the  emperor  also  betaking  himself  thither ;  the  Germans,  on  their 
part,  contemplated  no  attack  for  that  day.  But  when  von  der  Goltz, 
the  leader  of  the  advance-guard  of  the  seventh  army  corps,  per- 
ceived that  the  third  corps  (Decaen),  constituting  the  French  rear- 
guard, still  stood  in  its  camp  out  of  range  of  the  forts,  he  conceived 
the  idea  of  making  an  attempt  to  hold  the  enemy  here,  in  order  to 
give  Prince  Frederick  Charles  a  start  up  the  Moselle.  The  attempt 
succeeded  in  a  marvellous  manner.  General  Ladmirault,  who  had 
already  crossed  the  river,  let  himself  be  misled  into  recrossing  it  on 
his  own  responsibility.  It  is  true  that  any  further  tactical  success 
than  simply  holding  the  battle-field  was  for  the  Germans  not  to  be 
thought  of.  Von  der  Goltz,  indeed,  —  though  Manteuffel  on  his 
right  and  three  divisions  on  his  left  came  to  his  help  —  was  in  so 
critical  a  situation  that  Bazaine  was  able  to  let  himself  be  congratu- 
lated by  the  emperor  on  having  broken  the  charm.  Nevertheless, 
the  strategic  object  of  this  improvised  feat  of  arms  Avas  fully 
attained.  Bazaine's  unimpeded  retreat  to  A'^erdun  was  no  longer 
possible.  The  French  loss  in  this  battle  (Colombey-Nouilly)  was 
about  3600  men  ;  the  German,  about  5000. 

Reports  came  into  the  headquarters  of  the  second  army  that  led 
to  the   conviction    that   the   French  army  might  be  caught  in  full 



Map  of  METZ 

and  Vicinily  1870. 

^'•"-    -. 

The  Battlenelds  about  Metz,  1870. 




retreat  on  the  Meuse.  Two  army  corps,  tlie  tenth  and  the  third, 
were  at  once  despatched  to  cross  the  Moselle  at  Pont-a-Mousson,  with 
orders  to  fall  on  the  enemy's  rear-guard,  and  generally  to  do  him  all 
the  harm  in  their  power.  Only  too  soon,  however,  was  it  discovered 
that  the  assumption  was  erroneous.  Bazaine  had,  indeed,  resumed 
on  the  loth  the  march  interrupted  on  the  day  previous ;  but  as  his 
left  wing  —  the  corps  of  Ladmirault  and  Leboeuf  —  still  stood  on 
the  morning  of  the  16th  in  the  valley  of  the  Moselle,  the  corps  of 
Frossard  and  Canrobert,  which  had  got  so  far  as  the  neighborhood  of 
Rezonville  and  Gravelotte,  as  well  as  the  Guard  under  Bourbaki, 
which  had  joined  them,  were  ordered  to  halt  where  they  were  till 
midday.  While  resting  carelessly  here,  the  French  dragoons  were 
suddenly  startled,  at  nine  in  the  morning,  by  German  bombs  bursting 
in  their  midst.  Infantry  swarmed  forth  against  the  assailants ;  and 
now,  for  the  first  time,  Alvensleben  realized  that  he  had,  not  the  rear- 
guard, but  the  greater  part  of  the  French  army  before  him,  and  this 
without  prospect  of  early  or  adequate  support.  But,  undismayed, 
he  and  his  Brandenburgers  accepted  the  unequal  battle.  (See 
Plate  XV. :  The  Battle-fields  about  :\Ietz,  1870.)  After  a  bloody 
forest-fight  in  the  wood  of  Vion\dlle,  the  village  was  carried  by  a 
dashing  charge  about  midday.  In  the  hurly-burly  of  the  struggle, 
swaying  now  tliis  way,  now  that,  all  uniform  leading  was  lost, 
and  there  was  nothing  to  depend  on  but  the  judgment  of  the 
individual  officers  and  the  resolute  bravery  of  their  men.  The  high- 
lying  Flavigny,  also,  was  wrested  from  the  French,  and  constituted  a 
strong  station  for  the  Germans  now  facing  eastward.  It  was  fortu- 
nate for  the  latter  that  Bazaine,  —  first  informed  of  tlieir  advance 
over  the  Moselle  through  a  telegram  of  the  English  envoy  in  Darm- 
stadt received  l)y  way  of  London,  — -  dominated  by  the  fear  that  they 
would  cut  him  off  from  Metz,  kept  his  eyes  mainly  directed  to  the 
south.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  German  left  wing  was  threat- 
ened with  destruction  by  the  masses  which  Canrobert  was  rolling  up 
against  it  from  the  north.  It  was  but  two  o'clock,  and  no  infantry 
or  artillery  in  reserve.  Now  was  the  time  to  prove  what  a  cavalry 
ready  for  self-sacrifice  could  do.  But  even  of  this  there  was  but  a 
handful  to  hurl  itself  against  the  attack  ushered  in  by  Canrol)ert,  and 
silence  his  heavy  batteries  on  the  old  Roman  road.  Enveloped  in  a 
tempest  of  artillery  and  musketry'  fire,  poured  on  it  from  stations 
close  at  hand,  the  brigade  of  Bredow  —  six  squadrons  of  Magdeburg 
cuirassiers  and  Old  Mark  Uhlans  —  dashed  forward  on  the  foe.     His 

302  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

first  line  was  ridden  down,  and  men  and  horses  cut  to  pieces.  The 
second  line,  also,  was  powerless  to  withstand  the  whirlwind  of  horse- 
men, and  even  the  batteries  standing  on  the  heights  in  the  rear 
turned  in  flight.  Carried  on  by  the  frenzy  of  battle  and  lust  of 
victory,  the  Prussian  squadrons  dashed  forward  through  the  trough- 
like valley  which  slopes  downward  from  the  Roman  road,  till  finally 
after  a  charge  of  3000  paces,  the  cavalry  of  France  threw  themselves 
upon  them  from  all  sides.  General  Bredow  caused  the  recall  to  be 
sounded.  Breathless  from  their  long  ride,  their  ranks  thinned  by  the 
hostile  bullets,  and  completely  surrounded,  there  was  nothing  left  the 
heroic  band  but  once  more  to  cut  its  way  through  the  artillery  and 
infantry  already  ridden  dowai  by  them.  Only  a  half  returned  from 
this  charge  through  the  valley  of  death.  But  the  sacrifice  was  not 
in  vain ;  Canrobert's  advance  was  checked  ere  well  begun,  and 
never  resumed.  But  in  his  place  came  Leboeuf  and  Ladmirault, 
also  from  the  north,  before  the  weight  of  whose  flank  attack  the 
Prussians  had  to  evacuate  the  wood  of  Tronville.  At  this  critical 
moment  the  20th  infantry  division  of  the  tenth  army  corps  appeared 
on  the  field,  and  proved  effective  in  restoring  the  fight.  Concurrently 
with  this,  Prince  Frederick  Charles  with  his  staff,  after  a  ride  of  four- 
teen miles  accomplished  in  an  hour,  arrived  at  Flavigny,  and  a  second 
cavalry  fight  —  the  most  brilliant  in  the  whole  war  —  maintained  by 
the  brigade  of  Barby  at  Mars-la-Tour  put  a  conclusive  end  to  the 
danger  threatening  the  left  wing,  though  the  conflict  did  not  cease 
entirely  till  ten  at  night.  Next  morning  showed  the  Germans  still 
holding  the  field,  while  the  French  had  evacuated  their  positions. 
In  this  terrible  struggle,  the  losses  of  both  were  heavy,  and  nearly 
equal,  —  about  16,000  men  each. 

It  was  to  be  supposed  that,  on  the  following  morning,  the  enemy, 
far  superior  in  numbers,  would  make  a  new  attempt  to  open  a  way  to 
the  west.  The  frightfully  depleted  ranks  of  both  the  German  army- 
corps  required  to  be  replenished  by  calling  hi  fresh  troops  as  speedily 
as  possible.  The  king  with  his  staff  appeared  on  the  battle-field 
early  in  the  morning  of  the  17th.  But  the  expected  attack  came 
not.  The  battle  of  j\fars-la-Tour  had  impressed  Bazaine  with  the 
conviction  that  he  had  had  to  do  with  a  force  at  least  as  strong  as 
his  own,  and  that  next  day  he  would  have  to  deal  with  a  greatly 
preponderant  one.  In  consideration  of  this,  and  of  his  own  deficient 
supply  of  provisions  and  munitions,  he  determined  to  give  up  the 
movement   on  the  Meuse,  and   to  withdraw  his   troops   nearer  to 


Metz,  and  face  them  towards  the  northwest,  in  preparation  for  a 
retreat  by  the  northern  road  branching  off  at  Gravelotte.  On  Grave- 
lotte,  therefore,  the  king  on  his  side  resolved  to  march  next  day  with 
his  whole  army. 

Bazaine,  ever  under  the  impression  that  his  enemy  meant  to  force 
him  away  from  Metz,  and  prevented,  owing  to  the  wooded  character 
of  the  country,  from  getting  a  view  of  the  distribution  of  his  forces, 
had  taken  special  precautions  for  securing  his  left  wing.  The  posi- 
tion—  strong  by  nature,  covered  in  front  by  the  deep  ravine  of  the 
Moselle,  and  resting  with  its  rear  on  the  forts  St.-Quentin  and  Plappe- 
ville  —  was  still  further  strengthened  by  art,  while  the  farm  home- 
steads had  been  converted  into  little  forts.  Bazaine  himself  took 
his  post  at  St.-Quentin.  On  his  extreme  left  stood  Frossard  at 
Rozerieulles ;  next  to  him,  Leboeuf ;  then  came  Ladniirault  on  the 
height  of  Amanvilliers  ;  the  extreme  right  wing,  under  Canrobert, 
extended  from  St.-Privat  to  Roncourt.  The  Guard  stood  as  reserve 
behind  the  left  wingr. 

The  German  leaders,  also,  were  in  uncertainty  as  to  the  position 
and  purpose  of  the  enemy.  Their  right  wing  and  centre,  therefore, 
were  ordered  to  maintain  a  waiting  attitude  till  the  left  wing  had 
fully  ascertained  the  state  of  matters  on  Bazaine's  more  northern  line 
of  retreat,  and  till  it,  in  case  the  French  army  had  taken  up  a 
position  to  the  west  of  Metz,  should  have  turned  its  right  flank  on 
the  north.  The  probability  of  tliis  being  the  case  showed  itself 
more  clearly  in  the  course  of  the  forenoon  ;  the  only  error  lying 
in  the  supposition  that  the  French  position  did  not,  at  the  most, 
reach  farther  north  than  Amanvilliers.  For  this  turning  movement 
the  Guard  was  told  off,  along  Avith  the  twelfth  corps,  the  Saxons 
under  their  crown  prince,  iVlbert.  When,  towards  eleven  o'clock,  it 
was  discovered  that  St.-Privat  also  was  occupied  by  the  French, 
this  force  received  orders  to  march  on  St.-Marie-aux-Chenes,  the 
Guard  by  way  of  Doncourt,  the  Saxons,  in  a  wider  detour,  by  Jarny. 
The  rest  of  the  first  line  of  battle  was  constituted  by  the  seventh 
army  corps  on  the  extrenie  left,  resting  on  the  Moselle,  and  holding 
the  wood  of  Vaux ;  next  to  this  came  the  eiofhth  over  aijainst  Roze- 
rieuUes,  and  in  touch  with  it  stood  the  ninth  between  Vionville  and 
Rezonville.  All  along  this  line  the  Germans,  towards  midday,  ad- 
vanced to  the  attack.  In  accordance  with  the  common  plan,  a  pro- 
tracted and  hot  artillery  fight,  supported  hy  infantry  cliarges,  here 
developed  itself ;  the  ninth  corps,  which  began  the  attack  somewhat 

304  TUE  FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR   OF  1870-1871. 

prematurely,  being  for  a  time  in  an  especially  critical  situation.  But 
by  three  o'clock  the  enemy's  advance  posts  were  everywhere  driven 
in,  and  the  Germans  had  planted  themselves  firmly  on  the  advanced 
slope  of  the  plateau  of  Point-du-Jour  in  immediate  proximity  to  the 
French  main  positions,  while  by  the  capture  —  though  with  great  loss 
—  of  the  homestead  of  St.-Hubert,  they  had  gained  a  fast  'point  d'appui 
in  advance  of  their  centre.  In  general,  so  much  had  been  attained 
that  the  second  and  part  of  the  third  French  corps  were  completely 
fettered,  and  rendered  altogether  incapable  of  lending  support  to  the 
right  wing  threatened  by  the  main  attack.  In  expectation  of  an 
attack  on  the  left  wing,  Bazaine  had  kept  his  reserve  so  long  in  the 
background  that  it  was  now  too  late  to  use  it  for  the  rescue  of  the 
right  wing. 

As  the  day  already  verged  towards  sundown,  the  time  seemed 
come  for  increasing  the  pressure  on  the  enemy's  left  wing,  which 
was  to  all  appearance  severely  shaken.  The  king,  who  followed 
the  current  of  the  fight  from  Gravelotte,  therefore  ordered  General 
Steinmetz  to  set  all  the  still  available  troops  of  the  first  army  in 
motion  upon  the  heights  of  Point-du-Jour.  But  now  the  enemy 
also  brought  all  his  reserves  into  action  ;  his  still  effective  batteries 
resumed  their  long-reserved  fire,  and  showered  missiles  of  all  kinds 
over  the  woods  and  plateau  of  Gravelotte.  The  Germans,  however, 
were  not  to  be  driven  from  their  dearly  won  positions.  Meanwhile, 
on  the  German  left  wing  the  first  Guard  division,  von  Pape's 
(Fig.  82),  had  stormed  the  village  of  St.-Ail,  and  —  with  the  support 
of  the  Saxons  —  that  of  St.-Marie-aux-Chenes,  and  opened  a  hot 
but  fruitless  artillery  fire  upon  St.-Privat.  It  became  clear  that 
nothing  was  to  be  effected  against  this  fortress-like  bulwark,  estab- 
lished on  a  commanding  height,  till  the  Saxons'  turning  movement 
had  taken  effect.  Bat  as  it  now  became  obvious  that  Roncourt, 
beyond  St.-Privat,  was  also  occupied  by  the  French,  Prince  Albert 
saw  that  it  was  necessary  he  should  make  a  wider  detour  so  as  to 
envelop  this  as  well.  A  lull,  therefore,  ensued  in  the  fighting  over 
the  whole  field.  It  was  half-past  five  o'clock,  and  Prince  Augustus 
of  Wiirtemberg,  on  the  conviction  that  the  Saxons'  intervention 
was  imminent,  believed  he  could  no  longer  delay  the  attack  on 
St.-Privat  if  the  battle  was  to  be  decided  on  this  day.  Pape's  re- 
monstrances against  an  enterprise  sure  to  result  in  a  useless  sacrifice 
of  life  were  in  vain.  The  prince  gave  the  order  for  the  advance. 
At   the  double-quick   the   regiments    '  Kaiser   Franz '    and  '  Queen 



Augusta'  advanced  from  St.-Ail  towards  the  height.  They  liad 
taken  but  a  few  hundred  steps  when  they  confronted  a  tempest  of 
fire  that  mowed  down  the  men,  but  especially  the  officers,  like  grain. 
The  same  fate  awaited  the  lirst  and  third  regiments  of  the  Guard 
that  hurried  from  8t.-Marie  to  their  support.  The  terrible  losses 
weakened,  indeed,  their  power  for  attack,  but  did  not  break  their 
ranks.     Headed  by  their  few  uninjured  officers,  they  clung  to  the 

Fig.  82.  —  General  von  Papa.     From  a  photograph. 

slope,  and  with  iron  resolution  maintained  the  ground  so  deaily  won. 
Tlie  artillery  was  again  l)rought  into  action,  and  advancing  to  within 
1000  paces  of  St.-Privat  opened  upon  it  a  murderous  fire.  Mean- 
while the  Saxons  had  completed  their  flanking  movement.  Canro- 
bert  had  in  no  way  misunderstood  this  danger  threatening  his  right 
wing,  —  floating,  as  it  were,  in  the  air;  but  as  he  had  more  than 
enough  to  do  to  hold  his  ground  against  the  Guard  pressing  forward 
against  his  front,  while  his  earnest  calls  for  help  were  uiircspouded 

306  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR   OF  1870-1871. 

to,  he  was  impotent  to  do  anything  to  hinder  the  movement  that 
outflanked  him.  Instead,  he  evacuated  the  whole  field  north  of  St.- 
Privat.  The  French  defenders,  thus  hemmed  in  and  driven  back 
on  each  other,  made  desperate  exertions  to  maintain  the  village. 
But  under  the  storm  of  shot  and  shell  poured  into  it  from  two  sides, 
walls  and  buildings  crumbled  to  pieces,  while  columns  of  flame  shot 
up  from  the  ruins.  The  sun  was  sloping  to  its  setting  when  the 
Guard  and  the  Saxons  threw  themselves  simultaneously  upon  the 
burning  village.  But  even  yet  the  resistance  was  bitterly  obstinate. 
After  a  hand-to-hand  conflict  with  bayonets  and  clubbed  muskets 
the  enemy  laid  down  their  arms.  Such  as  managed  to  escape 
streamed  in  disorder  to  the  valley  of  the  Moselle.  King  Wilham 
telegraphed  the  tidings  of  victory  to  the  queen  in  Berlin  (Fig.  83).^ 

The  defeat  of  the  sixth  corps  determined  the  withdrawal  of  the 
whole  French  army  under  the  guns  of  Metz.  The  Germans'  exulta- 
tion over  their  victory  was  dampened  by  the  terrible  price  at  which 
it  had  been  purchased.  In  all,  their  loss  exceeded  20,000  men ;  that 
of  the  Guard  alone  amounted  to  8200.  The  French  gave  theirs  as 
13,000.  But  an  iron  girdle  had  been  drawn  around  their  whole 
main  army,  by  which  —  though  itself  unassailable  —  it  was  rendered 
incapable  of  contributing  to  the  defence  of  the  country,  unless  by 
brealdng  through  the  German  lines. 

The  consequences  of  this  catastrophe  made  themselves  felt  far 
and  wide.  In  the  first  place  it  conclusively  set  at  rest  all  thought 
of  assailing  the  North  German  coast  from  the  sea.  On  July  24  a 
so-called  Baltic  fleet  of  twelve  ships  had  left  Cherbourg  under  Ad- 
miral Bouet-Villaumez,   with  which    the    German  flotilla    came    to 

1  Explanation  of  Fig.   83. 

The  despatch  was  written  by  the  king  in  the  bivouac  at  Rezonville,  on  the  evening 
of  August  18,  with  a  lead-pencil,  in  the  memorandum  book  of  Chief-Engineer  Fried- 
heim,  Director  of  the  4th  division  of  the  Fiekl  Telegraph,  who  preserved  it  by  permis- 
sion of  the  king. 


Bivouac  bei  Rezonville  9  Uhr  Ab. 
Die  französische  Armee  in  sehr  starker  Stellung  westlich  von  Metz,  heut  unter 
Meiner  Führung  angegriffen,  in  neunstündiger  Schlacht  vollständig  geschlagen,  von 
ihren  Verbindungen  mit  l'aris  abgeschnitten,  und  gegen  Metz  zurückgeworfen. 

An  Ihre  Maj.  die  Königin 
Soweit  jetzt  bekannt  Artillerie  Vom  3,   Garde,  2te,  7,  8,   9  und   12  Corps  im 
Gefecht  gewesen, 


308  TUE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

an  engagement,  on  August  17,  off  Hiddensee.  On  August  9  the 
French  North  Sea  fleet,  under  Admiral  Fourichon,  appeared  off  Hel- 
goland, but  remained  there  inactive  till  on  the  defeat  before  Metz 
both  fleets  were  recalled  home.  But  though  the  French  navy  took 
no  longer  any  part  in  the  war,  its  marines  and  gunners  did  yeoman 
service  in  the  later  combats  by  land.  Another  consequence  of  the 
catastrophe  was  the  total  disruption  of  all  relations  with  the  secret 
alhes.  Nay,  the  empire  stooped  so  low  as  to  become  a  mere  sup- 
pHant  for  help  from  its  former  protege.  After  its  flag  —  which  for 
three  years  had  waved  from  Fort  INIichelangelo  over  the  Holy  City 
—  was  struck,  and  the  garrison  shipped  for  home,  the  emperor  sent 
his  cousin,  Prince  Napoleon,  with  all  speed  to  Florence  to  try 
what  he  could  effect  with  his  father-in-law.  There  he  found  only 
deaf  ears.  Stronger  counter-influences  made  all  his  efforts  vain. 
Garibaldi  and  his  party  protested  loudly  against  any  aid  to  the  "  man 
of  December  2,"  and  showed  much  greater  disposition  to  an  invasion 
of  Savoy  and  Nice  with  help  of  Prussian  gold.  But  Rome  was  still 
the  main  stumbling-block.  Victor  Emmanuel  and  his  people  were 
at  one  in  their  glowing  desire  for  Rome  as  the  capital  of  Italy ;  but 
the  king  insisted  that  tliis  must  be  brought  about,  not  by  an  isolated 
party  of  extremists,  but  by  the  government  supported  by  the  vote  of 
the  whole  land.  Already  a  committee  of  the  Left  had  been  consti- 
tuted under  Crispi  and  Cairoli  to  urge  the  government  forward,  and 
one  of  their  number  had  even  gone  to  the  German  headquarters  at 
Hamburg  to  deal  with  Bismarck  in  regard  to  the  occupation.  The 
wily  cluuicelior  availed  himself  of  tlie  opportunity  to  inter})ose  an 
insuperable  obstacle  to  any  Franco-Italian  alliance,  and  the  delegate 
took  the  pr(Mnise  home  with  him  that  Germany  would  recognize  the 
occupation  of  Rome  as  soon  as  it  was  an  accomplished  fact,  and 
would  use  its  influence  to  prevent  any  other  power  from  protesting 
against  it.  The  Italian  ministers  intrenched  themselves  against  the 
prince  behind  the  pretext  that  Italy  could  do  nothing  except  in  con- 
cert with  Austria,  and  then,  in  order  to  escape  from  further  solicita- 
tion from  France,  addressed  themselves  to  London.  There  a  league 
of  neutrals  was  suggested,  but  the  idea  came  to  nothing.  Only  one 
thing  was  clear ;  namely,  that  France  was  left  isolated  to  meet  its 
fate.  But  the  battles  before  Metz  inspired  the  Italians  with  cour- 
age for  the  decisive  step.  On  August  29  Visconti- Venosta,  foreign 
minister,  communicated  to  the  powers  the  guaranties  which  Italy 
was  prepared  to  offer  the  pope,  —  that  after  the  loss  of  his  secular 


possessions  he  would  still  be  in  a  position  to  exercise  his  spiritual 
functions  with  absolute  freedom.  No  one  interposed  any  objections. 
Before,  however,  having  recourse  to  force,  the  king  tried  the  effect 
of  conciliation.  He  sent  Count  Ponza  di  San  Martino  with  an  auto- 
graph letter  to  Jionie,  in  which,  under  assurance  of  his  filial  senti- 
ments and  his  fidelity  to  and  reverence  for  the  church,  he  ini[)lored 
the  poj^e  not  to  reject  the  hand  tlius  held  out  to  him ;  intimating, 
however,  at  the  same  time,  his  resolution  of  taking  possession  of  the 
city.  The  pope's  answer  rendered  any  accommodation  impossible, 
and  the  order  for  crossing  the  frontiers  followed  forthwith.  On 
September  11  the  Italian  army,  60,000  strong,  under  General 
Cadorna,  entered  the  States  of  the  Church,  and  on  the  20th  stood 
before  the  walls  of  Rome.  As  General  Kanzler,  commander  of  the 
14,000  papal  mercenaries,  refused  to  open  the  gates,  a  breach  was 
made  in  the  wall  at  Porta  Pia  by  means  of  artillery,  and  in  a 
few  moments  the  city  was  in  the  hands  of  the  stormers,  amid  the 
enthusiastic  acclamations  of  tlie  populace.  The  Prussian  envoy, 
Count  Arnim,  was  the  first  to  congratulate  General  Cadorna  on  the 
elevation  of  Rome  into  the  capital  of  Italy. 

To  return  to  the  grand  field  of  conflict.  On  the  evening  of 
August  18,  the  German  leaders  were  prepared  for  a  renewal  next 
morning  of  the  struggle  before  Metz.  But  when  the  enemy's  with- 
drawal became  patent,  dispositions  were  made  in  accordance  with  the 
changed  situation.  After  the  troops'  excessive  toils  in  marching  and 
fighting  it  was  imperative  that  they  should  be  allowed  a  short  rest. 
For  the  investment  of  Metz  there  remained  behijid  the  first  arm}', 
and  the  second,  third,  ninth,  and  tenth  corps,  which,  after  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  somewhat  headstrong  Steinmetz  to  the  governor- 
ship of  Posen,  Avere  united  under  the  command  of  T^rince  Frederick 
Charles.  Out  of  three  corps  —  the  Guard,  the  fonith,  and  the  twelfth 
—  belonging  to  the  second  army,  and  two  cavalry  divisions,  a  fourth 
army  —  that  of  the  Meuse — was  constituted  under  the  crown  prince 
of  Saxony.  The  objective  point  of  this  latter  army,  as  well  as  of  that 
under  the  crown  prince  of  Prussia,  was  Paris ;  for  it  was  to  be  ex- 
pected that,  at  such  an  emergency,  all  the  strength  remaining  avail- 
able to  the  enemy  would  be  found  concentrated  on  this  line  for  the 
defence  of  the  capital.  According  to  reports  a  new  army  of  1  20.000 
was  in  the  course  of  formation  under  Mac]\[ahon  at  Chalons,  where 
the  emperor  also  was.  There  those  around  Xapoleon  prevailed  on  him 
to  appoint  Trochu  governor  of  Paris,  and  to  consent  to  his  own  ri.'turn 

310  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR   OF  1870-1871. 

thither.  Against  this  last  proposition  the  empress — remembering 
the  bad  impression  made  by  the  return  of  Prince  Napoleon  from  the 
Crimea  —  entered  her  decided  protest.  The  people,  on  their  rude 
awakening  from  their  dream  of  victory  and  conquest,  had  been  seized 
with  a  dangerous  revolutionary  fever  and  spirit  of  revolt.  They 
detected  spies  everywhere  as  well  as  treachery,  without  which  they 
could  not  account  for  the  Germans'  mysterious  familiarity  with  l)y- 
roads  and  petty  villages,  and  had,  under  this  conviction,  enforced  the 
expulsion  of  every  German  from  France. 

So  Napoleon  remained  with  the  army,  with  which,  however,  he 
had  no  longer  a  voice,  either  as  commander  or  emperor.  Hence- 
forth not  strategy  but  political  anxiety  determined  its  movements. 
The  simplest  and  most  natural  step  would  have  been  the  continua- 
tion of  the  retreat  till  the  army  should  stand  before  Paris,  in  order 
there  to  deliver  a  new  battle ;  and  a  decree  of  the  council  of  war  of 
the  17th  pointed  to  the  same  conclusion,  practically  leaving  Bazaine 
to  his  fate.  In  regard  to  the  state  of  matters  before  IVIetz,  no  one 
had  certain  information.  When  jNIaclNIahon  applied  to  Bazaine  for 
instructions,  he  received  for  answ^er  that  as  distance  made  free  com- 
munication impossible,  he  must  act  on  his  own  responsibihty. 
Meanwhile  the  emperor  had  received  from  Bazaine  a  despatch  to 
the  effect  that,  while  he  had  held  the  field  on  the  18th,  it  had  been 
necessary  for  him,  before  resuming  the  march  westward,  to  with- 
draw his  army  to  j\Ietz,  so  as  to  supply  it  there  with  provisions  and 
ammunition.  Immediately  on  the  back  of  this,  there  came  to  Mac- 
Mahon  an  order  of  the  19th  from  the  minister  of  war,  requiring  him 
to  march  eastward,  and  effect  a  junction  with  Bazaine.  IMacMahon 
was  perfectly  aware  of  the  terrible  blunder  involved  in  this  order. 
Not  only  was  the  capital,  threatened  by  the  advance  of  the  German 
third  army,  to  be  left  destitute  of  defence,  but  he  himself  was  to 
incur  the  risk  of  running  into  the  arms  of  the  enemy  before  he  could 
reach  the  army  of  the  Rhine,  which  —  the  road  to  Verdun  being 
now  barred  to  it  —  could  avail  itself  only  (if  of  any)  of  the  more 
northern  route  by  way  of  Montmedy.  To  leave  himself  a  chance, 
at  least,  MaciNIahon  chose  a  middle  course,  and  on  the  21st  moved 
to  a  position  near  Rheims.  There  the  minister  Rouher  made  his 
appearance  in  order  to  remove  his  objections  to  an  eastward  march. 
But  precisely  the  reverse  of  what  he  purposed  occurred.  The  min- 
ister did  not  convince  the  marshal,  but  the  marshal  convinced  the 
minister;  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  route  to  Paris  should  be  taken 


on  the  22d.  But  now  there  came  a  despatch  from  Bazaiue  in  which 
he  said:  "I  still  calculate  on  getting  away  in  a  northern  direction,  and 
on  fighting  my  way  via  Montmedy  and  8te.-Menehould  to  Chalons, 
if  this  route  is  not  too  strongly  occupied.  Should  this  be  the  case 
I  shall  go  to  Sedan,  and  even  to  Mezieres,  in  order  to  reach  Chillons." 
This  despatch  led  INIacMahon  to  change  his  mind  at  the  last  moment, 
and  to  determine  to  join,  if  possible,  the  army  of  the  Rhine,  now,  as 
he  supposed,  in  its  march  in  the  direction  of  Montmedy.  But  to  the 
five  days  lost  through  indecision  in  Chalons,  two  more  had  now  been 
added  in  Rheims,  while  the  discovery  that  two  corps  were  in  absolute 
want  of  provisions  involved  a  third.  For  this  reason  he  had  to 
make  a  detour  to  Rethel,  where  considerable  stores  were  gathered. 

On  the  23d  the  German  armies  also  began  their  march  upon 
Chalons.  An  attempt  of  the  Saxons  to  take  Verdun  by  a  coup 
de  main,  as  well  as  an  earlier  one  on  Diedenhofen  (Thionville) 
proved  failures,  as  did  that  of  the  second  army  on  Toul.  Owing 
to  want  of  heavy  artillery,  the  Germans  had  to  content  themselves 
with  investing  these  places.  On  the  24th  news  was  brought  to  the 
headquarters  of  the  third  army  at  Ligny  that  the  Prussian  Uhlans 
had  found  the  camp  at  Chillons  empty,  and  on  the  25th  it  was  made 
clear  that  MacMahon  was  trying  to  force  his  way  to  Bazaine.  This 
movement  was  so  much  at  variance  with  the  elementary  principles 
of  strategy  that  General  Moltke  limited  himself  to  ordering  a  slight 
general  movement  northward,  meaning,  moreover,  to  allow  the  troops 
a  day's  rest  in  their  new  positions.  But  when,  on  the  26th,  the  cav- 
alry of  the  army  of  the  Meuse  recovered  touch  of  the  enemy  —  lost 
since  Worth  —  all  doubt  was  set  at  rest.  All  the  armies  were  forth- 
with ordered  to  change  front  towards  the  north,  —  the  army  of  the 
Meuse  as  the  left  wing,  crown  prince  Frederick  William,  with  the 
sixth,  fifth,  and  eleventh  corps,  the  Bavarians  and  Wiirtembergers  as 
the  centre  and  right  wing,  —  the  object  being,  by  a  forced  march,  to 
block  MacMahon's  route  to  the  east,  or  strike  him  in  the  flunk. 
General  headquarters  were  transferred  from  Bar-le-Duc  to  Clermont- 
en-Argonne.  On  the  27th  crown  prince  Albert's  (Fig.  84)  cavalry 
struck  the  mounted  troops  of  Douay  and  Failly  at  Buzancy.  And 
now  the  possibility  of  overtaking  the  enemy  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Meuse  suggested  itself.  The  passages  at  Dun  and  Stenay  were 
already  held  by  the  army  of  the  Meuse. 

The  engagement  at  Buzancy  showed  MacMahon  the  hopeless- 
ness of  his  undertaking.     As  the  way  to  Paris  was  already  blocked 

312  TUE   FBANCO-GEKMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1871. 

by  the  crown  piince  of  Prussia,  he  deterinined,  as  his  only  means  of 
deliverance,  to  retreat  on  Mezieres.  But  now  there  came  a  despatch 
from  the  war-minister:  "  If  you  abandon  Bazaine,  we  have  the  Revo- 
lution in  Paris  !  "  accompanied  by  the  entirely  groundless  assertion 
that  he  had  a  start  of  thirty-six  hours,  and  that  the  situation  of  his 
army  was  b}^  no  means  so  critical  as  he  thought.  Thus  urged,  he 
led  his  army  on  to  its  fate.  The  pressure  of  the  German  colunuis 
on  his  right  flank  soon  made  itself  unpleasantly  sensible.  As  the 
heads   of  these  had  already  reached  the  V(.)uziers-Stenay  Road,  he 

Fig.  84.  — Crowu  Prince  Albert  of  Saxony.     Fnmi  a  lithograph  by  M.  Müller. 

gave  up  the  advance  on  Stenay,  and  tried,  by  bending  still  farther  to 
the  north,  to  gain  the  passages  at  Mouzon  and  Remilly,  whence  he 
hoped  to  open  a  way  for  himself  to  Metz  via  Carignan.  By  the 
evening  of  the  30th  his  whole  army  was  to  be  on  the  heights  be- 
tween the  Meuse  and  Chiers,  on  a  line  from  Mouzon  to  Carig- 
nan. But  two  only  of  his  corps  succeeded  in  reaching  this  line. 
An  attack  of  the  army  of  the  Meuse  had  struck  deep  into  the  flank 
of  the  fifth  corps  when  on  its  march.  Notwithstanding  that  this 
corps  was,  on  the  29th,  hurled  back  by  the  Saxons  upon  Beaumont, 



its  general,  Failly  (Fig.  85),  was  so  culpably  over-confident  that  he 
took  no  care  to  plant  outposts,  so  that  the  fourth  German  anny-coips 
was  able,  on  the  30th,  to  surprise  its  encampment  while  the  men 
were  in  the  act  of  cooking.  Like  a  swarm  of  molested  bees,  the 
French  tirailleurs  poured  forth  against  the,  at  first,  small  number  of 
their  assailants  ;  but  the  Saxons  coming  to  the  help  of  the  latter  on 
the  right  and  the  Bavarians  on  the  left,  the  French  were  driven 
back  from  the  south  and  west  upon  the  Me  use,  losing  many  prison- 

FiG.  85. — General  de  Kailly.      Fnnii  a  pliototcrapli. 

ers.  Failly,  in  disorderly  retreat,  crossed  the  bridge  of  Mouzon  in 
the  evening,  while  other  sections  of  the  army  sought  to  gain  a  pas- 
sage lower  down.  General  Douay  thiew  himself  on  the  left  bank 
and  made  for  Sedan,  which  he  reached  utterly  exhausted  at  five, 
on  the  morning  of  the  31st.  This  day  of  bad  fortune  had  cost 
the  French  5000  men  and  42  cannon.  Under  the  innuence  of  so 
serious  a  discomfiture,  General  MacMahon  himself  at  Mouzon  gave 
orders  at  noon  on  the  30th  for  a  general  retreat  on  Sedan,  not  with 

314  TEE   FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

the  view  of  accepting  battle  there,  but  of  supplying  liis  troops  with 
provisions  and  ammunition  for  their  further  march  to  Mezieres, 
where  the  newly  organized  corps  of  Vinoy  was  awaiting  him.  He 
reached  Sedan,  indeed ;  but  here  where  every  moment  was  costly,  he 
wasted  further  precious  time  in  indecision  between  a  march  to  Mont- 
medy  and  one  to  Mezieres. 

The  German  leaders,  on  the  other  hand,  kept  before  their  eyes 
the  high  aim  of  driving  the  foe  over  the  Belgian  frontier  or  compel- 
Img  him  to  lay  down  his  arms.  On  the  evening  of  the  31st  the 
crown  prince  of  Saxony  led  liis  army  across  the  Meuse,  and  com- 
pletely blocked  the  little  space  between  the  river  and  the  frontier. 
The  crown  prince  of  Prussia,  with  four  army  corps  and  two  cavalry- 
divisions,  stood  on  the  south,  prepared  to  repel  any  attempt  of  the 
French  in  that  direction,  as  well  as  to  fall  on  the  flank  of  any  west- 
ward movement  with  his  left  wing.  The  forced  marches  made  by 
his  troops  enabled  him  to  push  his  eleventh  and  fifth  corps  so  far 
forward  that  a  short  march  on  the  morning  of  September  1,  on 
Donchery  and  Vrigne,  barred  the  enemy's  last  line  of  retreat. 
Fighting  followed  on  the  31st,  but  only  with  the  Bavarian  corps  of 
von  der  Tann,  constituting  the  left  wing  of  the  third  army,  to  which, 
standing  close  on  the  JNIeuse,  the  duty  of  watching  the  road  on  the 
other  side  leading  to  Sedan  had  been  intrusted.  Before  the  fire  of 
its  batteries,  posted  on  the  heights  of  Remilly,  Lebrun  fell  back 
from  that  road ;  and  as  for  some  unaccountable  cause  the  railroad 
bridge  was  left  undestroyed,  the  Bavarians  pressed  on  over  it  and 
reached  Bazeilles.  Since,  however,  von  der  Tann  had  been  ordered 
to  avoid  any  serious  engagement,  they  returned  to  the  right  bank. 

The  conviction  prevailed  on  the  German  side  that  MacMahon 
would  endeavor  to  slip  through  the  iron  ring  by  means  of  a  night 
march.  This  attempt  was  not,  however,  made,  and  the  French  army 
remained  held  fast  '  in  the  mouse-trap.'  Sedan,  an  antiquated,  con- 
fined, fortified  town,  lies  in  the  valley  of  the  IMeuse,  —  at  that  time 
dammed  back  as  far  as  Bazeilles,  —  and  is  surrounded  by  heights  on 
all  sides.  Two  brooks  —  the  one  joining  the  IMeuse  at  Floing,  the 
other  at  Bazeilles  —  unite  with  it  to  form  a  right-angled  triangle, 
whose  area  was  filled  by  the  French,  their  fronts  occupying  the 
heights  on  the  inside  of  the  streams.  On  the  hypothenuse,  stretch- 
ing from  Bazeilles  to  the  village  of  Givonne,  stood  the  twelfth  and 
first  corps  facing  eastward ;  the  seventh  extended  from  Illy  on  the 
north  to  the   Meuse   at  Floing;  behind  it  stood  the  fifth  and  the 

SEDAN.  315 

cavalry  as  reserve,  fronting  the  west.  The  two  former  bodies  and 
the  two  last  thus  stood  back  to  back.  The  third  side  formed  by  the 
^Nfeiise  was  unoccupied ;  in  its  centre  lay  the  fortress.  (See  Plate 
XVI. :    The  Battle-field  of  Sedan.) 

The  king,  along  with  Moltke,  Bismarck,  and  Roon,  posted  him- 
self on  the  hill  near  Frenois,  from  which  the  whole  of  the  enemy's 
position  was  visible.  So  convinced  were  the  German  leaders  that 
MacMahon  would  attempt  to  break  through  to  the  west,  that  the 
army  of  the  Meuse  and  the  first  Bavarian  corps  had  assigned  to  them 
as  their  sole  task  the  blocking  of  a  movement  in  tliat  direction. 
In  sad  truth,  jVIacMahon  had  no  longer  any  phui.  After  he  was 
wounded,  however  (before  seven  a.m.),  and  through  necessity  gave 
over  the  command  to  Ducrot,  this  general  resumed  the  plan  of  a 
retreat  upon  Mezieres,  and  with  this  view  took  steps  for  concentrat- 
ing the  army  at  Illy.  If  the  route  thence  to  Mezieres  were  no 
longer  practicable,  there  remained  at  least  the  crossing  the  bound- 
ary-Line into  Belgium.  Scarcely,  however,  were  the  initiatory  move- 
ments made,  when  General  Wimpffen,  newly  called  home  from 
Algiers,  who  had  joined  the  army  the  evening  before,  produced 
a  secret  warrant  appointing  him  to  the  command-in-chief  in  case  of 
any  eventuality.  The  new  chief  at  once  countermanded  Ducrot's 
dispositions  under  the  determination  of  cutting  his  way  through  to 
Carignan.  But  the  old  swashbuckler,  grizzled  on  the  battle-fields 
of  Africa,  dashed  himself  in  vain  against  the  circle  of  iron  with 
which  the  German  commander  had  environed  him. 

The  first  blood  on  this  bloody  day  —  September  1  —  was  shed  at 
Bazeilles.  At  four  in  the  morning,  and  in  a  dense  fog,  the  Bavarian 
division  of  Stephan  crossed  the  river,  and  forced  its  way  into  tliis 
place.  They  supposed  it  weakly  occupied  ;  but  they  had  to  realize 
that  they  had  to  do  with  a  foe  in  no  way  thinking  of  retreat,  but 
with  one  who  meant  to  maintain  it  unflinchingly.  The  assailants 
saw  themselves  as  if  drawn  into  a  maelstrom  of  fire.  But  in  the 
frenzy  of  battle  they  settled  to  their  work  .even  more  sternly  than 
the  crown  prince  and  Blumenthal  had  meant  them  to  do.  For  three 
hours  the  conflict  raged  without  intermission,  even  the  townspeople 
taking  furious  part,  ere  the  Bavarians  found  themselves  mastei"s  of 
one-half  the  town.  As  weapons  failed  to  clear  a  way  for  them,  tliey 
called  in  the  help  of  fire  ;  and  an  untold  number  of  the  wounded  were 
burned  to  death  or  lay  buried  under  the  fallen  ruins.  Between  six 
and  seven,  when  the  fog  began  to  rise,  eigl»ty-four  guns  connnenced  to 

316  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

shower  death  upon  the  defenders  from  the  heights  of  Remilly,  while 
the  army  of  the  Meuse  hurried  to  the  scene  from  the  right.  When 
Prince  George  of  Saxony,  who  now  led  the  twelfth  corps,  saw  how 
matters  stood,  he  at  once  took  part,  although  liis  own  right  flank  at 
Daigny  was  yet  seriously  menaced  by  the  Turcos  and  Zouaves,  still 
standing  on  this  side  the  Givonne.  Again  and  again  did  these  rush 
to  the  charge,  to  be  as  often  driven  back  by  the  fire  of  the  Saxons. 
It  was  precisely  at  tliis  moment  that  Wimpffen  assumed  the  com- 
mand-in-chief, and  strained  every  nerve  to  burst  through  the  ring. 
Though  it  was  with  difficulty  that  the  Bavarians  maintained  them- 
selves in  the  gap  between  Bazeilles  and  La  Moncelle,  they  yet  pressed 
over  the  bridge  and  stretched  a  hand  to  the  Saxons,  in  conjunction 
with  whom  they  stormed  the  opposite  height,  and  held  it  against  re- 
peated assaults.  Simultaneously,  about  eleven  o'clock,  a  united 
charge  of  Bavarians,  Saxons,  and  Thuringians  decided  the  matter 
at  Bazeilles,  and  captured  the  entire  place.  What  of  the  garrison 
were  not  made  prisoners  fell  back  on  the  suburb  of  Balan.  In  this 
sanguinary  sti-uggle  the  corps  of  von  der  Tann  alone  had  lost  120 
officers  and  2000  rank  and  file. 

vVdmonished  to  speed  by  the  thunder  of  the  cannon  at  Bazeilles,  the 
Guard,  at  seven  o'clock,  reached  Villers-Cernay,  its  destination  being 
to  join  hands  with  the  Saxons  on  the  left  and  with  the  third  army 
on  the  right,  so  as  to  close  the  Givonne-Bouillon  road  to  the  enemy. 
After  a  hot  artillery  fight,  its  infantry  took  Halbes,  and,  through  the 
capture  of  Daigny,  eff^ected  its  jmiction  with  the  Saxons.  At  the 
same  time  the  third  army,  after  completely  blocking  the  passage  to 
the  west,  pushed  itself,  like  a  bar  of  iron,  across  the  route  to  the 
north  by  way  of  St.-Menges.  When  the  cavalry  of  the  Guard,  to- 
wards midday,  reached  Illy,  and  met  the  advance  of  the  third  army, 
the  circle  was  closed.  Without  waiting  for  the  co-operation  of  the 
other  arms,  the  artillery  of  the  eleventh  and  fifth  army  corps  opened 
crushing  fire  upon  Illy.  The  enemy  comprehended  the  deadly  dan- 
ger threatening  liim  at  this  point.  General  jVIarguerite  charged,  at 
the  head  of  his  horsemen,  to  burst  the  terrible  toil  in  which  he  was 
immeshed  ;  but  before  the  hail  of  musketry  and  shells  his  squadrons 
became  disintegrated  and  fled,  leaving  behind  them  a  field  strewn 
vdth  corpses.  Three  times  was  the  captured  Illy  assailed,  but  each 
time  ineffectually,  Floing,  too,  fell  about  midday  into  the  hands  of 
the  Germans.  Four  hundred  cannon  vomited  forth  death  upon  the 
foes  still  holding  the  field  with  a  heroism  magnificent,  indeed,  but 

CLOSE    OF   rilE   BATTLE    OF  SEDAN  317 

fruitless.  Once  more  Douay  hurled  his  cavalry  against  the  on-press- 
ing Germans.  General  Marguerite,  with  thirty-six  «(juailrons,  charged 
against  Floing.  lie  himself  fell,  and  his  gallant  force  was  shattered 
by  the  steady  fire  of  the  Prussians ;  a  part  fled  for  refuge  over  the 
Belgian  frontier.  And  again  the  German  infantry  resumed  its  victo- 
rious advance.  It  mounted  the  plateau,  where  another  wave  of 
horsemen  shattered  itself  against  it  like  spray  upon  the  rocks,  and 
the  French  cavalry  was  practically  annihilated.  Shortly  after  three 
the  plateau  of  Floing  was  fully  in  German  hands,  its  occupants 
fleeing  in  wild  disorder  to  the  fortress.  At  the  same  moment  von 
Kirchbach  seized  Calvaire  d'llly.  At  the  sacrifice  of  his  last  strength, 
Douay  strove  to  maintain  this,  the  key  of  the  French  position ;  but 
in  vain.  In  a  last  victorious  onset  the  fifth  and  eleventh  cordis,  min- 
gled with  Guards  and  Saxons,  carried  the  wood  of  Garenne,  making 
many  prisoners,  and  captured  even  the  suburb  of  Cazal. 

On  the  opposite  side  von  der  Tann,  re-enforced  by  the  Bavarian 
division  of  Walther,  set  himself  with  fresh  vigor  to  the  capture  of 
Balan.  By  two  o'clock  this  place,  stretching  t;)  the  glacis  of  the  for- 
tress, was  carried.  At  the  same  instant,  when  the  eleventh  and  fifth 
corps  precipitated  themselves  from  Calvaire  d'llly  upon  the  fleeing 
foe,  the  Saxons  and  the  Guard  made  their  last  onset  by  way  of  Daigny 
and  Halbes.  At  the  burning  homestead  of  Querimont,  where  tlie 
French,  like  wild  beasts  in  a  trap,  were  penne<l  in  on  all  sides,  there 
was  a  furious  hand-to-hand  conflict,  where  all  who  did  not  surren- 
der were  slaughtered.  Tlie  whole  height  east  of  the  Givonne  was 
crowned  with  180  German  guns,  that  of  Floing  with  172;  and  from 
both  positions  their  shot  was  showered  down,  like  a  hailstorm  of 
iron,  on  the  ever-narro\ving  space  into  which  the  French  were  now 
hemmed,  in  impotent  despair.  So  frenziedly  did  the  fugitives  rush 
for  the  fortress  that  many  were  suffocated  or  trodden  to  death  in  the 
narrow  opening  of  the  gate.  Then,  as  no  signal  of  surrender  was 
yet  shown,  the  king  gave  orders  to  direct  the  deadly  shot-storm  upon 
the  city  itself.  Fire  broke  out  in  several  places.  Napoleon,  who  at 
midday  had  ridden  back  to  the  fortress  from  his  point  of  observation 
on  the  height  of  La  Moncelle,  now  realized  that  all  was  lost,  and  that 
continued  resistance  meant  only  an  unavailing  slaughter.  For  the 
last  time  he  exercised  his  prerogative  as  sovereign,  and  ordered  the 
wliite  flag  to  be  hoisted.  Wimpifen  caused  it  to  be  liauled  down. 
Even  yet  he  dreamed  of  cutting  his  way  to  Cai-ignan,  and,  rallying 
some  thousands  of  men,  led  them  to  the  weakening  Lebru.n.     It  was 

318  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1871. 

in  vain.  The  Bavarians  resolutely  repelled  this,  the  last,  attack  also. 
At  six  o'clock  the  battle  was  at  an  end. 

At  the  same  time  that  Lieutenant-Colonel  von  Schellendorf  ap- 
peared in  Sedan  with  a  flag  of  truce  and  a  demand  for  its  surrender, 
and  was  referred  by  the  emperor  to  Wimpffen  as  commander-in-chief, 
Napoleon  himself  despatched  General  Reille  with  a  letter  to  the  king. 
"  Sire,  my  brother,"  it  said,  "  since  I  have  failed  to  find  death 
among  my  troops,  there  only  remains  for  me  to  place  my  sword  in 
the  hands  of  your  majesty."  The  king  wrote  in  reply :  "  Sire,  my 
brother,  while  I  lament  the  circumstances  in  which  we  meet,  1  accept 
your  majesty's  sAvord,  and  beg  you  to  invest  one  of  your  officers  with 
full  powers  to  treat  regarding  the  capitulation  of  the  army  that  has 
fought  so  bravely  under  your  command.  On  my  side  I  have  nomi- 
nated General  Moltke."  The  king  and  his  son,  deeply  moved,  fell  on 
each  other's  necks.  Throughout  the  field  hurrahs  spread,  myriad- 
voiced,  from  troop  to  troop.  At  ten  o'clock  the  first  consultation 
concerning  the  capitulation  was  held  in  Bismarck's  quarters  in 
Donchery,  with  General  Wimpffen  accompanied  by  Generals  Castel- 
nau  and  Faure.  In  vain  did  the  Frenchmen  plead  for  an  alleviation 
of  the  terms  ;  in  vain  did  Castelnau,  instructed  by  the  emperor,  urge 
that  the  latter  had  surrendered  himself  to  the  king  personally  in  the 
hope  of  thus  securing  more  honorable  conditions  for  his  army;  equally 
in  vain  was  the  threat  of  a  renewal  of  the  struggle.  "  The  armistice," 
declared  JNIoltke,  "  expires  to-morrow  at  four  in  the  morning  ;  at 
four  precisely  I  reopen  fire."  Ultimately  the  hour  was  extended  to 
nine.  This  interval  Napoleon  employed  to  make  a  personal  effort 
to  obtain  milder  terms.  But  in  the  neighborhood  of  Phenols  he  met 
only  Bismarck — not  the  king,  who  had  slept  at  Yendresse,  fifteen 
miles  away.  His  attempt  was  all  the  more  hopeless,  that  he  declared 
himself,  as  a  prisoner,  precluded  from  treating  for  a  peace.  An 
audience  with  the  king  was  denied  liim  till  the  capitulation  was  con- 
cluded ;  and  for  this  end,  after  a  council  of  war  had  pronounced  this 
unavoidable,  Wimpffen  betook  himself  for  a  second  time  to  the  Ger- 
man headquarters.  At  eleven  o'clock  the  terms  were  signed  in  the 
Chateau  Bellevue.  The  whole  French  army,  84,000  strong,  600 
cannon,  and  all  the  war  material,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 
In  the  battle  there  had  been  taken  21,000 ;  the  killed  and  wounded 
amounted  to  13,000,  while  several  thousands  had  escaped  into 
Belgium  or  to  Mezieres. 

On  the  height  of  Frenois,  Bismarck  and   Moltke  delivered  the 

THE  NEWS    OF  SEDAN.  319 

subscribed  agreement  to  the  king,  who,  turning  to  the  princely  throng 
about  liim,  expressed  to  them,  in  impassioned  terms,  his  gratitude  for 
their  co-operation.  To  his  wife  he  telegraphed :  "  What  a  change, 
through  God's  providence  ! "  And  now  he  proceeded  to  Bellevue  to 
meet  Napoleon,  where  the  castle  of  Wilhelmshöhe,  at  Cassel,  was 
designated  as  his  place  of  confinement.  After  this  King  William 
visited  the  battle-field,  where  he  was  received  with  an  enthusiasm 
that  baffies  description. 

So  of  the  two  armies  that  expected  to  enter  Berlin  in  triumph, 
the  one  was  carried  captive  across  the  Rhine,  the  other  was  shut  up 
in  Metz  awaiting  the  same  fate.  For  this  unexampled  success 
Moltke  was,  first  of  all,  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  Germany ;  and,  in 
ascarcely  less  degree,  the  king  himself,  who,  in  the  reorganized  army, 
supplied  him  with  so  admirably  efficient  an  instrument ;  and  finally 
the  troops  themselves,  for  the  unhesitiiting  devotion  which  tiiey 
])rought  to  the  execution  of  their  most  arduous  and  most  perilous 
tasks.  The  rejoicings  called  forth  at  home  by  the  well-nigh  incredible 
news  must  be  left  to  the  imagination.  The  whole  nation  was 
penetrated  ^Aath  the  conviction  that  it  had  reached  one  of  the  greatest 
epoch-making  conjunctures  in  its  history,  and  tliat  the  blood  shed  in 
the  war  would  form  the  cement  of  national  unity.  The  gifts  for 
relief  of  the  wounded  doubled  themselves  everywhere,  while  in  every 
heart  there  sprung  the  hope  of  an  early  peace.  But  Bismarck  saw 
with  clearer  eyes,  and,  even  on  the  field  of  Sedan,  did  not  venture  to 
indulge  such  anticipations.  The  strength  of  F'rance  was  far  from 
being  exhausted,  and  a  new  and  obdurate  struggle  was  yet  to  be  re- 
quired to  bring  its  people  to  submit  to  the  dictates  of  a  conqueror. 

Bazaine's  attempt  to  co-operate  with  MacMahon's  march  to  his 
relief,  by  himself  breaking  through  the  German  lines,  proved  un- 
availing, though  some  slight  successes  were  gained  at  first  in  the 
battle  of  Noisseville,  fought  on  August  31  and  September  1.  The 
French  retired  to  Metz  unmolested,  and  Avith  tliis  ended  Bazaine's 
only  earnest  attempt  to  break  through  the  girdle  environing  him. 

The  news  that  reached  the  ears  of  the  Parisians  from  the  theatre 
of  war  was  meagre  in  the  extreme.  True,  the  ministers  did  not  fail 
to  dress  up  reports  of  German  defeats,  losses,  and  retreats ;  and, 
even  on  September  2,  La  Patrie  served  up  a  crushing  defeat  of  the 
Prussians  at  Longwy,  in  consequence  of  which  they  had  had  to  take 
refuge  in  Luxemburg,  where  they  were  disarmed.  But  the  empress 
had    already,    on   the    previous  evening,  received,    from    Vinoy   at 

320  THE   FliANCO-GEHMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1S7L 

Mezieres,  information  of  tlie  issue  of  the  battle,  and  on  the  3d 
received  from  her  husband  the  laconic  telegram  :  "  The  army  is  de- 
feated and  captured;  I  myself  am  a  prisoner  of  war.''  By  evening 
the  fact  was  a  secret  to  no  one.  Distrusting  Trochu,  the  empress- 
regent  had  recourse  for  counsel  to  Thiers,  who,  however,  declined  to 
respond,  as  he  did  to  the  imperious  demand  of  numerous  deputies 
that  he  should  place  himself  at  their  head  and  anticipate  the  in- 
evitable revolution.  The  empire  no  longer  existed.  Overturned  by 
no  party  movement,  by  no  conspiracy,  it  disappeared  simply  because 
success  had  deserted  it.  When  Palikao,  at  a  night-meeting  of  the 
legislative  body,  briefly  detailed  what  had  occurred,  Jules  P'avre  rose 
and  moved :  "  Louis  Napoleon  and  his  dynasty  are  deposed ;  the 
chamber  names  a  commission  of  government  with  the  duty  of  con- 
tinuing the  defence  to  the  uttermost,  and  driving  the  foe  out  of  the 
land;  General  Trochu  is  confirmed  as  governor  of  Paris."  No  minister 
had  a  word  to  say  in  opposition,  and  the  chamber  adjourned  till  next 
day  at  noon.  While  the  streets  already  assumed  a  very  threatening 
aspect,  Palikao  read  in  the  chamber  a  project  of  law  constituting  a 
council  of  government  and  natural  defence,  with  the  power  of  naming 
ministers,  he  liimself  being  invested  with  the  office  of  governor- 
general.  Thiers  immediately  made  a  counter-proposition,  which, 
while  confirming  the  appointment  of  a  council  of  government,  called 
for  the  summoning  of  a  constituent  assembly.  Of  the  imperial  dynasty 
no  word  more  was  heard.  But  the  chamber,  before  its  members 
could  proceed  to  debate,  was  filled  with  a  wild  rabble  of  the  populace, 
mingled  with  National  Guards,  who  forced  their  way  forward  with  the 
cry  of  "  Vive  la  repuhlique.''''  In  the  midst  of  the  tumult  Gambetta's 
stentorian  voice  was  heard  demanding  the  deposition  of  Louis 
Napoleon  and  his  dynasty  for  all  time.  The  motion  was  accepted 
with  an  uproar  of  applause,  whereupon  the  masses  took  their  way  to 
the  Hotel  de  Ville  to  proclaim  the  republic  there.  The  empress  fled 
from  the  Tuileries  to  the  house  of  her  dentist  (Dr.  Evans),  who  con- 
ducted her  to  the  coast,  and  thence  to  England. 

Meanwhile  eleven  deputies  of  Paris  —  Arago,  Jules  Favre, 
Gamier-Pages,  Gambetta,  Picard,  Ferry,  Rochefort,  etc.  —  installed 
themselves  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville  as  a  provisional  government.  In  the 
new  ministry  Favre  became  foreign  minister ;  Trochu,  war  minister 
and  president ;  Gambetta,  without  any  ceremony,  took  possession  of 
the  interior,  and  began  his  career  with  the  deposition  of  all  prefects. 
A  decree  of  the  government  enacted  the  dissolution  of  the  legislative 


body  and  the  abolition  of  tlie  senate.  On  the  6th  Favre  issued  a 
pompous  manifesto,  in  which,  parodying  the  words  of  King  AVilliam, 
he  declared  that  the  latter  carried  on  war  only  against  Napoleon, 
whose  fall  took  away  all  pretext  for  the  continuation  of  hostilities, 
adding  the  lofty  boast  that,  in  any  event,  France  would  surrender 
no  foot^breadth  of  her  soil  nor  a  stone  of  her  fortresses.  The 
government  fixed  October  16  as  the  day  for  the  election  to  the  new 
national  assembly. 

The  expectation  that  the  victors,  after  the  capture  of  Napoleon, 
would  recross  the  Rhine  without  other  compensation  than  the 
republic's  forgiveness  for  their  irruption,  found  no  response  in  Ger- 
many. There  everyone  was  conscious  that  the  decisive  word  was  to  be 
spoken  before  the  walls  of  Paris ;  and  thither,  as  soon  as  the  annihila- 
tion of  the  array  of  Chalons  had  opened  the  way  to  the  heart  of  the 
land,  the  Cxerman  host  took  its  way.  On  the  march  an  episode 
occurred  which  evinced  the  bitterness  of  the  national  feeling.  After 
the  surrender  of  the  citadel  of  Laon  to  Duke  "William  of  Mecklen- 
burg, a  French  soldier  exploded  its  j)owder  magazine,  thereby  causing 
the  death  of  100  Germans,  and  three  times  as  many  Frenchmen.  In 
order  to  prevent  the  capital  from  being  shut  in,  General  Ducrot  (Fig. 
86),  an  escaped  prisoner  of  Sedan,  led,  on  September  19,  a  sortie 
against  the  Poseners  advancing  on  Versailles,  but  was  repulsed  l)y  a 
Bavarian  corps  falling  on  his  left  wing,  composed  of  newly  eni'olled 
Zouaves,  who  shamefully  took  to  flight.  The  storming  by  the  Bava- 
rians of  the  intrenched  heights  of  Chatillon  completed  the  invest- 
ment of  Paris,  and  necessitated  the  abandonment  of  all  the  French 
positions  outside  the  circle  of  the  forts.  ( )n  the  south  side  the  army 
of  the  crown  prince  of  Prussia  stretched  like  a  bow  from  Bougival, 
opposite  ]Mont- Valerien,  to  Xoissy  on  the  Marne,  and  with  the  army 
of  the  Meuse  on  the  north  formed  a  circle  which,  measured  on  tlie 
line  of  foreposts,  was  not  less  than  sixty-one  miles  in  circumference. 
The  grand  headquarters  was  at  Versailles. 

The  French  saw  in  a  siege  of  Paris  an  outrage  of  unlieard-of 
enormity.  The  manifesto  in  v.l.ich  Victor  Hugo  declared  to  the 
world :  "  Paris  is  the  centre  of  humanity,  the  capital  of  civilization, 
the  sacred  city ;  wlio  attacks  Paris  attacks  the  whole  human  race ; 
that  such  a  focus  of  enlightenment,  such  a  centre  of  intellects,  hearts, 
and  souls,  such  a  brain  of  universal  thought,  should  be  desecrated, 
battered,  stonned,  and  by  whom,  by  hordes  of  barbarians  !  All  this 
is  impossible  ! "  voiced  the  sentiment  of  every  Frenchman.     In  like 

Vol..  XIX.— 21 


THE   FBANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1871. 

Fig.  86.  —  General  Ducrot.     From  a  photograph. 


manner  it  seemed  to  the  provisional  government  self-evident  that  all 
the  rest  of  the  world  was  bound  to  spring  forward  to  the  help  of 
sorely  oppressed  France,  and  that  in  a  more  effective  form  than  the 
United  States  and  Smtzerland  had  done,  who  greeted  their  new-born 
sister  republic  with  warm,  indeed,  but  empty  words  of  affection.  Ve- 
hemently urged  by  Favre,  Lord  Granville  let  himself,  at  length,  be 
prevailed  on  to  ask  BismarcJi  whether,  and  under  what  conditions,  he 
would  enter  upon  negotiations.  The  present  rulers  thought  them- 
selves entitled  to  special  indulgence,  inasmuch  as  they  were  of  the  party 
who  had  steadily  disapproved  of  the  war ;  but  Bismarck's  answer  of 
September  13  gave  them  to  know  that  Germany  did  not  look  for  her 
guaranties  in  French  sentiment,  but  only  in  making  a  renewed 
aggression  more  difficult  by  pushing  her  frontier  farther  back,  and 
making  the  fortresses  from  which  France  threatened  her  into  bul- 
warks for  her  defence.  On  the  news  that  Thiers,  despite  his  seventy- 
three  years,  was  setting  forth  to  invoke  the  intervention  of  the  other 
powers,  he  admonished  these  that  it  would  only  be  cruelty  to  foster 
hopes  which  could  not  be  fulfilled,  and  by  so  doing  prolong  the  war. 
"  Strasburg  in  the  hands  of  France  was  an  open  gate  for  her  sallies 
into  South  Germany;  in  the  hands  of  Germany —  that  in  more  tlian 
twenty  wars  had  never  been  the  aggressor  —  it,  as  well  as  ^letz, 
would  acquire  a  defensive  character." 

With  standpoints  so  inconsistent  it  was  a  foregone  conclusion 
that  the  interview  granted  by  the  chancellor  to  Favre,  on  the  19th, 
at  Montry,  and  then,  next  day,  at  Rothschild's  country  seat  in 
Ferneres,  could  have  no  practical  result,  and  this  the  more  that  they 
bore  only  a  private  character,  since  Germany  did  not  recognize  the 
provisional  government.  They  treated,  therefore,  mainly  of  an 
armistice  to  enable  the  National  Assembly,  already  summoned,  to  con- 
stitute itself,  and  choose  a  i^ermanent  goverjiment,  which  could  legiti- 
mately enter  upon  peace  negotiations.  "  Strasburg,"  said  Bismarck 
to  the  man  who  had  vowed  never  to  surrender  a  foot-breadth  of  French 
territory,  nor  a  stone  of  a  French  fortress,  "  Strasburg  is  the  key  to 
our  house,  and  we  must  have  the  keeping  of  it."  The  conditions 
Favre  took  back  to  Paris  were :  In  and  before  Paris  the  maintenance 
of  the  status  quo;  before  Metz,  the  continuance  of  hostilities;  the 
surrender  of  Strasburg  with  its  garrison  as  prisoners  of  war ;  as  also 
of  Toul  and  Bitsch,  excepting  that  their  garrisons  should  depart  free. 
The  Paris  government  rejected  them  absolutely ;  nor  was  their  in- 
dignation mitigated  by  the  reports  Thiers  brought  back  from  London, 

32-i  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1871. 

St.  Petersburg,  Vienna,  and  Florence,  all  uniting  to  show  that 
France  could  reckon  on  no  help  from  other  powers.  The  fall  of  Toul, 
on  September  21,  aggravated  the  situation  by  materially  facilitating 
the  provisioning  of  the  German  army. 

But  since  Sedan  a  marked  change  had  developed  itself  in  the 
sentiments  of  the  other  countries,  who  at  first,  almost  without  ex- 
ception, had  condemned  France.  INIost  evident  of  all  was  this  in 
England,  where  the  sudden  uprearing  of  the  German  giant  awakened 
unpleasant  reflections  in  regard  to  the  future.  The  sympathies  of 
the  British  trader  went  forth,  not  unnaturally,  to  the  country  he  found 
so  good  a  customer  for  all  the  necessaries  of  war;  England,  and,  next 
to  it.  North  America,  being  the  arsenals  whence  France  supplied  her- 
self with  equipments  in  lieu  of  those  she  had  lost.  The  German 
navy,  however,  made  itself  effective  in  seizing  contraband  of  war  in 
the  Atlantic. 

Of  the  possibility  of  Paris  being  besieged  no  Frenchman  had 
dreamed  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war ;  and,  therefore,  not  the  slightest 
provision  had  been  made  for  such  an  eventuality.  The  Palikao 
ministry  at  length  began  preparations  by  erecting  new  outworks  at 
the  most  vulnerable  points,  and  arming  them  with  naval  guns  brought 
from  the  seaports,  as  well  as  by  the  accumulation  of  articles  of  con- 
sumption of  all  sorts.  Even  after  the  investment  became  a  fact,  the 
people  evidenced  no  uneasiness.  The  novel  situation  had  a  kind  of 
charm  for  them,  and  the  newspapers  amused  their  public  AAith  child- 
ish rhodomontade.  Paris  was  to  become  either  a  Saragossa  or  a 
Moscow ;  one  Arcliimedes  after  another  offered  the  government  his 
device  for  the  annihilation  of  the  barbarians,  and  Rochefort  found  his 
appropriate  place  as  president  of  the  barricade  commission.  The  core 
of  the  garrison  was  constituted  by  the  thirteenth  corps  (Vinoy),  that 
had  managed  to  reach  Paris  from  Mezieres,  the  marines,  and  frag- 
ments of  other  sections  of  the  army.  Far  surpassing  these  in  num- 
bers were  the  National  Guards  and  gardes  mobiles,  who  proved, 
however,  innocuous  to  the  '  Prussians,'  but  a  real  menace  to  the 
government  and  the  city  itself.  To  capture  Paris,  which  resembled 
a  gigantic  intrenched  camp  rather  than  a  fortress,  by  direct  assault 
was  out  of  the  range  of  possibility,  and  for  a  bombardment  heavy  guns 
were  wanting.  There  remained,  therefore,  only  the  alternative  of 
starAdng  it  into  submission ;  and  even  in  regard  to  this,  the  besiegers 
greatly  underrated  the  citizens'  power  of  endurance.  Trochu's  sallies 
bore  a  stereotyped  character.    The  German  outposts  were  first  driven 


in  by  superior  numbers ;  but  as  soon  as  the  main  positions  wei-e 
reached,  the  assaiUmts  met  such  a  reception  that  they  were  iorcetl, 
after  heavy  losses,  to  retire  to  the  city.  Those  of  September  80  and 
October  13,  led  by  Vinoy,  had  the  same  experiences.  On  October 
18  the  fort  of  Mont- Valerien  set  the  beautiful  chateau  of  St.-Cloud 
on  fire,  and  reduced  it  to  ashes.  When,  on  the  21st,  Ducrot  burst 
forth  from  Valerien  against  Bougival,  the  Versaillese  made  sure  of 
seeing  the  red-breeches  once  more  amongst  them  and  victorious,  but 
(ireneral  Kirchbach  made  them  also  glad  to  witlidraw.  Great  was  the 
exultation  in  Paris,  when,  on  the  28th,  the  French  got  possession  of 
the  village  of  Le  Bourget  on  the  east  of  St.-Denis;  but  the  rejoicing 
was  short-lived,  for  two  days  thereafter,  after  an  obstinate  house-to- 
house  and  barricade  fight,  this  important  place  was  recaptured  by  the 
second  division  of  the  Guard, and  1200  prisoners  left  in  the  hands  of 
the  Germans. 

With  wise  precaution  the  Bank  of  France,  before  the  city  was 
completely  shut  in,  had  placed  its  bullion  and  cash,  along  with  the 
crown  diamonds,  in  security  in  Brest,  and  thus  enabled  itself  to 
advance,  as  required,  IGOO  million  francs  ('bj309,000,000)  to  the  gov- 
ernment for  war  purposes.  The  government  itself,  however,  did  not 
withdraw  from  the  capital.  Ridiculous  as  it  seems  for  a  country  to 
be  ruled  from  a  blockaded  fortress  with  no  means  of  communication 
with  the  outside  world  but  through  the  air  by  balloons  and  carrier- 
pigeons,  yet  to  Frenchmen  any  other  place  than  Paris  was  unthink- 
able as  the  seat  of  power.  In  order,  however,  not  to  be  wholly  out  of 
touch  with  the  provinces,  the  government  established  a  '  delegation,' 
at  first  of  a  single  individual  —  the  aged  Cremieux  —  in  Tours, 
adding  afterwards  three  colleagues.  Such  an  aiTangement  naturally 
precluded  all  unity  of  rule,  and  served,  rather,  to  foster  the  spirit  of 
anarchy  now  raising  its  head  in  the  south.  Lyons,  where  clustered 
the  Russian  Bakunin,  the  Pole  Dombrowsky,  and  other  birds  of 
prey,  raised  the  red  flag,  and  Marseilles  and  Toulouse  followed 
its  example.  Thirteen  departments  united  to  form  the  '  League  of 
the  South ; '  in  the  historic  land  of  the  Vendeeans,  eleven  other  de- 
partments constituted  the  Catholic-Royalist  '  League  of  the  West.' 
The  Paris  government  —  well  knowing  that  the  National  Assembly, 
the  elections  for  which  had  been  fixed  for  October  2,  would  declare 
for  peace  —  adopted  the  traditional  revolutionary  policy  of  a  mi- 
nority in  power  in  making  all  bow  before  its  will,  and  again  sus- 
pended the  election.     The  delegation,  on  the  other  hand,  in  accord 


THE   FPiANCO-GEBMAN   WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

with   the    desire    of    the    provinces,  fixed  the    general    election  for 
October  16. 

A  rule  thus  divided  could  not  endure.  On  October  6  Gambetta, 
invested  by  the  provisional  government  with  plenipotentiary  powers, 
left  Paris  in  a  balloon  for  Tours,  where  he  assumed  the  role  of  dic- 
tator. .  His  first  step  was  to  revoke  the  order  of  the  election;  his 
next,  to  conjoin  the  war  ministry  with  that  of  the  interior  already 

held  by  him,  appoint- 
ing as  his  delegate  in 
the    former   office   the 
-,,.,  engineer    Freycinet 

(Fig.  87),  who  now 
undertook  the  organ- 
ization of  the  national 

The  task  instantly 
pressing  on  the  govern- 
ment was  to  arouse  the 
countr}^  to  come  to  the 
help  of  the  capital. 
But  the  means  imme- 
diately at  hand  for 
effecting  this  were  of 
the  most  meagre  pos- 
sible. An  incomplete 
division  called  liome 
from  Algiers  furnished 
the  nucleus  for  a  new 
fifteenth  corps  organ- 
ized in  Orleans  under 
General  Lamotte- 
rouge  ;  and  this,  with  disconnected  bands  of  Breton  volunteers  under 
General  Fiereck,  and  24,000  men  who  had  retreated  on  Besangon, 
mider  General  Cambriels,  constituted  the  whole  strength  of  France 
outside  of  Paris  and  Metz.  Yet  by  the  exhibition  of  extraordi- 
nary energy  the  potentates  in  Tours  were,  within  four  months, 
successful  in  developing  a  national  army  of  600,000  men,  and  in 
enkindling  a  people's  war,  that,  through  the  spread  of  the  guerilla 
system,  and  the  participation  of  civiHans,  became  a  serious  an- 
noyance  to   the  invaders.     Weapons  and  all   other   munitions  and 

Fig.  87. — Freycinet.     From  a  photograph. 



equipments  that  France  herself  coiikl  not  supply,  her  fleet  brought 
home  from  America  and  Enolaiul.     Tlie  govermnent's  main  mistake 
hiy  in  this,  that,  misled  l)y  the  traditions  of  1792,  it  regarded  these 
levies  en  masse  as  already  effective  troops,  and,  therefore,  filled  the 
ranks  by  transferring  contingents  of  the  r/arde  mobile  to  the  regular 
army,  mobilizing,   in   place,   the  corresponding   contingents    of   the 
National   Guard.      In   this  way   it  came  about  that  the    Germans, 
with  disproportion- 
ately small  forces,  were 
able  to  hold  these  un- 
trained   masses    in 

The  grand  centre 
for  all  these  levies, 
gathered  along  both 
banks  of  the  Loire 
for  the  dehverance  of 
Paris,  was  Orleans. 
The  enemy,  however, 
allowed  them  little 
time  for  the  needful 
organization  and  in- 
struction. As  soon  as 
the  cavalry  of  Prince 
Albert  of  Prussia, 
which  ranged  through 
the  Beauce,  partly  to 
secure  the  rear  of  the 
investing  army  and 
parti}-  to  forage,  clearly 
ascertained  that  large 
bodies  of  men  were  as- 
sembling on  the  Loire, 
the  crown  prince  or- 
dered the  organization  of  an  army  of  observation  —  mainly  Bava- 
rians—  to  the  number  of  28,000,  with  100  guns,  at  whose  head  von 
der  Tann  took  the  way  to  Orleans.  At  Artenay,  to  the  north  of 
this  city,  he  came,  on  October  10,  upon  the  fifteenth  French  corps, 
and  routed  it,  taking  2000  prisoners.  This  decided  Lamotte- 
rouge   to  withdraw  behind  the   Loire,  not,  however,  without  main- 

FiG.  88.  — General  von  der  Tann.     From  a  photoirraph. 

328  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR   OF  1S70-1871. 

taining  a  stubborn  though  unsuccessful  fight  on  the  eleventh,  to 
defend  Orleans.  In  the  evening  it  was  occupied  by  the  Bavarians. 
iSIoltke  had  wished  that  von  der  Tann  (Fig.  88)  should  follow  up  his 
successes  beyond  the  Loire,  especially  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
the  numerous  factories  of  arms  and  arsenals  at  Bourges ;  but  the 
general  held  it  impolitic  with  the  small  force  at  his  disposal  to 
extend  his  operations  beyond  Orleans. 

It  was  of  the  highest  advantage  to  the  Germans  that  the  troops 
before  Strasburg  and  Metz  were  set  free  by  the  fall  of  both  of  these 
strong  places.  On  September  27,  after  a  breach  was  effected  in  the 
main  wall  and  all  made  ready  for  the  storming,  General  Uhrich, 
after  a  gallant  defence  of  fifty  days,  surrendered  Strasburg.  Over 
17,000  men,  1200  cannon,  great  stores  of  war  material,  and  10,000,- 
000  francs  in  the  state  bank  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors. 
Bazaine,  whose  position  after  Sedan  as  the  head  of  the  only  large 
regular  army  left  in  France  filled  liis  mind  with  political  ambitions 
sadly  detrimental  to  his  military  efficiency,  attempted  by  means  of 
messengers  some  very  equivocal  negotiations  with  Napoleon  and 
Eugenie,  who,  however,  resolutely  refused  to  interfere  in  French 
politics.  The  marshal's  dreams  of  an  armistice  and  a  dictatorship 
over  France  were  rudely  dispelled  by  the  speedy  exhaustion  of  his 

Capitulation  became  unavoidable.  On  October  27  the  terms 
were  agreed  on.  The  entire  army,  —  173,000  strong,  —  including 
the  three  marshals,  Bazaine,  Canrobert,  and  Leboeuf,  became  pris- 
oners of  war;  and  Metz,  with  all  its  stores,  was  given  over  to  the 
conquerors.  All  officers  who  gave  their  written  pledge  not  to  serve 
during  the  war  were"  allowed  to   retain  their  arms. 

Two  great  armies  carried  captive  into  Germany,  a  third  driven 
behind  the  Loire  at  Orleans,  and  a  fourth  shut  up  in  Paris,  —  such 
were  the  results  that  earned  for  the  crown  prince  and  Prince  Fred- 
erick Charles  their  marshal's  batons  and  for  Moltke  the  title  of 
count.  But  the  close  of  the  war  still  seemed  far  off.  Paris  showed 
as  little  disposition  as  ever  for  submission.  Willingly  had  Bismarck 
given  his  assent  to  the  request  of  the  American  general,  Burnside, 
to  be  allowed  to  enter  the  city  as  a  mediator  for  peace,  intimating 
at  the  same  time,  through  him,  his  readiness  to  grant  an  armistice  to 
enable  the  elections  to  be  held.  The  reception  which  the  generous 
American  met  with  from  the  provisional  government  robbed  even 
him  of  all  hope  of  being  of  service.     Thiers  appeared  on  October  31, 


at  Versailles,  to  enter  upon  negotiations  for  a  truce.  Although  all  the 
disadvantiiges  of  an  armistice  were  on  the  side  of  Germany,  and  all 
the  advantages  on  that  of  France,  he  yet  got  Bismarck's  assent  to  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  for  four  weeks  on  the  basis  of  the  military 
status  quo.  Nevertheless,  the  whole  transaction  went  to  pieces  on 
Thiers's  declaration  that  he  could  accept  an  armistice  only  on  condi- 
tion of  its  including  a  liberal  re  victualling  of  Paris,  and  of  his 
inability  to  offer  any  military  equivalent,  such  as  the  surrender  of 
one  or  two  forts.  When  Bismarck  expressed  a  desire  that  yet 
another  attempt  to  come  to  an  understanding  should  be  made  on  a 
new  basis  before  the  resumption  of  hostilities,  Thiers  held  a  con- 
ference at  the  outpost  line  with  Favre  and  Ducrot,  but  received 
from  them  only  instructions  to  break  off  negotiations. 

The  fall  of  Metz  occurred  just  at  the  right  time  for  the  Germans, 
who  became  more  and  more  convinced  that  the  complete  subjugation 
of  France  was  yet  to  cost  them  a  heavy  winter-campaign.  New 
armies  sprung  up  as  it  were  from  the  ground.  The  '  great  tiibune  ' 
in  Tours  never  relaxed  in  rousing  the  passions  of  the  people.  Ba- 
zaine  was  branded  as  a  traitor ;  Lamotterouge,  because  he  had  not 
accomplished  the  impossible,  was  dismissed  from  his  conmiand,  and 
replaced  by  General  Aurelle  de  Paladines.  But  he,  a  veteran  soldier, 
retired  to  Salbris,  between  Orleans  and  Vierzon,  in  order  there  to 
find  leisure  to  convert  his  undisciplined  levies  into  effective  troops. 
But  after  the  capitulation  of  Metz,  Gambetta's  impatience  could  no 
longer  be  restrained.  From  Blois  the  two  corps  constituting  the 
army  of  the  Loire  had  to  advance  at  once  to  the  attack  on  Orleans. 
The  wooded  character  of  the  country  enabled  the  French  to  make 
their  dispositions  almost  entirely  out  of  %aew  of  von  der  Tann. 
But  as  soon  as  he  gained  a  clear  conception  of  their  object,  he 
deemed  it  unadvisable  to  await  the  onset  in  the  position  before 
the  city,  covered  as  it  was  with  vineyards  and  other  plantations, 
but  decided  to  go  forth  to  meet  it.  On  November  9,  at  Coul- 
miers,  he  maintained  with  barely  20,000  men  a  struggle  of  six  hours 
with  70,000,  but  after  a  loss  of  800  men  had  to  desert  the  field  and 
evacuate  the  city.  It  was  France's  fii-st  victorj',  and  was  to  be  her 
last.  But  the  exultation  of  the  French  was  unbounded.  Gambetta 
and  Freycinet  flew  to  the  spot  to  improve  the  victory  to  the  utmost, 
only,  however,  to  become  convinced  through  their  own  eyes  how 
correct  de  Paladines  was  in  his  assertion  that  his  troops  were  not 
available  for  a  strong  offensive.     Instead  of  hurrying  to  the  relief  of 


77//;   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S7U-1S71. 

Paris,  they  had  to  content  themselves  with  converting  Orleans  into 
an  intrenched  camp,  and  ordering  new  levies  for  the  organization  of 
two  more  army-corps. 

The  German  head-quarters  had  never  for  a  moment  lost  sight  of 
tlie  danger  arising  in  the  west,  and  immediately  on  the  fall  of 
^Nletz  took  steps  to  meet  it.  While  Manteuffel,  restored  in  command 
of  the  first  army,  turned  himself  northward  in  order  to  capture  the 
strong  places  on  the  Meuse,  and  thereby  keep  open  the  Ardennes 

raih'oad,  so  essential 
for  supplies,  Prince 
Frederick  Charles  got 
orders  to  hurry  his 
march  on  the  Loire. 
To  cover  the  latter's 
left  flank  Werder  was 
instructed  to  advance 
on  Dijon,  after  the 
storming  of  which  by 
General  Beyer,  on 
October  30  and  31, 
his  army,  2  2,0  00 
strong,  extended  itself 
on  a  line,  nearly  fifty 
miles  long,  between 
D  i  j  o  n  and  Vesoul, 
which  it  held  for  two 
months.  Behind  him 
General  Treskow  set 
about  the  investment 
of  B effort,  command- 
ing the  passes  between 
the  Jura  and  the  Vos- 
ges,  while  before  him 
he  had  CambrieFs  (later  Michel's)  corps,  and  also  Garibaldi's  vol- 
unteers of  all  nationalities,  allured  to  the  war  by  the  word  '  republic,' 
This  once  so  daring  partisan  leader,  now  old  and  broken  down,  was  a 
source  of  greater  annoyance  to  the  French  than  to  the  Germans. 
Further,  a  separate  army  was  constituted  out  of  the  first  Bavarian 
corps  and  various  infantry  and  cavalry  divisions,  and  put  under  the 
grand  duke  of  IMecklenburg-Schwerin  (Fig.  89)  with  the  duty  of 

Fig.  89.  —Frederick  Francis  II.,  Grand  Duke  of  Meck- 
lenburg-Schwerin.    From  a  photograph. 

THE    CAMPATGN   ON    TllK   LOIllK. 


checking  any  movement  for  the  relief  of  Piuis  from  tlie  southwest. 
Prince  Frederick  Charles  presently  recalled  the  grand  duke  so  as  to 
be  able  to  meet  the  evidently  contemplated  advance  toward  the  cap- 
ital mth  his  entire  force. 

Meanw^hile  impatience  had  once  more  taken  possession  of  the 
strategists  in  Tours.  They  decided  that  Aurelle  (Fig.  90)  should 
without  delay  resume  the  offensive,  and  that  in  such  a  way  as  to 
combine  his  operations  with  a  great  prearranged  sally;  and  when  the 

Fig.  90.  —  Aurelle  de  Paladines.     From  a  photograph. 

wary  general  insisted  on  awaiting  the  attack  of  the  Germans  behind 
his  intrenchments,  they  themselves  assumed  command  of  tlie  army 
of  the  Loire,  now  numbering  200,000  men.  Gambetta's  and  Frey- 
cinet's  plan  wavS  that  the  army  should  press  on  to  Fontainebleau  by 
way  of  Pithiviers,  and  there,  supported  by  a  sally  under  Ducrot, 
shatter  the  iron  wall  around  tlie  city.  Thus  it  hapj^ened  that  Prince 
Frederick  Charles,  when  on  the  eve  of  attacking  the  position  at 
Orleans,  was  himself  made  the  object  of  attiick.  The  tenth  corps, 
now  counting  only  11,000  men  with  seventy-six  guns,  saw  itself  on 

332  TSE  FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1871. 

the  28th  confronted  at  Beaune4a-Rolancle  by  an  enemy  of  60,000 
men  and  138  guns.  Notwithstanding  this  disparity,  it  repulsed  all 
attacks  on  the  town  till  the  Brandenbui-gers  came  at  length  to  its 
aid.  In  the  combat  the  twentieth  corps,  Crouzat's,  suffered  most 
severely  on  the  French  side,  and  once  more  illustrated  the  fact  that 
these  freshly-raised  levies,  while  bearing  themselves  bravely  in  actual 
conflict,  went  to  pieces  in  the  retreat.  The  Germans  again  stood  on 
the  line  of  Orgeres,  Toury,  and  Pithiviers. 

The  advance  of  the  light  wing  of  the  army  of  the  Loire  had  mis- 
carried. But  on  November  30  there  came  by  balloon  to  Tours  the 
announcement  (sent  out  four  days  before)  that  Ducrot  was,  on  the 
29th,  to  attempt  an  outbreak  with  100,000  men,  and  in  case  of 
success  would  take  the  road  for  Gien,  in  order  there  to  effect  a 
junction  with  the  army  of  the  Loire.  It  was  now,  therefore,  two 
days  that  he  had  been  engaged.  Help  to  him  could  no  longer  be  de- 
layed. On  that  very  evening  Aurelle  received  the  formal  order  — 
corroborated  by  a  council  of  war  —  to  advance  without  delay  with 
liis  whole  army.  A  success  gained  by  Chanzy  at  Villepion  over 
von  der  Tann,  on  December  1,  though  slight,  heightened  the  con- 
fidence in  success ;  and  a  fabricated  report  that  the  sally  had  been 
crowned  with  victory,  sent  out  from  Paris  in  the  evening,  converted 
it  into  certainty.  Prince  Frederick  Charles  was  regarded  in  Tours 
as  already  lost.  Full  of  this  conviction,  Chanzy,  on  the  2d,  con- 
tinued his  advance ;  but  soon,  at  the  villages  of  Loigny  and  Poupry, 
he  struck  on  the  section  of  the  army  under  the  grand  duke,  which 
repulsed  all  his  assaults,  and  forced  him  to  retreat.  On  the  same 
day  the  prince  had  orders  from  Versailles  to  advance  at  once  on 
Orleans,  and  strike  the  decisive  blow.  He  set  out  thither  on  the  3d, 
with  his  entire  force,  and  with  little  opposition  reached  witliin  ten 
miles  of  it ;  but,  on  the  supposition  that  the  French  would  defend 
their  fortified  positions  obstinately,  postponed  the  attack  on  them 
till  the  following  day.  On  this  day  he  drew  the  circle  still  closer 
around  the  city.  In  accordance  with  Gambetta's  orders  it  was 
Aurelle's  purpose  to  concentrate  his  whole  army  on  Orleans,  and 
defend  it  to  the  last  extremity.  But  his  arrangements  for  this  end 
could  not  be  carried  out,  since  his  connection  with  his  wings  had 
been  already  broken  by  the  Germans.  Retreat  behind  the  Loire 
became  imperative.  The  threat  of  bombardment  brought  about  the 
evacuation  of  the  city  on  the  following  night,  which  was  promptly 
occupied  by  the  grand  duke.     Thus  ended  the  first  attempt  of  the 


French  to  unify  the  strength  of  the  provinces  for  the  relief  of  their 
beleaguered  capital. 

In  this  struggle  of  two  days  before  Orleans  the  French  sacrificed 
20,000  men  —  no  fewer  than  18,000  of  whom  were  pnsonei-s  —  74 
guns,  and  4  gunboats  left  deserted  on  the  Loire.  The  (Germans  pur- 
chased their  success  —  the  piercing  of  Aurelle's  centre  and  its  dis- 
ruption from  the  wings  —  with  a  loss  of  1700.  Aurelle  expiated 
his  defeat  by  the  loss  of  his  command. 

The  army  of  the  Loire  was  again  divided  into  two  armies  —  the 
first,  under  Bourbaki,  of  three  corps,  which  retreated  up  the  river 
along  the  left  bank;  the  second,  under  Chanzy,  of  two  corps,  with  two 
new  ones  organized  by  Keratry  behind  Le  Mans,  wliich  moved  down 
the  river  by  the  right  bank.  The  grand  duke  was  detached  to  follow 
up  the  latter,  while  Frederick  Charles  hijuself  led  another  section  of 
his  army  towards  Vierzon  in  the  hope  of  reaching  Bourges.  At 
Beaugency  the  grand  duke  came  on  an  enemy  five  times  stronger 
than  himself,  with  which  for  four  days  (December  7  to  10)  his 
weak  command  had  to  maintain  the  conflict  from  dawn  to  dusk 
without  intermission.  Even  at  night  the  foreposts  were  barely  a 
musket-shot  asunder.  This  stubborn  stand  made  by  the  French  de- 
termined the  prince  to  forego  his  advance  on  I^ourges,  and  bring  help 
to  the  hard-beset  grand  duke,  and  this  the  more  particularly  that  the 
capture  of  Tours  had  been  earnestly  urged  upon  him  from  Ver- 
sailles. Chanzy  had  reckoned  on  Bourbaki's  pressing  on  to  help 
him ;  but  that  general,  after  getting  as  far  as  Vierzon,  declared  he 
commanded  nothing  but  a  demoralized  horde  of  exhausted  weak- 
lings, and  turned  squarely  back.  Chanzy,  now  seeing  himself 
threatened  in  the  rear  by  Manstein's  advance  upon  Blois,  escaped 
out  of  the  net  which  was  being  drawn  around  him  by  skilfully  I'c- 
tiring  on  Vendome.  Here  the  struggle  was  renewed  Avith  fresh 
fury  on  the  14th  and  15th,  less,  however,  in  the  form  of  an  ordered 
battle  than  of  a  desperate  attempt  at  resistance.  Chanzv  had  to 
make  up  his  mind  to  another  retreat,  this  time  behind  the  T^oir  — 
a  movement  rendered  more  da.igerous  to  him  bv  the  demoralization 
of  his  troops  than  through  the  pursuit  by  the  enemy.  It  was  not 
till  he  reached  Le  Mans  that  he  was  able  to  restore  any  degree  of 
order.  The  '  outside  government '  had  on  the  12th  transferred  its 
seat  from  Tours  to  Bordeaux. 

From  this  time  forth  there  set  in  a  lull  in  the  western  theatre  of 
the  war;  and  as  it  did  not  comport  with  the  general  plan  of  cam- 

334  TRE  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR   OF  1870-1871. 

paign  that  the  second  army  should  be  at  such  a  distance  from  Paris, 
Prince  Frederick  Charles  recalled  such  of  his  troops  as  had  crossed 
over  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Loire,  The  tenth  army  corps  kept 
watch  on  the  Loir.  The  grand  duke,  re-enforced  by  fresh  cavalry, 
and  standing  at  Chartres  and  Dreux,  resumed  his  task  of  covering 
the  rear  of  the  investing  forces  against  the  west.  The  Bavarians, 
who  had  had  the  hardest  work  of  all  in  these  fighting  December 
days,  returned  to  Orleans.  They,  and  indeed  all  the  army,  stood  in 
sore  need  of  rest  and  repairs.  Their  clothing  was  in  rags,  their  footr 
gear  worn  out,  their  ammunition  all  but  spent,  and  yet  no  end  was 
to  be  seen  to  these  all  but  superhuman  exertions.  Gambetta,  now 
the  creature  of  uncontrolled  passion*  refused  even  to  speak  of  peace, 
but  declared  war  to  the  knife,  and  educing  troops  from  the  ground 
by  the  stamp  of  his  foot,  drove  them  forth  into  the  field  without 
asking  whether  they  could  march  or  fight.  And  now  the  question 
suggested  itself  to  the  German  minds  whether  the  forbearance  they 
had  hitherto  shown  were  the  right  means  for  dealing  with  this  plan- 
less resistance.  The  war  assumed  a  more  savage  character^  and 
on  the  French  side  was  conducted  with  such  disregard  to  humanity 
and  international  law  that  Bismarck  felt  himself  impelled  to  de- 
nounce it  before  all  Europe. 

The  troops  environing  Paris  now  enjoyed  a  condition  of  com- 
parative quiet,  though  one  calling  for  constant  watchfulness.  The 
charming  country  residences  of  the  Parisians  afforded  them  pleasant 
quarters ;  and  when  in  the  cold  of  winter  all  other  fuel  failed  them, 
many  a  costly  piece  of  furniture  found  its  way  into  the  fireplace. 
But  their  patience,  like  that  of  those  at  home,  was  sorely  tried  when 
the  telegraph  had  nothing  to  report  but  the  weary  formula,  "  Noth- 
ing new  before  Paris."  A  bombardment  the  leaders  either  wished 
to  avoid  altogether  or  regarded  as  impracticable  before  the  arrival  of 
a  siege-train.  They  calculated  on  Christmas  being  the  latest  date  to 
which  the  city  could  hold  out,  but  its  tenacity  derided  all  their  cal- 
culations. Paris  —  the  brilliant  and  light-loving  —  was  even  able 
to  exist  without  gas.  Mortality  rose  to  double  the  average;  the 
beef-cattle  melted  away,  and  there  were  none  to  replace  them ;  horse- 
flesh became  a  delicacy,  and  after  the  horses  came  the  tenants  of  the 
zoological  garden.  Cookery  won  its  highest  triumphs  in  converting 
what  men  at  other  times  would  shudder  at  into  toothsome  morsels. 
But  the  grand  fact  was  that  the  spirit  of  the  people  remained 
unbroken,  while  the  news  of  the  victory  of  Coulmiers  and  the  re- 


Paris  and  vicinity,  1870-71. 



capture  of  Orleans  inspired  them  with  new  lust  for  battle  and 
more  confidence  in  deliverance.  Measures  were  at  once  adopted  for 
breaking  through  the  iron  wall  of  circumvallation,  and  joining  hands 
with  the  \ictoriously  advancing  army  of  the  Loire.  "  As  for  myself," 
—  thus  did  Ducrot  conclude  his  announcement  of  the  impending 
great  sally — "I  swear  to  you  before  the  whole  nation  that  I  will 
return  to  Paris  only  as  a  conqueror  or  a  corpse.  You  may  see  me 
fall,  but  never  retreat."  (See  Plate  XVII.  :  Paris  and  Vicinity, 

The  total  armed  strength  within  Paris  amounted  in  round  num- 
bers to  400,000  men.  Of  these  80,000  mobiles  stood  in  the  forts 
and  outside  works,  and  35,000  men  held  the  fortilications  of  St.- 
Denis  under  Vice- Admiral  de  la  Ronciere  le  Noury.  The  remainder 
were  divided  into  three  armies.  The  first,  under  General  Clement 
Thomas,  comprised  266  battalions  of  National  Guards,  with  one  legion 
of  cavalry  and  one  of  artillery,  in  all  130,000  men.  Its  special  duty 
was  to  man  the  walls  and  maintain  order  in  the  city ;  but  the  most 
serviceable  men  were  formed  into  hataillons  de  marcke,  400  to  500 
strong,  to  take  the  duties  of  the  gardes  mobiles  when  these  were 
employed  outside  the  fortifications.  The  second  army,  over  100,000 
strong,  was  under  Ducrot,  and  destined  for  the  sorties.  To  it,  there- 
fore, the  most  reliable  troops  were  assigned.  The  third,  under 
Vinoy,  70,000  strong,  was  to  occupy  the  enemy  by  feint-attacks 
on  his  front.  On  November  28  the  troops  destined  for  the  sally 
were  assembled  around  Vincennes ;  in  the  following  night  a  division 
of  the  third  army  occupied  Mont-Avron.  On  the  20tli  the  grand 
attempt  was  to  be  made.  While  Vinoy  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  Germans  towards  the  south  b}^  a  sally  towards  Hpiiial,  Buzcn- 
val,  and  LT  I  ay,  Ducrot  was  to  cross  the  Seine  between  .I(»inville  and 
Neuilly,  and  establish  himself  on  the  elevated  plateau  towards  the 
east.  An  unseasonal)le  flood,  however,  occasioned  a  postponement 
till  next  day,  and  gave  time  for  the  ccmnter-preparations  of  the  Ger- 
mans, whom  the  attack  by  the  army  of  the  Loire  on  Beaiuie-la- 
Rolande  had  admonished  to  special  watchfulness.  On  the  following 
forenoon  Ducrot  threw  himself  with  an  overj)owei-ing  foi'ce  upon  the 
positions  of  the  Würtembergers  and  Saxons,  and  after  a  hot  strnggle 
captured  the  villages  of  Brie  and  Champigny.  His  snbseiineiit  in- 
activity enabled  the  Germans  to  concentrate  portions  of  the  second 
and  sixth  corps  on  the  places  threatened,  and  to  advance  on  Decem- 
ber 2  to  the  recovery  of  those  they  had  lost.     By  order  of  General 


THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

Fransecky  —  in  command,  under  the  crown  jjrince  of  Saxony,  of  all 
tlie  troops  between  the  Marne  and  the  Seine  —  Prince  George  in  the 
early  morning  fell  by  surprise  on  Brie  and  Champigny.  Bloody 
battles  developed  themselves  in  the  course  of  the  day  between  the 
French  and  the  Würtembergers  and  Saxons,  with  the  result  that 

Tig.  91.  — Moltke  in  his  office  at  Versailles,  Rue  Neuve  38.     By  Anton  von  Werner; 
from  a  sketch  drawn  on  the  spot  in  1870. 

at  evening  each  of  the  combatants  maintained  essentially  his  own 
position.  The  German  loss  was  about  6200,  that  of  the  French 
12,000;  and  the  utter  impossibility  of  ruptuiing  the  iron  girdle  had 
been  demonstrated.     On  the  od  Ducrot  still  continued  standing  on 


the  left  bank  of  the  Marne,  but  only  to  hold  the  foe  fettered  to  this 
point,  in  view  of  the  expected  advance  of  the  army  of  tlie  Loire  to 
Fontaine bleau.  In  the  foUoAving  night  he  led  back  his  grievously 
exhausted  troops  to  the  city  without  having  redeemed  his  oath.  A 
sally  on  the  21st  against  Le  Bourget  and  Dugny  was  no  more 

In  this  last  sally  much  account  had  been  made  of  the  army  of 
the  north..  This  force,  at  first  organized  in  Normandy  out  of 
scattered  National  Guards  and  gardes  mobiles,  had  acquired  solidity 
under  Bourbaki  by  the  accession  of  marines  and  of  fugitives  from 
Sedan  and  ^Nletz.  The  numerous  strong  places  along  the  Belgian 
frontier  constituted  excellent  bases,  from  which  the  French  troops, 
by  availing  themselves  of  the  fortified  bridges  over  the  Somme 
at  Ham,  Peroniie,  Amiens,  and  Abbeville,  could  at  any  time  fall 
on  the  rear  of  the  besieging  army.  ]\Iueh  to  their  loss,  Bourlxiki 
was  recalled  by  the  Tours  government  to  the  Loire  just  at  the  moment 
(November  21)  when  the  German  first  army  under  ]\Ianteuffel  reached 
the  Oise.  On  the  27th  the  latter  struck  on  the  army  of  the  north 
under  Bourbaki's  temporary  successor,  General  Farre,  close  to 
Amiens.  The  complete  overthrow  of  the  French  resulted,  who  fled 
with  all  speed  to  Arras.  On  the  29th  tlie  citadel  of  Amiens  capitu- 
lated, Thionville  having  already  done  so  on  the  25th  and  Fere  on 
the  27th.  Montmedy  followed  on  December  14.  Leaving  von  Go- 
ben  to  occupy  Amiens,  Manteuffel  marched  on  Rouen,  which  the 
French,  contrary  to  expectation,  evacuated  without  a  blow,  and  de- 
livered its  civic  authorities  from  domestic  revolution.  He  now,  for 
the  purpose  of  covering  the  siege,  established  his  main  force  on  the 
Somme  and  the  lower  Seine,  sending  out  strong  columns  to  scour 
the  country,  disarm  the  inhal)itants,  and  disperse  any  bands  gather- 
ing, and  causing  von  Göben  to  occupy  Dieppe.  How  needful  these 
measures  were  was  proved  by  the  surprise  of  a  Saxon  cavalry  de- 
tachment in  Etrepagny  on  November  30,  and  another  surprise  at 
Ham  on  December  9.  But  his  main  tasks  were  to  render  innocuous 
the  Norman  bands  holding  the  field  under  Briand,  and  to  check  the 
advance  of  the  corps  which  had  retreated  on  Arras,  now  under  the 
command  of  General  Faidherbe  (Fig.  92).  Various  signs  indicated 
that  the  latter  had  Amiens  as  his  main  object.  Manteulfel,  in  com- 
pliance with  orders  from  headquarters  to  attack  any  organized 
bodies  appearing  on  the  field,  although  his  own  force  was  little 
more  than  20,000  men,  did  not  hesitiite,  without  waiting  for  re-en- 

VuL.  XIX.— 23 


THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1871. 

forcements,  to  march  to  the  attack  of  Faidherbe's  three  times  more 
numerous  host.  He  assailed  him  in  a  strong  position  on  the  farther 
high  bank  of  the  Hallue,  a  tributary  of  the  Somme ;  and  although 
unable  to  drive  him  from  it  in  a  two-days'  conflict  (December 
23,  24),  he  yet  wrested  from  him,  one  after  another,  the  villages  on 
the  stream  itself;  and  when  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  he  was  pre- 

Fio.  92.  — General  Faidherbe.     From  a  photograph. 

paring  to  renew  the  attack,  it  was  discovered  that  the  French  had 
wthdrawn  to  within  range  of  the  guns  of  the  fortresses.  The  fall 
of  Peronne,  on  January  9,  1871,  gave  the  Germans  command  of  the 
whole  line  of  the  Somme. 

In  the  west  the  French  second  army  of  the  Loire,  resting  in 
winter-quarters  at  Le  j\Ians,  though  itself  inactive,  held  a  not  incon- 
siderable position  of  the  German  strength  in  check,  and  prevented  its 



employment  elsewhere.  But  early  in  January  Prince  Frederick 
Charles  and  the  Grand  Duke  Frederick  Francis  were  in  full  march 
against  Chanzy  (Fig.  93).  The  whole  region  between  the  Loir 
and  Sarthe  is  thickly  covered  by  vineyards,  orchards,  and  vegetable 
The  people  Uve  mainly  in  separate,  strongly  built  home- 


Fig.  93.  —  Opneral  Chauzy.     From  a  photograph. 

steads ;  and  castles,  with  extensive  parks  fenced  in  by  hedges,  walls, 
and  cUtches,  intervene  at  frequent  inteiwals.  Everywhere  positions 
offered  themselves  where  even  indifferent  troops  could  make  a  reso- 
lute stand  under  cover.  In  such  a  countiy  but  little  use  could 
be  made  of  artillery  and  cavalry.  Infantry  had  almost  the  whole 
brunt  to  bear.     It  was  practically  impossible  for  the  general  com- 

340  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1S71. 

mandeis  to  direct  operations,  so  that  each  leader  had  to  depend  on 
himself.  The  difficulties  of  the  troops  were  enhanced  by  the  setting 
in  of  a  winter  of  unusual  severity,  Snowflakes  filled  the  air,  while 
many  of  the  footrsoldiers  were  marching  in  linen  hose  and  worn-out 
shoes;  the  cavalry  and  artillery  had  to  scramble  incessantly  through 
deep  gullies  and  clefts  and  up  steep  ascents.  In  the  face  of  all 
difficulties  the  men  struggled  forward  with  unbroken  determination. 
Advancing  in  a  wide  bow,  they  drove  what  enemies  they  met  back 
upon  Le  Mans.  Here,  on  January  11,  Chanzy  took  his  stand  for 
battle.  The  struggle  that  ensued  remained  undecided  till  dusk. 
But  when,  on  the  following  morning.  Admiral  Jaureguiberry  an- 
nounced that  all  attempts  to  lead  the  troops  again  forward  were  vain, 
and  that  the  last  reserves  were  expended,  Chanzy  gave  orders  for  the 
retreat,  leaving  20,000  prisoners  with  many  trophies  and  stores  in 
the  hands  of  the  victors.  They,  too,  had  suffered  severe  losses,  in 
all  3,650  men,  especially  the  Brandenburgers,  many  of  whose  com- 
panies were  led  by  sergeants.  But  the  object  of  the  movement  on 
Le  Mans  had  been  attained  ;  the  army  of  tiie  Loire  was  pressed  back 
from  Paris  as  far  as  Mayenne.  Its  condition  was  best  demonstrated 
by  the  wagons  left  behind  it,  and  the  great  numbers  of  arms  cast 
away.  The  Breton  National  Guards  broke  in  wild  flight  for  their 
homes.  The  army  of  the  Loire  had  lost  half  its  strength,  and  was 
rendered  ineffective  for  a  considerable  time  to  come. 

What  prevented  its  more  vigorous  pursuit,  was  the  news  that 
the  French  army  of  the  north,  re-enforced  by  troops  brought  by  sea, 
was  making  ready  for  a  renewed  attack.  It  was  imperative,  therefore, 
that  the  first  army  should  forthwith  concentrate  itself  on  the  Somme  ; 
the  thirteenth  army-corps  was  accordingly  summoned  to  Rouen. 
Faidlierbe's  plan  was  to  turn  his  enemy's  left  flank,  but  Göben  (Fig. 
91)  who  had  taken  place  of  Manteuffel  called  away  to  the  east, 
on  January  19,  inflicted  a  severe  defeat  on  him  at  St.-Quentin. 
Three  thousand  wounded  and  nine  thousand  un^^•ounded  prisoners 
testified  how  incompetent  these  hastily  scraped  up  masses  were  to 
cope  mth  the  disciplined  soldiers  of  Germany.  In  vain  did  Gam- 
betta  hasten  to  Lille  in  the  hope  of  re\'iving  their  courage  by  his 
magniloquent  oratory.  The  army  of  the  north  was  no  longer  capable 
of  continuing  the  struggle. 

Paris's  power  of  resistance  also  neared  the  end.  Through  the  two- 
fold effect  of  dearth  and  a  winter  of  unwonted  severity,  this  city  of 
profusion  and  luxury  became  more  and  more  a  scene  of  privation  and 



misery.  And  now,  moreover,  the  (ierman  l)()m])s  Ijogaii  to  have  u 
word  to  say.  The  two  days'  bomlniidnifiit  of  MontrAvron,  whicli 
caused  Trochu  to  evacuate  it  on  December  29,  constituted  the  intro- 
duction to  that  of  Forts  Issy,  Vanvres  and  Montrouge  on  tlie  south 
side,  whose  fires  were  partially  silenced.  The  French  attemjits  to 
destroy  the   advancing  works  were   regularly  repulsed.     And   now 

Fk;.  94.  — General  von  Göbeu.     From  a  photograph. 

the  German  shells,  l)y  an  elevation  of  tliirty  degrees,  acquired  a 
range  of  7500  to  8000  metres,  thereby  reaching  the  city  itself. 
From  January  ö  onwards  400  to  öOO  fell  daily  into  the  quarters  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Seine,  and  did  considerable  damage.  But  their 
moral  effect  was  still  greater  than  their  material,  and  that  not  on  the 
citizens  alone.  The  foreign  ministei"s  remaining  in  tlie  city  entered 
a  protest  against  a  bombardment  without  j)revious  announcement  to 
them,  only  to  be  informed  by  liismarck  tiiat  military  considerations 

342  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1871. 

alone  had  weight  in  the  matter,  and  that  whoever  voluntarily  re- 
mained in  the  beleaguered  city  must  himself  assume  the  consequences. 

The  Dublin  Academy  and  University,  too,  busied  itself  to  rouse 
the  other  learned  bodies  throughout  the  civihzed  A^orld  to  protest 
asrainst  the  destruction  witli  which  the  treasures  of  science  and  art 
within  Paris  were  threatened,  but  to  as  little  effect.  The  imprisoned 
citizens  derived  more  comfort  from  Gambetta's  assurances  of  the 
destruction  impending  over  the  Prussians  through  Chanzy's  and 
Bourbaki's  armies.  Relying  on  these  assurances,  Trochu  resolved 
to  make  one  last  desperate  effort  for  deliverance  by  a  sortie,  on 
January  19,  in  the  direction  of  Buzenval,  to  be  undertaken  by 
Generals  Vinoy,  Bellemare,  and  Ducrot,  under  his  own  personal 
direction.  It  was  now  only  on  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula 
of  Gennevilliers  and  under  the  guns  of  Mont-Valerien  that  any  con- 
siderable masses  of  men  ccnild  be  assembled.  And,  after  all,  nothing 
was  effected  beyond  a  useless  waste  of  blood.  The  fifth  army  corps 
maintained  its  position  against  four  times  its  number  of  assailants, 
without  needing  help  from  any  quarter.  Trochu  was  deposed  from 
his  governorship,  and  Vinoy,  who  was  called  to  the  ambiguous 
dignity,  hesitated  to  accept  it  till  a  revolt,  which  began  with  open- 
ing the  prisons,  compelled  him  to  act  with  energy.  Concurrently 
with  this,  when  the  fall  of  the  northern  fortresses  set  the  siege- 
guns  free,  the  bombardment  of  St.-Denis  was  opened,  and  news  was 
received  of  Chanzy's  defeat  at  Le  Mans. 

While  these  symptoms  combined  to  announce  that  Paris  had 
entered  upon  her  last  agony,  Versailles  was  witness  of  a  very  differ- 
ent and  epoch-making  scene  —  the  proclamation  of  the  German 

The  blood  poured  forth  by  all  the  peoples  of  the  fatherland 
in  common  had  obliterated  the  artificial  boundary-line  of  the  Main, 
and  the  conviction  gained  ground  from  day  to  day  that  only 
through  the  creation  of  durable  institutions  could  the  bequest  of  this 
time  of  heroic  effort  and  sacrifice  be  secured  for  Germany.  Peoples 
and  princes  alike  felt  persuaded  of  the  necessity  for  a  faster  bond  of 
union  between  the  north  and  south  than  that  of  an  interstate  league. 
As  a  great  nation  rose  more  and  more  into  view,  so  the  old  curse  of 
conflicting  interests  and  separatism  tended  to  vanish.  The  first  sug- 
gestion came  from  Munich,  where  the  young  King  Louis  II.  and  his 
government  reckoned  it  most  politic  to  anticipate  the  inevitable. 
They  let  it  be  known,  accordingly,  in  Berlin,  as  their  conviction, 



that  the  interstate  compact  that  had  hitherto  allied  the  southern 
states  with  the  northern  confederation  should  he  converted  hito  a 
constitutional  union.  At  their  request  Delhriick  (Fig.  95),  the 
Prussian  minister  of  state,  was  commissioned  to  Munich,  there  to 
treat  of  the  matter  in  detail,  his  sole  instruction  being  to  utter  no 
word  that  could  be  construed  into  meaning  that  Prussia  had  it  in 
mind  to  bring  the  slightest  pressure  to  bear  on  the  determinations  of 
a  loyal  and  proved  ally.  And  to  this  principle  Bismarck,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  crown  prince,  remained  constant  through  all  the  nego- 
tiations. The  Munich  conferences  were  essentially  furthered  by 
Wiirtemberg's  participa- 
tion in  them  through  its 
minister  Mittnacht.  His 
influence  formed  a  salu- 
tary counterpoise  to  the 
extravagant  claims  which 
Bavaria  believed  it  had  to 
put  forward  in  order  to 
preserve  its  independence. 
Already,  on  October  2, 
Baden  had  made  formal 
proposals  for  its  admission 
into  the  North  German 
Confederation,  and  AViir- 
temberg  and  Hesse  were 
on  the  point  of  following 
its  example.  If,  therefore, 
Bavaria  was  not  to  remain 
entirely  isolated  and  run 
the  risk  of  either  being 
excluded  from  the  confederation  or  of  entering  it  later  without 
any  conditions,  it,  too,  must  take  a  step  in  advance.  When, 
accordingly,  the  representatives  of  the  four  southern  states  came, 
in  the  later  half  of  October,  to  Versailles  —  whither  the  further 
conferences  had  been  transferred  on  a  suggestion  from  Stuttgart 
—  to  consult  ^vith  delegates  from  Prussia  and  with  the  Saxon 
minister  von  Friesen  (Fig.  96),  representing  the  other  membei-s 
of  the  North  German  Confederation,  there  was  no  difficulty  in 
coming  to  an  understanding  with  Baden  and  Hesse,  which  on  No- 
vember   15    signed  a  compact   pledging   them    to    union    with    the 

Fig.  95.  —  Minister  Delbrück.    From  a  photograph. 

344  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1871. 

Confederation,  on  the  basis  of  a  widening  of  its  constitution  into 
that  of  a  new  German  confederation.  Wiirtemberg  would  have  fol- 
lowed suit  had  not  Munich  set  every  agency  to  work  in  Stuttgart 
to  prevent  such  a  consummation.  But  the  threat  of  resignation  by 
Würtemberg's  two  representatives  at  Versailles  —  the  ministers 
Mittnacht  and  Sukow  —  sufficed  to  recall  their  royal  master  to  his 
former  course.  Meanwhile  Bismarck  had  constantly  shown  the 
greatest  consideration  for  the  semi-recalcitrant  states.  The  federal 
constitution  origmally  designed  for  only  a  part  of  Germany  required 

Fig.  06.  — Baron  von  Friesen.     From  a  photograph. 

to  be  relaxed  and  otherwise  modified,  in  order  that  it  might  be 
applicable  to  the  whole  land.  Several  articles  were  therefore  elided 
from  it  and  other  alterations  made,  mainly  out  of  regard  for  Bavaria. 
This  kingdom  retained  full  autonomy  in  time  of  peace  in  regard  to 
its  army,  subordinating  itself  to  the  new  confederation  only  in  re- 
spect to  uniformity  with  the  others  in  the  organization  and  equip- 
ment of  its  troops.  It  retained  its  own  postal,  telegraph,  and 
railway  systems,  and  its  fiscal  regulations  in  regard  to  beer  and 
spirits,  while  the  Confederation  was  precluded  from  interference  with 
its  relations  to  its  subjects  whether  home  or  emigrant.     Instead  of 


Bavaria's  original  claim  to  a  veto  on  any  change  in  the  constitution, 
it  was  settled  that  such  a  power  should  be  conceded  to  a  minority  of 
fourteen  in  the  federal  council.  On  these  leases  the  contract  of 
union  was  signed  by  it  on  November  23,  and  two  days  thereafter  by 
Wiirtemberg  on  much  the  same  conditions. 

"  At  length  it  is  an  accomplished  fact,"  said  Bismarck  to  those 
about  him,  when  the  covenant  with  Bavaria  was  signed,  late  in  the 
night.  "  The  newspapers,"  he  continued  after  a  pause,  "will  not  be 
satisfied,  and  the  historian  of  the  connnon  tyjje  will  probably  find 
fault  with  our  compact.  He  may  say  '  The  silly  fellow  should  have 
demanded  more.  Had  he  done  so  they  must  have  conceded  it ; '  and 
perhaps  he  is  not  wrong  with  his  '  must.'  But  to  nie  it  seemed 
of  more  importance  that  the  peoples  should  be  contented  wdth  the 
terms.  What  are  treaties  when  people  '  must '  ?  I  know  they  go 
hence  satisfied.  The  compact  has  its  deficiencies,  but  it  is  thereby 
just  so  much  the  stronger.  I  reckon  it  the  grandest  result  at- 
tained in  recent  years." 

By  the  accession  of  the  four  new  states  the  members  of  the 
Federal  Council  (^Bundesraty  were  augmented  from  43  to  58,  those 
of  the  Reichstag  from  297  to  382.  Concerning  the  titles  to  be 
given  to  the  new  Confederation  and  its  supreme  head,  men  hesitated 
for  a  time.  With  that  of  'Emperor'  were  associated  too  many 
memories  of  the  calamities  of  the  old  empire  for  it  to  call  forth  an}^ 
great  enthusiasm.  Notwithstanding,  it  was  that  which,  as  in  1848, 
most  naturally  recommended  itself  to  the  popular  mind.  The 
crown  prince  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  propose  it,  and  Bismarck 
heartily  accepted  it.  It  recommended  itself  to  the  representatives 
of  Bavaria  at  Versailles,  inasmuch  as  they  felt  it  must  be  easier  for 
their  sovereign  to  yield  up  certain  of  his  prerogatives  in  favor  of  an 
emperor  of  Germany  than  of  a  brother  king  of  Prussia.  Count 
Holnstein  brought  the  invitation  to  King  Louis  at  Hoheiischwangau 
to  propose  to  his  royal  brothers  the  revival  of  the  German  empire 
and  of  the  dignity  of  emperor.  On  November  30  —  unwillingly 
or  otherwise  —  he  complied.  After  the  assent  of  all  had  been 
secured,  Prince  Luitpold  of  Bavaria,  as  representing  liis  loynl 
nephew,  brought  the  invitation  to  King  William  to  assume  the 
imperial  rank,  to  which  the  North  German  Reichstag  added  their 
assent  in  an  address  carried  by  101  against  6  votes.  In  the  recej)- 
tion-hall  of  the  prefecture  of  Versailles  — a  place  recalling  all  the 
sacrifices  through  which  the  German   peoples  had  liad  to  ])urcliase 

346  TUE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

their  imification  —  the  address  was  formally  presented  by  a  parlia. 
mentary  deputation,  with  President  Simson  at  its  head. 

With  this  the  work  of  framing  a  new  constitution  could  be 
regarded  as  accomplished.  On  the  assumption  that  the  assent  of  the 
South  German  legislatures  would  be  received  before  the  close  of  the 
year,  the  proclamation  of  the  empire  was  set  for  January  1,  1871. 
In  Baden,  Hesse,  and  Würtemberg,  this  was  granted  without  hesita- 
tion, as  well  as  by  the  Bavarian  Reichsrat,  but  the  '  patriotic ' 
Bavarian  lower  house  delayed  its  assent  until  January  21. 

Without  waiting  for  the  result  of  the  Bavarian  vote,  on  January 
18 — the  170th  anniversary  of  Prussia  as  a  kingdom  —  there  was  cele- 
brated, within  the  mirror-hall  of  the  palace  of  Versailles,  the  memor- 
able ceremony  of  the  proclamation  of  the  New  German  Empire  (Fig. 
97).  Detachments  of  all  the  regiments  within  reach  were  present 
with  their  battle-flags.  Surrounded  by  the  princes  of  his  house  and 
those  of  the  other  princely  houses  of  Germany,  and  amid  a  concourse 
of  statesmen  and  generals,  stood  '  William  the  Victorious,'  worthy  of 
the  title  with  which  Louis  of  Bavaria  had  already  saluted  him.  After 
a  short  divine  service,  he  read,  amid  the  fluttering  banners,  the  docu- 
ment proclaiming  the  empire,  whereupon  Bismarck,  now  imperial 
chancellor,  by  his  command  read  the  address  announcing  the  empire 
to  the  German  people.  "  We  take  upon  us  this  imperial  office,"  it 
said,  "  in  the  hope  that  it  will  be  granted  the  people  of  the  father- 
land to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  struggle,  so  rich  in  sacrifices,  in  en- 
during peace,  and  within  territorial  bounds  that  will  guarantee  them 
that  security  against  attacks  from  France  of  which  they  have  been 
so  long  bereft."  At  the  close  of  the  reading  the  Grand  Duke 
Frederick  of  Baden  was  the  first  to  raise  the  cry :  "  Long  live  his 
Majesty,  the  Emperor  William." 

All  this  time  Paris  was  awaiting  its  fate.  What  this  was  to  be, 
no  one,  after  the  abortive  sally  of  the  19th,  could  longer  doubt. 
Food  and  ammunition  alike  were  all  but  at  an  end.  To  a  council  of 
war  held  on  the  20th,  the  government  invited  the  twenty  mayors  of 
the  city,  with  the  view  of,  if  possible,  devolving  the  sad  task  of  treat- 
ing concerning  capitulation  on  them.  But  the  civic  authorities 
refused,  with  scorn,  the  ungrateful  office,  and  demanded  war  to  the 
knife  and  a  new  sortie.  This,  however,  was  sheer  rhodomontade. 
No  officer  could  have  been  found  to  lend  himself  to  so  purposeless  a 
butchery.  On  the  morning  of  the  24th  an  orderly  brought  to  the 
outposts  a  note  from  Favre  addressed  to  the  chancellor  asking  a  new 



348  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR   OF  1S70-1S71. 

conference,  liismarck  said  nothing  of  its  contents ;  but  he  softly 
whistled  "  Halali,"  ^  and  those  about  him  knew  the  stag  was  slain. 
On  the  same  afternoon  Favre  left  the  city  by  stealth.  Bismarck 
received  him  with  but  scant  courtesy  (Fig.  98).  A  resumption  of  the 
negotiations  broken  off  at  Ferneres  on  the  basis  of  "  no  f  ootbreadth 
of  French  soil,"  etc.,  he  rejected  curtly  and  unconditionally.  He 
further  restated  his  objections  to  entering  into  any  covenant  with  a 
government  of  the  illegitimate  character  of  that  of  Paris,  especially 
as  it  was  extremely  doubtful  whether  Gambetta  would  recognize  any 
agreement  they  might  come  to.  The  French  negotiator  thus  found 
himself  at  a  disadvantage  in  every  direction ;  but  he  held  his  ground 
manfully,  insisting  in  especial,  on  two  points  :  first,  that  during  the 
armistice  the  German  troops  should  not  enter  Paris ;  next,  that  the 
National  Guards  should  retain  their  arms.  On  the  26th  the  difficul- 
ties were  so  far  smoothed  away  that  it  was  arranged  that  firing 
should  cease  from  the  following  midnight  till  six  next  morning.  On 
the  28th  an  armistice  for  three  weeks  was  agreed  on.  The  armies 
actually  combatant  on  both  sides  were  to  remain  in  jjositions,  seven 
miles  from  a  line  of  demarcation  drawn  between  them.  The 
object  of  the  armistice  was  declared  to  be  to  enable  the  government 
of  national  defence  to  summon  a  freely  elected  assembly,  ^^'hich,  meet- 
ing at  Bordeaux,  should  determine  whether  the  war  should  be  con- 
tinued or  on  what  terms  peace  should  be  concluded.  All  the  forts 
outside  the  walls,  with  all  war  material,  were  made  over  to  the  Ger- 
mans, and  the  walls  themselves  denuded  of  their  guns.  The  garri- 
sons in  Paris  and  the  forts,  with  the  exception  of  12,000  men  for  the 
maintenance  of  order  within  the  city,  became  prisoners  of  war,  and 
gave  up  their  arms,  but  remained  in  Paris.  In  consideration  of  the 
Germans  not  entering  the  city,  it  paid  an  indemnity  of  200,000,000 

The  departments  of  Cote  d'Or,  Doubs,  and  Jura  were  at  the 
request  of  the  French  expressly  excluded  from  the  armistice  ;  for  there 
they  still  hoped  the  war  would  take  a  turn  in  their  favor.  This 
eastern  region,  therefore,  became  the  scene  of  the  last  act  in  this 
mighty  drama.  To  appreciate  the  reasons  for  this  exception  we 
must  take  a  view,  partly  retrospective,  of  the  situation  there.  Bel- 
fort  still  continued  to  hold  out  so  resolutely  that  the  weak  force 
under  General  von  Treskow  was  unable  to  overcome  its  resistance. 
But  now  the  Bordeaux  government  was  taken  possession  of  by  the 
1  The  mort  or  note  sounded  on  the  d-eath  of  the  stag. 



Fig.  98.  —  Bismarck  and  Jules  Favre  dui-inir  the  negotiations  in  the  house  of  Madame 
Jessö  at  Versailles.     By  Anton  von  Werner,  from  a  sketdi  drawn  on  the  spot. 

idea  of  a  great  diversion  eastward,  whicli  indirectly  should  effect  that 
in  which  the  direct  attempts  from  the  Loire  had  failed,  viz.,  the 
liberation  of  Paris.  The  first  army  of  the  Loire,  under  Bourbaki, 
setting  out  from  IJourges,  was  thrown  l)y  way  of  Nevers  towards  the 
SaOne,  its  mission  being  to  capture  Dijon,  relieve  BcH'ort,  and  break 

350  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

the  Germans'  line  of  communication  with  the  country  in  their  rear, 
thus  liberating  the  strong  places  in  the  north,  and  holding  out  a 
hand  to  Faidherbe.  But  great  as  were  the  hopes  set  on  this 
expedition,  mischance  dogged  it  from  the  beginnmg.  One  essential 
to  its  success  was  absolute  secrecy ;  instead  of  this,  "  the  infallible 
scheme  for  the  relief  of  Belfort"  was  trumpeted  to  all  the  world.  The 
railroad  transport,  too,  was  slow  beyond  all  expectation ;  while,  from 
lack  of  preparation,  confusion  and  stoppages  were  general,  which,  in 
the  bitter  cold  and  insufficient  commissariat,  subjected  the  troops  to 
severe  hardships.  The  head-quarters  at  Versailles  kept  its  eyes  wide 
open.  The  second  and  seventh  army  corps  received  orders  to  concen- 
trate between  Nuits  and  Chätillon-sur-Säone,  with  a  view  to  the 
organization,  out  of  them  and  all  the  troops  already  in  the  southeast, 
of  a  new  army,  —  that  of  the  south,  —  to  be  placed  under  Manteuffel. 
But  till  they  came  into  the  field,  there  were  hard  days  in  store  for  the 
fourteenth  corps,  but  days,  too,  of  imperishable  fame.  Bourbaki's  view 
was  to  overlap  the  left  wing  of  his  enemy  standing  on  the  Ognon, 
and  thus  force  him  entirely  away  from  Belfort.  But  finding  Viller- 
sexel  more  strongly  occupied  by  the  Germans  than  he  expected,  he 
was  compelled  to  draw  off  farther  than  he  purposed  towards  the  right, 
and  thus  gave  them  time  to  prepare  for  his  reception.  On  January  9, 
15,000  men,  under  von  der  Holtz,  maintained  there  for  a  whole  day 
one  of  the  hottest  fights  in  the  war  against  two  full  French  army  corps 

the  eighteenth  and  twentieth  —  and  part  of  the  twenty-fourth.     In 

the  night  they  evacuated  the  place,  to  take  up  a  new  position  behind 
the  Lisaine,  a  sub-tributary  of  the  Doubs,  so  as  to  bar  Bourbaki's 
way  to  Belfort,  whose  three  army-corps,  on  the  morning  of  the  10th, 
s|:ood  as  near  the  fortress  as  did  the  three  Baden  divisions.  Luckily 
the  severity  of  the  weather,  and  the  difficulty  of  finding  food  and 
shelter  for  man  and  horse,  but,  above  all,  the  demoralized  condition 
of  his  hastily  gathered  troops,  conspired  so  to  neutralize  his  energy 
that  he  made  no  attempt  to  disturb  Werder's  (Fig.  99)  flank-march. 
On  the  11th  the  latter  general  got  word  that  the  army  of  the  south 
was  organizing  for  his  support.  At  the  same  time,  however,  Moltke 
strono-ly  impressed  on  him  the  necessity  of  covering  the  siege  of 
Belfort,  and  of  constantly  keeping  touch  of  the  enemy,  so  as  to  hinder 
him  from  throwing  himself  with  his  whole  strength  upon  Manteuffel 
\\\\Qn  on  the  advance.  The  time  granted  him  by  the  enemy's  inac- 
tivity was  most  sedulously  employed  in  strengthening  liis  position 
behind  the  Lisaine.     Here  Werder  now  awaited  with  his  45,000  men 



the  oncoming  of  liourhaki  with  his  153,000;  for  even  a  lost  battle 
could  involve  nothing  worse  than  a  farther  retreat.  For  three  days 
(January  15-17)  the  heroic  band  withstood  the  assaults  of  its  over- 
whelmingly superior  enemy,  though  its  fast-failing  amnnniition  com- 
pelled economy  in  its  use.  13 ut  even  by  the  evening  of  the  second 
day  the  French  attacks  began  to  wane  in  vigor.  The  miseraljle  con- 
dition of  his  men,  who  had  bivouacked  for  two  bitterly  cold  nights 

mostly  without  food  —  as  well  as  his  severe  losses,  robbed  Bourbaki 

Fig.  99.  — General  von  Werder.     From  the  lithogji-aph  by  G.  Engelbach. 

of  all  confidence  in  the  result  of  another  assault.  To  all  this,  the 
pressure  of  the  army  of  the  south,  now  advancing  on  his  rear,  began 
to  make  itself  uncomfortably  felt.  He  renewed  the  struggle  on  the 
17th,  therefore,  only  to  cover  his  retreat.  The  large  number  of  pris- 
oners who  surrendered  themselves  voluntarily  to  their  pursuers,  as 
well  as  discarded  weapons  and  munitions  of  all  kinds,  sufficiently 
evidenced  the  condition  of  his  army.  On  the  22(1  he  stood  again  in 
Besan9on.     The  fortress  of  Belfort,  from  which  the  struggle  on  the 


TBE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1871. 

Tig,  100,  —  Bourbaki.     From  a  photograph. 


J^isaine  could  be  distinctly  seen,  remained  all  the  time  unaccount- 
ably silent  —  awaiting  its  deliverance  witfiout  itself  striking  a  blow. 

On  January  1 4  .Manteuffel  set  out  on  his  advance  to  aid  Werder, 
taking  his  route  directly  across  the  rugged  table-land  of  Langres, 
with  the  thermometer  verging  on  zero.  He  plodded  his  way  stoutly 
over  roads  now  buried  in  deep  snow,  now  incrusted  with  glass-Hke 
ice,  buffeted  anon  by  violent  storms  of  wind  and  rain.  On  learn- 
ing, on  the  18th,  that  Werder  was  not  in  immediate  need  of  his 
help,  he  took  the  resolve  of  swinging  round  his  right  so  as  to  throw 
himself  on  the  rear  of  the  French  army  of  the  east  and  bar  its 
retreat.  ^Manteuffel  therefore  cut  himself  entirely  adrift  from  his 
already  loose  connection  with  the  main  army  and  with  Germany, 
and  went  in  search  of  an  enemy,  who,  though  much  shattered,  was 
still  far  his  superior  in  numbers,  while  he  ran  the  risk  of  being 
assailed  on  the  flank  by  a  new  army  which  had  gathered  under  Gari- 
baldi at  Dijon.  Moltke  approved  his  bold  plan,  which,  if  successful, 
could  not  but  have  decisive  results.  To  protect  his  right  flank  he 
despatched  the  brigade  of  Kettler,  4000  strong,  against  Dijon;  and 
this  maintained  a  desultory  conflict  of  three  days  (January  21  to 
23)  with  Garibaldi's  '  Army  of  the  Vosges,'  without,  however,  being 
able  to  wrest  the  city  from  it.  But  the  confidence  of  Kettler's  atti- 
tude close  in  presence  of  his  enemy  misled  Garibaldi  into  believing 
that  he  had  a  large  section  of  the  army  of  the  south  before  him,  and 
decided  him  to  restrict  himself  to  a  cautious  defence  of  his  position, 
so  that  Manteuffel  had  nothing  to  dread  from  that  quarter.  In  the 
fight  of  the  23d  at  Nouilly,  the  flag  of  the  second  battalion  of  the 
German  sixtj^-first  regiment  was  found. by  the  Garil)aldians  under  a 
heap  of  dead,  shot  to  pieces  and  drenched  ;\vitli  l)h)od  —  the  only 
standard  lost  by  the  Germans  in  the  war.  Disregarding  the  most 
urgent  calls  from  Bordeaux,  the  Italian  hero  remained  immovable  in 
Dijon  till  the  approach  of  considerable  re-enforcements  to  his  cour- 
ageous enemy  induced  him  to  evacuate  it  on  the  31st. 

Still  Bourbaki  (Fig.  100)  hoped  to  lireak  his  way  throngli  in  a 
southern  direction;  but  when  the  troops  detailed  to  hold,  at  any 
price,  the  important  position  of  Quingey,  gave  this  town  up  without 
a  blow,  this  door  of  escape  also  was  shut  against  him.  Hemmed  in 
within  a  narrow  area  around  Besan^on,  he  had,  in  addition  to  the 
pressure  from  without,  constantly  before  his  eyes  the  gro^^^ng  dis- 
integration of  his  army.  His  provisions,  moreover,  were  sufficient 
for  but  a  few  days.      Under  such  circumstances    he    had    only  the 

Vol.  XIX.— 23 

35-1  THE   FEANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

choice  between  an  attempt  at  breaking  out  towards  Auxonne  or  a 
retreat  on  Pontarlier.  A  council  of  war,  wliich  he  called,  disregarding 
the  impracticable  orders  emanating  from  Bordeaux,  decided  for  the 
latter.  But  despair  took  possession  of  the  general,  and  he  made  an 
attempt  on  his  life.  The  shot  through  which  he  hoped  to  end  liis 
cares  did  not  spare  him  the  pain  of  surviving  his  own  deposition 
and  the  destruction  of  his  army.  Nothing  seemed  left  to  his  suc- 
cessor —  General  Clinchant  —  but  to  continue  the  oj^eration  initiated 
by  him,  and  march  on  Pontarlier.  But  when,  on  arriving  there,  he 
found  the  promised  supplies  not  forthcoming,  and  learned  that  the 
army  of  the  east  was  excepted  from  the  truce,  while  the  Germans, 
pressing  ever  closer  upon  him,  had  taken  in  all  15,000  of  his  men, 
and  when,  in  especial,  his  generals  declared  they  could  no  longer 
answer  for  their  troops,  he,  after  a  last  fight  by  his  rearguard,  on 
February  1,  at  La  Cluse,  entered  into  a  convention  with  the  Swiss 
General  Herzog  by  Avhich  85,000  men  and  266  cannon  Avere  received 
into  the  Swiss  territory,  where  they  were  disarmed.  Some  20,000, 
mostly  cavalry,  made  their  escape  southward. 

Thus  vanished  the  fourth  French  army  within  four  months. 
The  achievements  of  the  Germans,  mainly  in  a  mountain  region  cov- 
ered with  snow  and  ice,  and  with  insufficient  food  and  outworn 
foot-gear,  were  w^orthy  of  all  admiration.  But  the  end  justified  the 
price.  It  annihilated  the  last  possibility  of  the  French  continuing 
the  war.  Three  hundred  and  eighty-five  thousand  of  them  were 
confined  in  Germany,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  were  shut 
up  in  Paris,  a  hundred  thousand  disarmed  men  were  in  Belgium 
and  S^A-itzerland ;  twenty-five  departments  and  twenty-two  fortresses 
w^ere  occupied  by  the  Germans;  while  600,000  muskets,  1800  field- 
pieces,  and  three  times  as  many  fortress-guns,  with  untold  store  of 
war  materials,  etc.,  were  the  spoil  of  the  conquerors.  On  February 
16  Belfort  capitulated.  Gambetta  alone  dreamed  of  continuing  the 
struggle.  In  an  impassioned  proclamation,  —  in  which  he  de- 
nounced the  frivolous  facility  with  which  the  Paris  government  had 
consented  to  an  armistice,  —  he  called  frantically  for  new  levies  and 
the  election  of  only  such  deputies  as  were  favorable  to  the  continu- 
ance of  the  war  "  in  order  to  prevent  France  from  being  assassi- 
nated," debarring,  as  ineligible,  all  who  had  held  office  as  ministers, 
senators,  state-councillors,  or  prefects  under  the  empire,  or  who  had 
ever  been  official  candidates.  Bismarck  promptly  protested  against 
such  exclusions  as  being  incompatible  with  the  freedom  of  choice 

rilELlMINAllY    TERMIS    OF  FE  ACE.  355 

covenantx'd  for  in  the  armistice,  ami  even  the  provisional  govern- 
ment could  not  tolerate  a  measure  that  meant  civil  war.  It  sent 
Jules  Simon  to  Bordeaux  to  effect  its  revocation;  and  on  (jambetta's 
scornful  refusal,  it  annulled  it  itself,  whereupon  Gambetta,  '  the 
Bedlamite  '  as  Tliiei"s  called  him,  gave  in  his  resignation. 

The  result  of  the  election  showed  two  tilings,  —  iii-st,  that  llu; 
land  was  weary  of  the  war,  and  second,  that  the  majority  was  not 
republican.  The  vast  majority  of  the  assembly  opening  at  Bordeaux, 
February  12,  were  monarchists,  divided  into  Orleanists,  Bonapart- 
ists,  and  Legitimists ;  but  by  a  sort  of  tacit  agreement,  all  party 
distinctions  were  held  in  abeyance.  To  the  monarchists,  generally, 
it  was  entirely  accejjtable  that  they  should  be  able  to  impose  tlie 
odium  for  the  humiliating  peace  upon  the  republicans.  In  France's 
absolute  dearth  of  statesmanlike  capacity,  tlieie  was  but  one  man  to 
whom  all  eyes  were  directed  to  deliver  it  from  chaos.  After  the 
government  of  September  4  resigned  its  powers  into  the  hands  of 
the  National  Assembly,  this  body,  on  February  17,  made  choice 
of  Thiers  to  decide  on  the  definitive  form  of  government,  with  the 
power  of  nominating  ministers.  The  National  Assembly,  above  all 
things,  desired  peace  ;  and,  as  peace  was  not  possible  withf)ut  cession 
of  territory,  it  had  to  reconcile  itself  to  this.  When  an  .Msatian 
deputy  vehemently  protested  against  the  giving  up  of  Alsace  and 
Lorraine  it  passed  an  express  vote  of  confidence  in  the  negotia- 
tors ;  but,  as  a  scapegoat  had  to  be  fovnid,  it  took  the  first  oppor- 
tunity for  loading  the  exiled  emperor  at  Wilhelmshöhe  with  the 
entire  responsibility  for  France's  misfortunes.  To  give  time  for  the 
negotiations,  Bismarck  prolonged  the  armistice  till  March  12,  Thiers, 
with  Favre  and  Picard,  ])eing  intrusted  with  their  conduct.  The 
German  demands  were  the  cession  of  Alsace  with  Belfort,  of  German 
Lorraine  with  Metz,  and  a  war  indemnity  of  six  billions  of  francs 
(.11,158,000,000).  Tillers  exclaimed  against  the  enormity  of  this 
sum,  and  offered  two  billions;  but  Bismarck  explained  that  the  mere 
cost  of  the  war  exceeded  the  latter  amount,  besides  which  there  were 
to  be  reckoned  pensions  for  the  wounded  and  widows  and  orjihans, 
recompense  for  the  armies,  the  replacement  of  the  war-material 
destroyed,  comijensation  for  the  Germans  driven  out  of  France 
and  for  her  captured  ships,  as  well  as  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
prisoners  in  Germany.  (^)n  Fcbruaiy  28,  he  ainiounced  that 
Emperor  William  had  moderated  the  sum  to  five  billions.  Thiei*s 
tried  to  get  England  to  mediate  in  favor  of  an  aUeviatiou  of  (he 

356  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR   OF  1870-1871. 

terms,  but  to  uo  purpose.  From  the  other  powers  nothing  was  to  be 
hoped.  Russia  had  thought  fit  to  make  use  of  the  war  to  gain  her 
revenge  for  Sebastopol  by  renouncing  the  conditions  of  the  Peace  of 
Paris  restricting  her  sovereign  riglits  in  the  Black  Sea,  and  this 
renunciation  had  just  been  confirmed  by  a  conference  in  London,  at 
which  France  was  not  represented ;  while  Italy  and  Austria  were, 
above  all,  anxious  to  do  nothing  that  could  compromise  them  with 
Germany.  The  fortresses  were  the  cause  of  greater  difiiculties  than 
the  money,  especially  Belfort,  on  the  preservation  of  which  Thiers 
concentrated  all  his  efforts.  Bismarck  at  length  agreed  to  except 
Belfort,  on  condition  that  the  Germans  should  occupy  Paris;  but 
against  this  French  vanity  revolted  more  vehemently  than  ever.  In 
the  heat  of  discussion  Thiers  let  slip  the  expression,  "  But  that  is  an 
indignity  !  "  Immediately  Bismarck  began  to  speak  German.  Thiers, 
after  listening  for  a  while  confounded,  at  length  remarked  com- 
plainingly  that  he  did  not  understand  German.  The  chancellor  re- 
torted that  he  did  not  understand  French  sufficiently  to  answer  him 
suitably  when  he  spoke  of  'indignity,'  and  caused  an  interpreter 
to  be  summoned.  The  hint  sufficed,  and  Thiers  conceded  the  demand 
he  had  characterized  as  an  '  indignity.'  On  February  26  the  peace- 
preliminaries  were  signed. 

France  ceded  Alsace  and  Lorraine  with  Metz,  but  received  back 
Belfort,  and  bound  herself  to  pay  five  billions,  —  one  billion  in  the 
current  year,  the  balance  within  three  years.  Only  30,000  soldiers 
were  to  enter  Paris,  and  were  to  be  restricted  to  an  area  comprised  be- 
tween the  Seine,  the  Rue  St.-Honore,  and  the  Avenue  des  Ternes. 
The  evacuation  of  France  was  to  be  effected  piecemeal,  in  keeping 
with  the  payment  of  the  instalments.  The  French  army  was  to  retire 
behind  the  Loire  until  the  definitive  signing  of  the  peace,  with  the 
exception  of  40,000  men  left  as  a  garrison  in  Paris.  The  negotia- 
tions for  the  definitive  peace  were  to  be  opened  without  delay  in 

On  ]\Iarch  1  the  emperor  reviewed  at  Longchamp  the  troojDS 
told  off  to  enter  Paris ;  and  immediately  thereupon  they  began  their 
entry,  under  the  Arc  de  Triomphe,  into  the  prearranged  quarter.  If 
German  national  feeling  found  but  scant  satisfaction  in  this  limited 
occupation,  the  Parisians  felt  it  as  the  most  severe  of  all  their 
humiliations.  But  Thiers  had  hurried  off  to  Bordeaux,  in  order  to 
abridge  to  the  utmost  the  time  of  the  capital's  shame.  When  he 
began  to  read  the  peace-terms  to  the  assembly,  his  voice  failed  him 


after  the  first  few  words.  The  Left  indeed,  supported  hy  Victor 
Hugo's  redundant  ehxiuence,  (U'uianded  tlieir  rejection  ;  hut  reason 
and  necessity  prevailed,  and  peace  was  approved  hy  ö4<>  to  107 
voices.  On  March  3,  the  treaty  was  returned  ratified,  and  tlie  city 
of  Pai'is  was  once  more  free  fr(jiu  desecration  hy  hordes  of  har- 

Frenchmen  could  not  long  more  anxiously  for  the  deliverance  of 
their  sorely  atülicted  land  than  (jermany  did  for  the  return  of  her  sons 
from  a  war  so  rich  in  sacrifices.  Everywhere  throughout  the  father- 
land the  returning  victors  were  hailed  with  enthusiasm;  es^jecially 
magnificent  was  the  entry  of  the  emperor,  on  Ahu'cli  17,  at  the  head  of 
his  soldiery,  into  Berlin.  But  no  exultation  over  a  triumph  so  un- 
exampled and  over  so  glorious  conquests  could  make  the  country 
forget  the  price  it  had  had  to  pay  for  it  all.  Its  total  loss  amounted 
to  1871  officers  dead,  4184  wounded,  and  102  missing,  and  26,397 
rank  and  file  dead  (12,115  through  sickness),  84,804  wounded,  and 
12,752  missing.  The  loss  of  the  forty-eighth  Prussian  regiment  Mas 
the  heaviest  of  all.  Out  of  a  strength  of  64  officers  and  3000  men.  it 
amounted  to  60  officers  and  1497  rank  and  file.  But  the  troops 
left  before  Paris,  under  General  von  Fabrice,  were  to  witness  a  yet 
more  gruesome  afterpiece  —  the  revolt  of  the  Commune. 

All  the  powers  of  evil  seemed  to  have  been  conspiring  for  months 
to  precipitate  the  so  sorely  tried  capital  into  the  abyss  of  ruin. 
Ever  since  the  overthrow  of  the  empire  — but  in  an  enhanced 
degree  all  through  the  siege  —  the  concerted  schemes  of  the  sedition- 
mongers  and  the  ignorant  instincts  of  the  masses  worked  together 
towards  this  great  cataclysm.  The  Internationale  was  the  successor 
and  heir  of  the  Communist  Federation  which  had  prepared  the  way 
for  the  Revolution  of  February  and  the  days  of  June.  Its  head-<|uar- 
ters  was  Paris,  with  its  hundreds  of  thousands  of  workmgmen,  now 
augmented  by  Napoleon's  architectui-al  enterprises.  On  the  even- 
ing of  September  4  it  and  the  trades-union  met  to  formulate  their 
claims  and  constitute  a  central  committee,  consisting  of  representa- 
tives of  the  various  city  wards.  Rochefort,  as  a  Paris  deputy,  was 
a  member  of  the  provisional  government;  the  painter  Courl)et 
became  director  of  the  fine  arts;  the  vagal)ond  student,  Raoul 
Rigault,  was  chief  of  the  political  police :  for  Flourens  the  title  of 
Mayor  de  rampart  Avas  invented.  Otherwise  they  kej)t  themselves 
perfectly  quiet,  quite  satisfied  with  the  prosjiect  that  the  'boui-geois 
vermin'  would  cover   themselves  with  indelible  odium  tliToiii^di  tlie 

358  TUE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1870-1S71. 

conclusion  of  a  peace.  But  the  incapacity  and  miserable  weakness 
manifested  by  the  Government  of  National  Defence,  from  the  first  to 
the  last  day  of  its  existence,  smoothed  the  path  for  the  revolutionaries. 
No  one  of  its  follies  avenged  itself  more  terribly  than  that  of  pla- 
cing a  musket  in  the  hand  of  every  one  who  desired  it,  thus  raising 
the  National  Guard  from  sixty  battalions  to  nearly  300,  —  that  is, 
to  more  than  130,000  men, — under  leaders  chosen  by  themselves. 
This  was  a  power  before  which  they  trembled,  and  which  they  did 
their  best  to  spoil  by  bombastic  flattery.  So  far  from  fighting  the 
Germans,  the  Guard  specially  spared  itself  in  the  prospect  of  an 
insurrection,  and,  instead  of  working,  preferred  to  live  on  the  wage 
wliich  each  member  received,  not  only  for  himself,  l)ut  for  his  A\T.fe 
and  children,  so  that  he  was  able  to  live  pretty  much  in  a  state  of 
chronic  idleness  and  drunkenness.  Besides  all  this,  the  government 
itself,  by  obstinately  procrastinating  to  fulfil  its  repeated  promises 
of  a  communal  election,  gave  occasion  for  the  cr}^  for  the  '  Com- 
mune,' first  raised  by  Ledru-RoUin  and  Delescluze.  Under  the  name 
'  Commune' was  embodied  the  so  long-cherished  aspiration  of  Paris 
after  self-government,  colored  by  traditions  of  the  Reign  of  Terror, 
and  of  the  victorious  struggle  of  the  first  republic  against  its  foreign 
foes.  With  all  this  were  blended  fantastic  ideas  in  regard  to  the 
reorganization  of  the  world  in  a  socialistic  sense  and,  alas !  the 
lowest  passions  of  the  Parisian  proletariat.  These  influences  — 
dangerous  as  multifarious  —  made  their  first  attempt  at  asserting 
themselves  in  the  riot  of  Octol)er  31,  but  were  for  the  time  sup- 
pressed. None  the  less,  from  that  date  on,  the  i-evolutionary  groups 
or  clubs  maintained  a  constant  conflict  with  the  government,  which 
looked  on  at  the  perfectly  open  machinations  of  the  Central  Com- 
mittee with  apathetic  inaction,  thus  rendering  unavailing  all  the 
efforts  of  brave  General  Clement  Thomas  to  reduce  the  National 
Guards  to  some  degree  of  discipline  and  order.  These  masses,  thus 
forcibly  abstracted  from  their  ordinary  course  of  life,  and  fevered 
with  excitement,  the  government,  though  latterly  perfectly  sensible 
of  the  inutility  of  their  resistance  to  the  foreign  foe,  kept  pampered 
with  bombastic  fanfaronade  about  their  invincibility,  and  had  accus- 
tomed to  the  belief  that  Paris  would  rather  see  itself  in  ashes  than 
open  its  gates  to  the  outside  barljarians.  No  wonder,  then,  that  the 
capitulation  bereft  them  of  the  last  relics  of  reason  left  them.  For 
four  months  the  citizens  had  been  living  in  an  atmosphere  of  blood 
and  fire,  and  borne  heavy  deprivations  with  no  little  heroism,  and  not 


less  self-glorification  that  tlie  country  was  to  he  saved  through  their 
sacrifices.  And  now  the  sacred  city  \\as  in  the  rohhers'  hands  I 
From  tlie  lips  of  all  resounded  the  demoralizing  cry  of  treachery. 
Their  seething  i)assions  saw  the  enemy  to  Ije  dreaded  not  on  the 
outside,  but  within.  It  would  be  dilHicult  to  say  whether  love  of 
country  or  morüüly  wound-^d  vanity  had  more  lo  do  in  rousinf  them 
to  schemes  of  fancied  re[)aration  and  revenge.  To  all  this  was  added 
the  fact  that  the  long  separation  luid  opei-ated  to  estrange  I'aris  and 
the  country  from  each  other.  As  soon  as  the  National  Assembly 
met  in  Bordeaux  tlie  controversy  between  the  two  broke  forth. 
The  Parisian  representatives  were  almost  exclusively  radical,  and 
the  capital  felt  it  a  gross  trespass  on  its  traditional  prerogative  that 
the  country  did  not  implicitly  submit  to  its  exclusive  supremacy. 
The  nomination  of  Thiers  as  head  of  the  executive  power  looked  to 
Paris  like  the  prelude  to  an  Orleanist  reaction,  and  made  the  new 
government  unpopular  with  it  in  advance.  That  the  ministry  and 
the  National  Assembly  decided  to  select  for  their  seat,  not  Paris,  ])nt 
Vei-sailles,  desecrated  by  having  been  the  German  head-<|uarters,  ^\■as 
an  additional  aggravation. 

Bismarck  rightly  apprehended  the  danger  of  leaving  its  arms 
in  the  hands  of  the  National  Guard  after  the  conclusion  of  the  armis- 
tice. Favre,  however,  affected  to  regard  it  as  a  point  of  honor  to 
protect  it  from  disarmament.  And  precisely  at  this  time  tlie  Guard 
lost  its  best  and  most  reliable  elements.  No  sooner  were  tlie 
gates  opened  than  there  began  an  exodus  of  the  well-to-do  classes, 
who  like  liberated  prisoners  streamed  forth  into  freedom.  Those 
remaining  behind  belonged  mainly  to  the  classes  especially  prone  to 
disorder  and  discontent,  and  were  further  rendered  desperate  by 
the  indiscreetly  precipitate  stoppage  of  their  pay.  The  bra\e  regu- 
lar soldiers,  on  the  other  hand,  who  had  had  to  suiTender  their  arms, 
felt  themselves  undeservedly  humiliated  in  comparison  witii  the 
ineffective  National  Guards.  These  200,000  soldiers  and  mohih-s 
remained  for  three  weeks  given  over  to  vagabondage,  and,  mixed  up 
as  they  were  with  tlie  proletariat  of  the  suburbs,  exposed  to  in- 
citements of  all  kinds  to  disorder.  Troops  and  mohUes  beo-an  to 
fraternize  with  the  National  Guards,  whose  demonstrations  assumed 
more  and  more  an  insun-ectionary  character.  General  Thomas  saw 
that  his  influence  over  them  was  at  an  end,  and  gave  in  liis  i-esigna- 
tion.  A  police-agent  was  drowned  liy  tlie  infuriated  nibble  in  tlie 
Seine  with  circumstances  of  cannibal-like  atrocitv,  and  the  four  batt;il- 

360  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1871. 

ions  sent  out  to  quell  them  fraternized  with  them.  The  whole 
population  now  revolted  against  the  thought  of  the  entry  of  the  Ger- 
mans. Unable  to  believe  in  this  lowest  step  of  humiliation,  they 
pleased  themselves  with  swaggering  resolutions  never  to  endure  this 
indelible  ignominy.  Without  the  instigation  of  the  demagogues, 
they  prepared  themselves  for  resistance.  Like  a  frenzy  the  idea 
seized  the  National  Guards  that  they  must  save  their  cannon  from 
the  enemy;  and  on  February  26  they  dragged  them^ — though  no  one 
was  thinking  of  giving  them  up  —  to  Belleville,  La  Villette,  and 
especially  to  Montmartre.  These  positions  they  fortified,  plundered 
stores  of  weapons  and  arms,  and  made  as  if  they  meant  to  pre- 
cipitate themselves  on  the  Gennans  when  entering.  Already  th^re 
appeared  the  signal  of  civil  war,  —  the  red  flag,  —  and  still  the 
government  looked  on  with  crossed  arms  at  '  the  noble  fury.'  Not 
they,  but  the  Central  Committee,  allayed  the  excitement.  But  on 
the  same  third  day  of  March  on  which  the  Germans  evacuated 
Paris,  the  representatives  of  200  battalions  founded  a  second  cen- 
tral connnittee  —  that  of  the  National  Guard ;  and  by  a  singular 
coincidence,  it  was  the  same  day  as  that  on  which  Thiers  made  an 
attempt  to  tighten  the  reins  of  its  discipline  by  the  nomination 
of  Aurelle  as  its  commander-in-chief.  But  the  choice  was  not  a 
happy  one ;  for  Aurelle,  as  a  Bonapartist,  had  been  especially  de- 
nounced by  Gambetta  for  the  defeat  at  Orleans.  The  dread  of  a 
coup  cTetat  revived  by  this  nomination  made  the  National  Guards 
more  hostile  than  ever,  -while  large  numbers  —  and  these  the  worst 
elements  —  of  the  discharged  troops  and  mobiles  found  their  way 
into  their  ranks.  One  most  impolitic  step  of  the  government  was 
the  repeal  of  the  respite  for  small  bills  of  exchange  and  rents,  all 
which  were  now  required  to  be  paid  within  three  days.  This  in 
an  especial  manner  embittered  the  petty  traders,  who  saw  them- 
selves through  this  measure  exposed  to  bankruptcy.  The  cry  for 
the  Commune,  w^iich  had  been  stilled  since  the  capitulation,  began 
to  make  itself  again  heard. 

Thus  Thiers,  on  his  arrival  at  Paris,  found  almost  the  entire 
citizen  population  full  of  hate  to  the  government,  of  anxiety  for  the 
republic,  and  of  gloomy  suspicion  of  a  coujj  d'etat,  with  all  legitimate 
authority  vanished,  and  the  w^iole  town  in  the  hands  of  the  insur- 
rection. And  what  had  he  to  set  off  against  all  this  ?  A  garrison 
of  scarcely  30,000  men,  of  Avhom  not  more  than  a  third  could  be 
held  in  any  way  reliable.     He  saw  but  one  Avay  of  deliverance  —  to 


let  Paris  for  a  time  'stew  in  its  own  gravy.'  lint  withont  making 
some  attem^Jt  to  reduce  the  city  to  order,  the  government  could  not 
appear  before  the  National  Assembly,  now  on  the  point  of  meeting  in 
Versailles ;  and  the  chiefs  of  finance  would  engage  in  no  operation 
for  raising  the  live  billions  until  order  was  restored.  Therefore, 
although  it  was  all  but  convinced  of  the  vanity  of  another  attempt 
to  recover  the  caiiiion,  yet  such  had  to  Ih*  made.  .And  indeed  it 
seemed  at  first  as  if  this  was  to  succeed.  The  night-surprise  phmned 
by  General  Vinoy  was  successfully  carried  out.  ( )n  tiie  morning  of 
March  18  Montmartre  with  161  guns  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
troops.  But  at  the  critical  moment  the  teams  to  carry  away  the 
pieces  were  not  at  hand.  When  they  appeared  after  two  hours'  delay, 
the  starving  and  freezing  troops,  cajoled  by  the  women  and  children 
crowding  in  amongst  them,  had  already  fraternized  witli  the  National 
(Juard.  The  eighty -eighth  regiment  delivered  over  (xcneral  Le- 
comte  to  the  mutineers ;  and  he,  along  with  Clement  Thomas,  for- 
merly commandant  of  the  Guard,  was  barbarously  murdered  by  them. 
General  Chanzy,  who  also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  rabble,  was 
shamefully  maltreated  by  it,  and  only  regained  his  freedom  some 
days  thereafter.  The  most  of  the  soldiery  remaining  in  the  city 
went  over  to  the  revolt,  which  thus  became  supreme  over  the  whole 
right  l)ank  of  the  Seine.  Once  more  Thiers  resolved  on  doing  what 
he  had  counselled  Louis  Philippe  to  do  in  February,  1848,  namely, 
to  evacuate  Paris,  and  reconquer  it  from  Versailles.  In  the  con- 
fusion even  Mont- Valerien  was  evacuated,  but  was  fortunately  re- 
occupied,  before  the  insurgents  had  taken  possession  of  it.  Thus  in 
uncontested  possession  of  the  city,  the  two  central  connnittees,  now 
merged  into  one,  fixed  their  common  seat  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
without  well  knowng  what  use  to  make  of  their  adventitious 
authority.  Among  them  there  was  scarce  a  man  of  real  importance. 
They  were,  for  the  most  part,  contemptible  fellows,  who  first  of 
all  ate  and  drank  to  repletion ;  and,  in  imitation  of  the  heroes  of 
1793,  were  intent  on  maintaining  their  assumed  dictatorial  power 
by  crushing  down  all  opposition.  Between  ^Nlarch  18  and  23  not 
fewer  than  8632  j^ersons  were  arrested.  To  avoid  civil  war  the 
mayors  of  the  twenty  arrondissements  of  Paris — among  whom  Cle- 
menceau,  mayor  of  Montmartre,  particularly  distinguished  himself 
by  a  zeal  far  from  salutary  —  submitted  themselves  implicitly  to  these 
revolutionary  authorities,  so  that  all  power  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the    most    extreme    elements.      A    peaceful    demonstration    of    the 

362  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN   WAR    OF  1S70-1S71. 

friends  of  order  in  the  Place  Vendome  on  March  22  was  assailed 
with  salvos  of  musketry,  and  some  twenty  men  killed  or  wounded. " 
Force  alone  must  now  decide  the  issue. 

On  March  26  the  elections  for  the  communal  council  took  place. 
As  of  the  490,000  registered  electors  only  220,000  recorded  their 
votes,  the  candidates  chosen  belonged  almost  exclusively  to  the 
party  of  the  Revolution.  On  the  28th  the  central  committee  of  the 
Hotel  de  Ville  resigned  its  functions  in  favor  of  the  new  communal 
authorities,  while  that  of  the  National  Guard  surprised  it  by  the 
friendly  announcement  that  it  would  continue  its  labors  as  hereto- 
fore. The  first  measures  adopted  by  the  Commune  were  the  remis- 
sion of  all  rents  and  interest  for  the  last  nine  months,  abolition  of 
the  conscription,  universal  liability  to  serve  in  the  National  Guard 
with  payment  at  the  rate  of  two  and  a  half  francs  a  day ;  the  neces- 
sary means  for  this  and  other  purposes  being  supplied  by  forced 
advances  from  the  Bank  of  France,  insurance  companies,  and  pri- 
vate persons,  confiscation  of  church  furniture,  etc.  Yet  with  all 
their  pompous  vanity  these  improvised  potentates  were  not  ignorant 
that  the  citizens,  paralyzed  by  sudden  perplexity  and  fear,  were  far 
from  being  in  sympathy  with  them,  and  that  they  could  rely  only 
on  force  for  the  maintenance  of  their  supremacy.  The  intelligent 
nucleus  of  the  movement  —  the  striving  after  communal  self-govern- 
ment—  fell  quite  into  the  background.  As  if  to  cover  its  own 
nothingness  and  incapacity,  the  Commune  precipitated  itself  into  the 
revolutionary  frenzy,  and  unfurled  the  banner  of  the  world-republic. 
But  the  possibility  that  these  men  might  permanently  maintain 
themselves  was  quickly  put  out  of  the  question;  for  the  country  re- 
mained deaf  to  their  invitation  to  follow  the  example  of  Paris  and 
break  itself  up  into  a  confederation  of  independent  communes,  and 
looked  with  wrath  on  the  handful  of  upstarts  who  took  it  on 
themselves  to  contemn  the  will  of  the  whole  people  freely  expressed 
in  the  elections  of  February  8.  A  second  reason  for  their  im- 
pending fall  lay  in  the  growing  strength  of  the  Versailles  govern- 
ment. To  be  sure,  it  required  some  time  for  it  to  constitute  into  an 
effective  army  the  straggling  soldiery  returning  fi-om  all  quarters, 
especially  German  prisons ;  but  it  stood  it  in  good  stead  that  the 
northern  forts  were  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Germans,  who,  while 
observing  the  strictest  neutrality,  were  careful  to  watch  that  the 
Communists  should  not  overpass  the  neutral  zone.  Most  of  all  in 
favor  of  the  government  was  the  military  incapacity  of  the  insur- 

TUE   FURY   OF   THE    COMMUNE.  363 

gent  leaders.  The  force  of  the  Commune  amounted  to  140,000  or 
150,000  men,  irrespective  of  28  independent  corps,  whose  achieve- 
ments consisted  mainly  in  plundering  and  levying  blackmail.  The 
connnand-in-chief  was  offered  lirst  to  Menotti  (Jaribaldi ;  ])ut  on  his 
declination  it  was  partitioned  into  three,  among  'Generals'  Eudes, 
Brunet,  and  Duval.  Instead  of  the  cry  being  —  as  it  had  been  six 
months  before  —  'On  to  Berlin,'  it  was  now  '  On  to  Versailles.'  But 
a  sally  undertaken  on  April  2  by  way  of  Neuilly  proved  a  total 
failure  ;  and  (m  its  renewal  next  day  the  assailants  came  under  the 
fire  of  Valerien,  which  wrought  great  havoc  among  them,  Flourens, 
among  others,  falling.  This  first  success  decided  the  loyalty  of  the 
troops.  On  the  4th  MacMahon,  who  had  assumed  Vinoy's  place  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  Versailles,  assumed  the  offensive. 
The  more  that  he  made  progress  the  wilder  became  the  despairing 
fury  of  the  mutineers.  No  word  of  reason  dared  longer  let  itself  be 
heard.  Inasmuch  as  Duval,  who  had  been  captured,  was  shot  by 
sentence  of  court-martial,  and  Blanqui,  '  the  head  of  the  reptile,'  was 
forcibly  detained  in  Versailles,  the  Commune  caused  a  large  number 
of  '  suspects '  to  be  seized  as  hostages,  and  threatened  to  shoot  two 
or  three  of  these  in  reprisal  for  every  individual  executed  in  Ver- 
sailles. The  revolutionary  tribunal  and  the  committee  of  1793  were 
revived.  Thiers's  and  Favre's  projierty  was  confiscated,  and  the 
house  of  the  former  destroyed.  The  defence  of  Paris  gathered 
some  measure  of  strength  under  the  leadership  of  Cluseret  and 
Delescluze ;  but  their  efforts  could  only  postpone,  not  avert,  the 
catastrophe.  The  more  inevital)le  this  was  seen  to  be  as  fort  after 
fort  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  government,  the  more  bitter  waxed 
the  dissensions  among  the  heads  of  the  insurrection  and  tlie  stronger 
their  mutual  suspicions,  while  their  passions  rioted  in  unbridled 
bestiality.  If  their  ruin  were  once  assured  that  of  Paris  should 
also  be  made  certain,  so  that  it  might  not  become  the  sjjoil  of  their 
conquerors.  On  May  16  Courbet  initiated  the  work  of  destruction 
by  the  overthrow  of  the  Column  Vendome,  whose  ungainliness 
offended  his  fine  artistic  sense.  A  '  scientific  commission  '  collected 
and  prepared  the  incendiary  and  explosive  material  to  carry  out  their 
demoniacal  purposes.  While  these  despots  and  their  instruments 
gave  themselves  up  to  the  vilest  orgies,  the  oommand-in-chief  passed 
from  one  hand  to  another,  so  that  no  one  knew  with  certainty  who 
his  leader  was.  On  ^fay  20  Paris  was  environed  on  all  sides.  On 
the  21st    the  troops  became  masters  of  the  gate  of  St.-Chmd.  and 

364  THE   FRANCO-GERMAN    WAR    OF  1S70-1871. 

soon  thereafter  they  pressed  in  on  the  side  of  Versailles.  Probably 
enough  it  might  have  lain  within  MacAIahon's  power  to  become  mas- 
ter of  the  entire  interior  on  the  22d,  since  the  inhabitants  eagerly 
longed  for  the  entry  of  the  troops.  But,  not  to  expose  his  small 
and  newly  organized  army  to  too  great  risks,  he  adopted  the  more 
cautious  resolution  of  encompassing  the  district  held  by  the  insur- 
gents entirely,  and  thus  at  the  same  time  preventing  their  flight. 
Through  this  the  frenzied  fanatics  had  time  to  carry  out  their  dia- 
bolical plans.  While  the  troops  made  their  way  but  slowly  by  an 
embittered  street-conflict,  the  incendiary  and  the  assassin  set  them- 
selves to  their  deadly  work.  By  Rigault's  orders  Archbishop  Darboy, 
President  Bonjean,  and  the  banker  Jecker  (of  unsavory  memory  in 
connection  with  the  Mexican  campaign),  as  well  as  other  hostages, 
were  shot  in  the  prisons  of  La  Roquette  and  St.-Pelagie.  In  the 
Rue  Haxo  thirty-seven  })riests  and  thirty  of  their  defenders  fell 
victims  to  the  ferocity  of  the  drunken  rabble.  Men  no  longer 
slaughtered  under  pretext  of  defence  but  from  mere  lust  for  murder. 
At  the  same  time  the  petroleuses  were  at  their  demoniacal  task.  The 
Palace  of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  the  Tuileries,  the  prefecture  of  police, 
part  of  the  Palace  Royale,  and  other  public  buildings  sank  in  ruins. 
The  Louvre  was  saved,  just  at  the  last  moment,  by  the  appearance  of 
the  troops ;  for  now  Mac^VIahon  had  forced  liimself  into  the  centre 
of  the  city.  On  the  28th  the  Commune  ended  its  hideous  career. 
The  struggle  had  cost  the  army,  of  officers,  83  killed  and  430 
wounded;  of  men,  794  killed  and  6200  wounded  or  missing.  The 
loss  of  the  mutineers  was  never  precisely  ascertained.  After  most 
careful  investigations  the  slain  were  estimated  at  6667.  Of  36,309 
prisoners  (among  whom  were  200  women  and  650  children  under  16) 
made  over  to  the  court-martial,  13,700  were  condemned  to  death, 
deportation,  or  longer  or  shorter  imprisonment.  Delescluze  had 
already  been  killed  on  the  28th,  by  a  bullet  from  the  Versaillese. 
Of  the  leaders  of  the  rising  the  greater  number  had  been  careful  to 
place  themselves  in  good  time  in  safety. 

The  revolt  of  the  Commune  had  most  injuriously  affected  the 
position  of  the  French  government  in  respect  of  the  peace  negotia- 
tions opened  at  Brussels,  March  28.  It  brought,  indeed,  the  execu- 
tion of  the  peace  into  question,  and  made  measures  of  precaution 
incumbent  on  the  Germans.  As  the  French  government  was  en- 
tirely in  arrears  for  the  subsistence-money  for  the  troops  in  occupa- 
tion, and  offered  much  more  unfavorable  conditions  for  payment  of 

(>^        ^ 



the  indemnity  than  had  been  agreed  on  at  Versailles,  namely,  one 
billion  in  cash  in  three  yearly  instalments,  and  the  balance  —  also 
in  instalments  —  in  French  rentes,  Bismarck  conceived  the  suspicion 
that  it  contemplated  demanding,  at  some  later  time,  when  it  should 
be  stronger,  altogether  different  terms.  He  caused  therefore  the  re- 
turn of  the  war-prisoners  to  be  stopped,  and  the  evacuation  to  be  so 
protnicted  that  the  German  force  in  France  should  continue  strong 
enough  for  any  emergency ;  and  even  considered  the  advisabihty  of 
taking  Paris  in  pledge,  either  by  compact  with  the  Commune  or  by 
force.  This  determined  attitude  had  its  effect.  The  negotiations 
broken  off  in  Brussels  were  resumed  in  Frankfort  with  Fa\Te  and 
Finance-Minister  Pouyer-Quertier ;  Bismarck,  on  the  German  side, 
taking  part  in  them  personally.  The  result  was  the  signing  of 
the  definitive  peace  on  May  10.  On  the  26th  the  ratifications  were 
ready  to  be  exchanged.  The  whole  region  ceded  by  France  amounted 
to  14,508  square  kilometres  (about  5600  square  miles),  with  a  popu- 
lation of  1,597,228  souls.  The  French  subjects  within  the  surren- 
dered territory  were  granted  the  option,  irrespective  of  the  German 
laws  in  regard  to  military  service,  of  changing  their  residence  to 
France  any  time  up  to  October  1,  1874.  The  payments  of  the  war- 
indemnity  were  to  be  in  instalments,  the  last  being  due  on  March  2, 
1874.  After  the  payment  of  the  first  half-billion  and  the  ratification 
of  the  peace,  the  departments  of  the  Somme,  Seine  Inferieure,  and 
Eure  were  to  be  evacuated  ;  those  of  the  Oise,  Seine-et-Oise,  Seine-et- 
jNIarne,  and  the  Seine,  as  well  as  the  forts  of  Paris,  as  soon  as  the 
German  government  thought  order  sufficiently  re-established  in 
France,  in  any  case  after  the  papnent  of  the  first  1500  million 
francs.  Three  hundred  and  twenty-five  millions  were  deducted 
from  the  war-contribution  in  consideration  of  the  railways  in  the 
ceded  territory. 

On  March  21,  1871,  the  day  of  the  opening  of  the  first  German 
parliament,  Bismarck  was  created  a  prince  by  the  Emperor  William 
(Plate  XVIII.). 





IT  is  one  of  the  most  noteworthy  facts  of  recent  history  that  the 
institution  of  the  German  Empire  was  coincident  with  the  con- 
clusive abrogation  of  the  temporal  rule  of  the  pope,  as  well  as  with 
the  promulgation  of  the  dogma  of  papal  infallibility.  In  order  to 
set  forth  the  causes  that  led  to  these  results,  which  are  of  far- 
reaching  significance,  it  will  l^e  necessary  for  us  to  retrace  our  steps 
to  the  conditions  that  immediately  succeeded  the  revolution  of  1848. 
Ever  since  1848  the  world  had  been  witness  of  a  most  peculiar 
spectacle.  While  the  relation  of  Pope  Pius  IX.,  as  a  temporal 
prince,  to  his  subjects  had  become  ever  the  more  intolerable  from 
the  hour  that  terror  for  the  Revolution  had  delivered  him  over  an 
um-esisting  tool  to  the  Jesuits,  the  papacy  itself  had  won  victory 
after  victory,  so  that  its  long-pnrsued  twofold  object  —  namely,  the 
church's  independence  of  the  state,  and  the  consummation  of  papal 
ecclesiastical  absolutism  through  the  annihilation  of  the  last  relic  of 
episcopal  independence  —  could  Ije  regarded  as  attained.  ^\'itli  in- 
imitable adroitness  the  Catholic  clergy  knew  how  to  make  the  revo- 
lution of  1848,  as  well  as  the  reaction  following  thereon,  serviceable 
to  the  church.  Nothing  could  have  come  more  grateful  to  them 
than  the  universal  war-crj-,  "Away  with  bureaucracy  I  Down  with 
al)solutism  I  "  And  the  church  lost  no  time  in  shaking  off  these 
influences  always  so  ungrateful  to  her,  and  —  on  the  Frankfort  parlia- 
ment conceding,  in  the  name  of  freedom,  the  ordering  and  adminis- 
tration of  its  own  affairs  to  every  recognized  church,  and  repealing 
the  ordinance  decreeing  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  —  in  improving 
the  occasion  in  her  own  interests.  At  a  conference  at  Würzburg,  in 
October  and  November,  1848,  the  German  bishops  formulated  their 
demands,  —  uncontrolled  liberty  in  doctrine  and  teaching,  exclusive 

Vol.  XIX,— 24  369 


authority  in  the  installation  of  priests  and  full  power  of  disciplining 
them  without  appeal  to  any  civil  tribunal,  uncontrolled  management 
of  all  church  property,  full  freedom  of  intercourse  mth  Rome,  entire 
liberty  in  the  founding  of  congregations  and  settlement  of  orders, 
and  the  guidance  and  supervision  of  the  spiritual  life  of  Catholics  in 
all  and  every  relation.  What  the  bishops  hereby  claimed  as  liberty 
for  themselves  inferred  in  reality  the  inthralment  of  the  inferior 
clergy  and  the  faithful,  both  of  whom  were  to  be  given  over  uncon- 
ditionally into  the  hands  of  the  prelates.  The  episcopate  also,  with- 
out more  ado,  dispensed  with  the  government's  approval  of  its 
pastoral  letters,  as  required  by  law  in  several  states.  With  especial 
eagerness  was  the  right,  now  granted,  of  forming  associations  in  the 
service  of  the  church,  taken  advantage  of.  The  whole  of  Catholic 
Germany  was  covered  as  by  a  net  by  the  Society  of  Pius,  founded  in 
Mayence  in  April,  1848,  to  which  the  Brotherhood  of  Vincent,  work- 
ing in  the  cause  of  home  missions,  and  that  of  Boniface,  established 
as  a  counterpoise  to  the  Protestant  Gustavus  Adolphus  Union, 
stood  in  closest  relation. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Reaction  the  governments  once  more  in 
power,  infatuated  by  terror  of  the  Revolution,  listened  only  too  will- 
ingly to  the  soothing  flatteries  offered  them  regarding  the  solidarity 
of  the  conservative  interests  of  the  state  and  the  church  now  re- 
instated in  her  canonical  rights.  The  arrogated  immunities  were 
not  only  left  uncontested,  but  were  confirmed  documentarily  in  one 
state  after  another.  In  Prussia  the  provision :  "  Every  religious 
communion  ordei-s  and  administers  its  own  affairs  independently,  and 
remains  in  possession  of  all  institutions,  foundations,  and  funds, 
destined  for  religious,  educational,  and  benevolent  purposes,"  found 
admission  into  the  constitution,  while  by  another  section  the  state 
renounced  all  right  to  interfere  in  the  appointment  and  installation 
of  clergymen  to  offices.  The  Catholic  section  in  the  ministry 
of  worship,  originally  organized  in  defence  of  the  state's  right  of 
superiority  over  the  church,  became,  after  falling  under  Polish 
influence,  a  perfect  breeding-place  of  Ultramontane  machinations 
against  the  state,  —  nay,  the  government  went  so  far  as  to  concede  the 
priests  the  prerogative  of  taking  the  oath  to  the  constitution  with 
express  reservation  of  their  duties  to  the  church.  Within  the  church 
itself  every  movement  looking  towards  spiritual  independence  was  rig- 
orously suppressed.  In  1857  the  theologian  Hermes,  and  A.  Günther 
of  Vienna,  the  champion  of  the  scholastic  system  of  Thomas  Aquinas, 


were  driven  by  the  Vatican  from  the  church.  The  rectorial  ad- 
dress of  Professor  Ringeis  of  Munich  was  an  open  declaration  of 
war  against  all  science  that  would  not  resign  itself  implicitly  to  the 
guidance  of  the  church.  And  the  Catholic  propaganda  acted  with 
equal  vigor.  Bishop  Martin  of  Paderborn  boldly  maintained  that 
the  Protestants  within  his  diocese  were  subject  to  his  pastoral  guid- 
ance. Jesuit  missions  scoured  North  Germany ;  there  was  even  talk 
of  the  erection  of  a  Catholic  see  in  Protestant  Hamburg  and  of  a 
nuntiate  in  Berlin.  The  increase  in  monastic  institutions  in  Prussia 
after  1848  was  almost  incredible.  Those  for  care  of  the  sick  rose 
from  28  to  223;  those  for  education  from  24  to  139;  those  with 
both  ends,  from  40  to  361.  To  these  were  to  be  added  50  devoted 
solely  to  the  contemplative  life.  The  Catholic  church  had  good 
cause  for  celebrating  the  festival  of  St.  Boniface  in  Fulda  in  1855, 
like  a  triumph  after  a  succession  of  brilliant  victories.  But  the 
over-confident  pastoral  letter  of  the  bishop  of  Mayence,  evoked,  in 
Bunsen's  "  Signs  of  the  Times,"  the  first  note  of  warning  from  the 
opposite  camp. 

The  same  years  of  revolution  produced  the  clerical  demands  on 
Austria.  The  prelates  of  that  country  met  in  1849  in  Vienna,  and 
adopted  the  Würzburg  claims  as  their  own,  which  were  nearly  all 
conceded  in  April,  1851,  and  remained  m  force  after  the  abrogation  of 
the  constitution.  More  implicitly  than  elsewhere  did  the  Austrian 
authorities  believe  in  laying  the  evil  spirit  of  liberalism  by  closest 
alliance  with  the  Romish  church,  and  for  her  aid  in  effecting  this 
did  not  deem  the  humble  subordination  of  state  to  church  too  high 
a  price.  This  alliance  constituted,  moreover,  an  antidote  for  the 
Magyars'  and  Slavs'  longing  for  separation ;  for  the  clergy  condemned 
the  principle  of  nationality  —  as  based  on  the  confusion  of  tongues, 
and  therefore  an  apostasy  from  God  —  as  heathenish.  In  this  way  it 
was  not  difficult  for  the  Prince  Archbishop  Rauscher  of  Vienna  to  ex- 
tract from  his  former  pupil,  the  young  Emperor  Francis  Joseph,  the 
concordat  of  August  18,  1855,  by  which  the  whole  political  and  civil 
law  was  subordinated  to  canon  law,  the  bishops  granted  perfect  free- 
dom of  intercourse  with  Rome,  and  invested  with  the  widest  compe- 
tence, and  the  lower  clergy  denuded  of  all  rights  as  against  the 
episcopate.  It  was  not  long  till  the  school  and  religious  funds 
formerly  established  by  Joseph  II.  out  of  the  sequestrated  church- 
lands  for  educational  and  humane  purposes  were  delivered  over  to 
the  clergy,  the  canonical  marriage-law  and  censure  of  books  intro- 


duced,  the  Jesuits  and  Redemptorists,  removed  in  1848,  reinstated, 
and  the  higher  schools  given  in  chiirge  to  them,  the  old  Jesuit  ratio 
studiorum  constituting  again  the  groundwork  of  the  scheme  of 
education.  Non-Catholics  saw  themselves  excluded  from  every 
Cathohc  burying-ground. 

The  live  prelates  of  the  Upper  Rhine  province  did  not  lag  behind 
their  Prussian  and  Austrian  brothers.  When  the  governments  re- 
jected their  demands,  based  on  the  Würzburg  resolutions,  they,  under 
the  leadership  of  the  combative  Bishop  Ketteler  of  JNIayence,  an- 
nounced that  "  they  would  conform  themselves  only  to  that  which 
they  regarded  as  dogma,  and  to  the  constitutional  right  of  the  church 
restino-  thereupon."  It  now,  therefore,  became  a  fundamental  princi- 
ple that  a  Catholic,  and  especially  a  Catholic  priest,  was  bound  to  obey 
the  laws  of  the  state  only  in  so  far  as  these  were  in  accord  with 
those  of  the  church  or  even  with  the  assumptions  of  the  Vatican. 
Archbishop  Vicari  of  Freiburg,  a  mere  tool  of  Ketteler,  through 
continuous  violations  of  the  state-laws  attained  at  length  the 
martyrdom  he  coveted,  in  the  form  of  imprisonment.  A  similar  con- 
flict the  government  of  Nassau  had  to  engage  in  with  the  over- 
arrogant  bishop  of  Limburg.  But  the  Vatican  could  not  endure 
episcopal  independence,  even  in  asserting  the  rights  of  the  church. 
Würtembero-  in  1857,  and  Baden  in  1859,  concluded  concordats 
with  Rome.  Hesse-Darmstadt  alone,  mainly  to  gain  an  ally  against 
the  strong  national  movement,  entered,  on  August  23,  1854,  into  a 
secret  convention  with  Bishop  Ketteler,  conceding  the  church  its  most 
extravagant  demands.  Nevertheless,  these  compacts  never  became 
practically  effective,  for  now^iere  could  the  people's  representatives 
be  won  over  to  give  the  requisite  assent.  First  of  all  in  Baden 
public  sentiment  compelled  the  renunciation  of  the  discreditable 
compact,  whereupon  the  other  governments  willingly  followed  suit. 
But  the  controversy  in  regard  to  the  line  of  demarcation  between 
ecclesiastical  and  state  law  was  not  thereby  set  at  rest.  In  Baden, 
especially,  it  was  fomented  by  Lothar  Kübel,  called  by  the  cathedral 
chapter  to  the  archiepiscopal  chair  on  Vicari's  death  in  1868. 

Outside  of  Germany,  also,  Ultramontane  Catholicism  could  point 
to  the  greatest  successes.  In  France  the  Second  Empire  existed 
mainly  through  its  grace,  till  it  came  to  grief  as  its  accomplice.  But 
Belgium,  thanks  to  the  independence  conferred  on  the  church  by  the 
constitution,  and  the  increasing  wealth  accruing  to  it  by  donations 
and  legacies,  was   the   true  land  of  promise  for  the  Ultramontane 


Jesuits.  The  number  of  religious  houses,  which  in  1846  was  770 
with  11,908  iumates,  mounted  up  in  1880  to  1559,  with  24,Q12 
inmates.  Education  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits;  the 
university  of  Louvain,  founded  by  them  in  1835,  having  a  larger 
attendance  than  both  the  state  universities  combined.  In  this 
country  the  clerics  constituted  not  only  an  ecclesiastical,  but  a 
political  power,  which  in  all  elections  controlled  the  votes  of  the 
masses.  The  liberals  —  mainly  confined  to  the  cities  —  long  main- 
tained an  unsuccessful  conflict  with  them,  till  the  law  in  regard 
to  charities  —  withdrawing  the  property  of  pious  foimdations  from 
state  control,  and  maldng  it  over  to  clerical  conmiunal  boards  — 
roused  such  a  storm  of  ojjposition  through  dread  of  the  restoration 
of  mortmain  that  the  clerical  ministry  of  de  Decker  had  to  give 
place  to  a  liberal  administration  under  Frere-Orban.  In  Spain  the 
Jesuits  had  a  powerful  patroness  in  Queen  Isa»bella,  who  found  it 
expedient  to  expiate  the  pecadillos  of  her  youth  by  an  extra  show  of 
bigotry.  Thus  under  tlie  administration  of  Bravo  iNIurillo  they 
obtained  a  concordat  which  assured,  not  only  the  restoration  of  the 
still  unsold  church  lands,  but  compensation  for  such  as  had  been 
alienated,  only,  however,  to  see  these  and  other  gains  imperilled 
through  the  insecurity  of  the  political  situation  and  the  ceaseless 
change  of  ministries.  Portugal,  on  the  other  hand,  as  well  under 
the  last  Braganza,  Maria  da  Gloria,  as  under  the  house  of  Saxe- 
Coburg  (commencing  with  Pedro  V.  in  1853),  was  quite  inaccessible 
to  Romish  influences;  and  while  the  priests  were  not  slack  in  attrib- 
uting the  premature  death  of  the  childless  king  and  his  two  brothers 
to  the  divine  judgment  on  the  godless  ruling  house,  the  suspicions 
of  the  other  side  were  only  strengthened  that  these  casualties  were 
not  to  be  ascribed  to  natural  causes,  so  that  the  embitterment 
between  the  clergy  and  the  new  king,  Louis  I.,  was  in  no  degree 

As  a  general  rule,  the  seeming  anomaly  is  to  be  observed  that 
the  Romish  Church  encountered  the  most  antagonism  in  Roman 
Catholic  states,  while  in  the  Teutonic,  predominantly  Protestant, 
states  —  ever  since  the  spirit  of  tolerance,  due  to  progressively 
advancing  culture,  had  removed  the  barriers  erected  against  her  — 
she  made  the  most  progress.  Scarce  had  these  barriers  fallen  in 
England  when  the  Romish  church  advanced  to  the  reconquest  of  the 
ground  there  lost  by  her  through  the  Reformation,  and  in  this  essay 
she  was  successful  beyond    anticipation.     As    if    spontaneously,    a 


spirit  of  conversion  spread  through  the  upper  ten  thousand,  which 
brought  them  back  in  crowds  to  the  only  fold  that  insures  salvation. 
Not  only  does  Anglicanism,  with  its  hierarchical  constitution,  stand  in 
closer  relation  to  Rome  than  the  communions  of  the  Reformation,  but 
the  tendency  was  strengthened  by  the  spirit  of  romance  fostered  by  the 
poetry  of  Scott,  Byron,  and  JMoore,  and  yet  more  through  mistrust 
of  the  higher  criticism  of  neology  and  of  ecclesiastico-political  radical- 
ism.    Puseyism,  the  offspring  of  these  tendencies,  having  its  birth  in 
Oxford  in  1833,  became  —  largely  through  the  influence  of  New- 
man (afterwards  Cardinal  Newman)  —  the  transition-stage  for  such 
numbers   to  the  one  Apostolic   Church,   that  in  1850   the  Vatican 
thought  itself  justified  in  imposing  a  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  on 
proud  England.     In  the   three    Scandinavian    kingdoms,    also,    the 
repeal  of  the  laws  restricting  freedom  of  worship  laid  new  and  fruit- 
ful fields  open  to  the  propaganda.     In  the  Netherlands,  where  King 
William  I.  had  been  already  ensnared  in  the  clerical  net  by  his  mis- 
tress, the  Countess  d'Oultremont,  the  reign  of  his  successor,  William 
II.  (1840-1849),  was  marked  by  a  continuous  chain  of  favors  to  the 
Romish  church  and  its  clergy,  the  result  of  which  was  the  disappear- 
ance of  the  old  spirit  of  nationality  in  the  Catholic  church  of  the 
Netherlands.     When,  ultimately,  in  the  reign  of  William  III.  (1849- 
1890),  the  pope  went  so  far  as,  by  a  simple  brief,  to  install,  in  March, 
1853,  an  archbishop  of  Utrecht  and  four  bishops  in  this  heretical  land, 
the  conservatives  availed  themselves  of  the  outburst  of  Protestant  in- 
dignation to  overthrow  the  liberal  (but  over-complaisant)  Thordecke 
administration.    But  even  the  ministry  succeeding  it,  under  van  Hall, 
failed  to  check  the  encroachments ;  and  at  last  the  peojDle  saw  that  the 
only  means  of  protecting  themselves  was  the  institution  of  secular 
schools  through  the   law  of   August   17,  1857.     Yet  more  sharply 
defined  was  the  distinction  between  Romish    and    Teutonic    states 
beyond  the  Atlantic.     The   government    of    Brazil  —  although    far 
from  tolerant   to  non-Catholics  —  came    to  violent   strife    with  the 
bishops,  and  coerced  them,  however  refractory,  to  submission.     Sim- 
ilar  conflicts   were    common    to    several    of    the    Central  American 
republics.     In  Mexico  the  church  lost  its  landed  possessions,  which 
were    confiscated    for   the    rectification    of    the    disordered  national 
finances.     Guatemala,  in  1872,  drove  forth  the  Jesuits,  banished  the 
rebellious  archbishop,  and  closed  the  cloisters.     In  Venezuela  the 
apostolic    vicar,    who    protested    against   the    introduction    of   civil 
marriage,  was  expelled  the   country,   and  the  bishops  required    to 


recognize  the  law  of  the  land  on  pain  of  deposition  and  dissolution 
of  all  connection  with  Kome.  Ecuador  alone  of  the  Spanish  Amer- 
ican states  earned  the  commendation  of  the  pope  for  her  loyalty. 
But  in  the  United  States  the  growth  of  the  Catholic  Church  was 
very  great. 

This  vast  increase  in  power  was,  in  the  main,  the  work  of  the 
Jesuits,  who  in  the  name  of  Pius  IX.  exercised  virtually  supreme 
authority  over  Roman  Catholic  Christendom.  To  make  this  au- 
thority secure  for  all  time,  they  kept  steadily  before  their  eyes  as  an 
object  the  consummation  of  papal  absolutism,  towards  which  the 
whole  policy  of  the  Romish  church  since  the  days  of  Gregory  VII., 
and  in  a  stronger  measure  since  the  last  ecumenical  council  at  Trent, 
had  been  directed.  With  characteristic  astuteness  they  knew  where 
to  find  the  means  suitable  for  their  end,  namely,  in  the  dogma 
maintained  from  the  fourteenth  century  by  the  Franciscans  against 
the  Dominicans,  of  the  'Immaculate  Conception"  (birth  of  the  Virgin 
Mary  without  original  sin).  In  his  first  encyclical  of  1846,  Pius 
IX,  characterized  the  Mother  of  God  as  the  '  Immaculate,'  without 
attracting  the  notice  of  the  world,  then  busied  with  other  matters. 
To  her  grace  he  ascribed  his  return  from  exile,  and  ever  since  he 
had  lived  in  the  conviction  of  overcoming  all  the  enemies  of  the 
church  through  the  help  of  his  heavenly  patroness.  On  December  8, 
1854,  he  promulgated  tlie  new  dogma  purely  out  of  his  own  individ- 
ual absolute  supremacy,  without  the  co-operation  of  a  council.  It 
was  no  longer  the  simple  Mother  of  God  of  the  Middle  Ages,  nor  the 
Madonna  of  the  Renaissance,  that  spoke  through  his  person,  but  the 
Queen  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  whose  worship  was  substituted  for  that 
of  the  Father  and  Son.  It  was  a  deed  without  precedent  in  any 
preceding  pontificate.  For  this  autocratic  definition  involved  the 
final  decision  of  the  question,  constantly  negatived  by  the  old 
councils,  as  to  whether  the  pope  was  in  his  own  person  infallible  in 
matters  of  faith ;  and  so  little  of  the  earlier  feeling  of  dignity  and  in- 
dependence was  now  alive  in  the  episcopate  that  it  accepted  this 
insulting  violation  of  its  rights  without  remonstrance,  while  the  lay 
world,  Catholic  as  well  as  Protestant,  had  only  laughter  for  the 
novel  article  of  faith  rummaged  out  from  the  lumber-room  of 
mediaeval  scholasticism.  The  mystical  nature  of  Pius  IX.  found 
further  expression  in  his  dealing  out  beatitudes  and  saintsliips  with 
more  liberal  hand  than  any  of  his  predecessors,  including,  among 
others  thus  glorified,  the  atrocious  executioner  of  the  Inquisition, 


Pedro  Arbues.  It  was  still  further  attempted  to  identify  the 
papacy  with  Christianity  aud  to  substitute  the  person  of  the  pope 
in  the  place  of  that  of  Christ  by  the  extraordinary  pomp  with  which 
the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  his  consecration  was  celebrated,  on  April 
11,  1869.  The  free-will  offerings  collected  throughout  the  whole 
Cathohc  church  from  1859  to  1865,  under  the  name  of  Peter's 
pence,  amounted  to  over  40,000,000  francs,  and  placed  financial 
resources  at  the  disposal  of  the  Vatican  such  as  it  had  not  enjoyed 
for  centuries. 

The  height  to  which  the  aspirations  of  the  Vatican  now  soared 
was  evidenced  —  more  unequivocally  than  ever  before  —  by  the  en- 
cyclical of  December  8,  1864,  with  its  appended  Syllabus  Errorum, 
enumerating  eighty  heresies  to  be  repudiated  by  the  faithful,  and 
pronouncing  a  curse  upon  all  that  restrained  the  influence  of  the 
church,  whether  on  the  individual  or  the  nation,  as  also  upon  com- 
munism, socialism,  and  the  theory  of  popular  sovereignty,  upon  the 
assumed  independence  of  the  secular  power,  and  religious  toleration. 
It  was  ecclesiastical  absolutism's  declaration  of  war  against  modern 
culture  in  any  form.  None  the  less  this  annunciation  of  the  papal 
claims,  so  drastically  renewed,  failed  to  rouse  Protestantism  from  its 
equanimity.  By  Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  recognized  very 
clearly  that  the  modern  commonwealth,  as  represented,  e.g.,  by  Prus- 
sia, was  little  consonant  with  the  principles  therein  enunciated.  For 
this  reason  the  war  of  1866  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Vatican,  a  war 
for  the  faith,  whose  issue  at  Königgrätz  extorted  from  Cardinal 
Antonelli  the  piteous  cry,  "  Casca  il  mojido,"  "  The  world  is  going 
to  pieces."  And  through  this  dire  day,  also,  the  very  pillars  on 
which  the  church's  authority  over  the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy 
rested  were  shaken  to  their  foundation.  For  the  accommodation 
with  Hungary  necessarily  involved  yet  another  arrangement  in  re- 
gard to  its  church  affairs.  For,  though  the  Auersperg  ministry  dis- 
turbed nothing  in  the  concordat  itself,  yet  in  the  way  of  domestic 
legislation  it  sought  the  restoration  of  civil  marriage,  the  liberation 
of  the  schools  from  priestly  rule,  and  the  equality  of  all  confessions. 
The  bishops  and  nuncio  protested,  and  the  pope  issued  an  allocution 
against  the  measures  having  these  scandalous  ends  in  view ;  but  all 
in  vain.     In  May,  1868,  they  received  the  emperor's  ratification. 

The  more  severely  the  blow  of  1866  was  felt  in  Rome,  the  more 
boistrous  became  the  demand  there  for  the  object  foreshadowed  in 
the  encyclical,  —  namely,  the  constitution  of  the  personal  infallibility 



of  the  pope  into  a  permanent  dogma  by  tlie  most  solemn  act  within 
the  competency  of  the  church.  The  summoning  of  a  council  became, 
accordingly,  the  innnediate  object  of  the  Jesuits.  It  was  not  with- 
out some  dismay  that  the  bishops  saw  the  preparations  making  for  a 
change  that  would  not  only  involve  dissension  between  church 
and  state,  but  also  the  annihilation  of  the  small  remnant  of  inde- 
pendence still  remaining  to  them.  When,  therefore,  nearly  500 
of  them  met  in  Rome  in  June,  1867,  to  celebrate  the  eighteen  hun- 
dreth  anniversary  of  the  martyrdom  of  Peter  and  Paul,  they  showed 
themselves  fully  in  accord,  indeed,  with  the  summoning  of  a  council, 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  rejected  the  proposal  of  certain  members  for 
promulgating    infallibility, 

without    more  ado,    in    their  -^-^'^'-^ 

address  to  the  pope,  satisfying 
themselves  with  repeating  in 
it  the  words  of  the  encylical 
of  1864:  "the  divine  right 
is  conferred  on  him  of  feeding, 
guiding,  and  ruling  the  whole 
church."  Nay,  Bishop  Ket- 
teler  (Fig.  101)  roundly 
declared  that  the  dogma  of 
papal  infallibility  was  a  nov- 
elty unknown,  either  in  name 
or  fact,  to  the  church  of  Christ, 
and  an  invention  of  recent 
times,  whose  promulgation 
would  be  something  unheard 
of.  This  outspoken  opposi- 
tion admonished  to  circum- 
spection. Among  the  seventeen  questions  submitted  to  the  bishops, 
that  of  infalliljility  did  not  find  a  place ;  and  as  little  mention  was 
made  of  it  in  the  bull  Aeterni  Patris,  inviting  the  representatives 
of  all  Christendom —  logically,  therefore,  Greek  churchmen  as  well  as 
Protestants  —  to  meet  in  Rome  on  December  8,  1869. 

What  it  left  unsaid  was  all  the  more  loudly  proclaimed  by  the 
Ultramontane  press :  namely,  that  the  true  cure  for  the  disorders  of 
the  church  was  the  declaration  of  papal  infallibility :  for  through  this 
alone  could  the  supreme  pontiff  work,  free  and  unencumbered,  for 
the  weal  of  Christendom  and  the  whole  family  of  mankind.     In  par- 

FiG.  101.  —  Bishop  von  Ketteler. 
Fit)m  a  photograph. 



ticular  the  pope's  special  organ,  the  Civilta  Catolica,  indicated  it  as 
the  wish  and  expectation  of  all  Catholics  that  the  council  should,  be- 
fore all  else,  promulgate  the  dogma  of  infallibility,  and  along  with 

Fig.  102.  —  Ignaz  Döllinger.     From  the  lithograph  by  G.  Engelbach. 

this  the  ratification  of  the  objurgatory  provisions  of  the  syllabus  as 
well  as  the  dogma  of  the  bodily  assumption  of  the  Virgin.  "  It  was 
only,"  it  said,  "  out  of  a  feeling  of  dignified  reserve  that  His  Holiness 


did  not  wish  to  appear  as  taking  the  initiative  in  a  matter  imme- 
diately relating  to  himself ;  but  it  was  hoped  that  by  the  manifesta- 
tion of  the  Holy  Spirit  through  the  mouth  of  the  ecumenical  council, 
the  doctrine  of  infallibility  would  be  defined  by  acclamation." 

When  the  ground  appeared  sufficiently  prepared,  the  Jesuits 
allowed  their  purpose  to  be  seen  more  undisguisedly ;  but,  concur- 
rently with  this,  opposition  manifested  itself.  The  first  note  of 
alarm  was  sounded  from  Germany,  in  the  form  of  an  address  from 
the  Coblenz  Catholics  to  the  bisliop  of  Treves ;  Montalembert  indi- 
cated his  concurrence  with  them  from  the  borders  of  the  grave.  Still 
more  attention  was  excited  by  a  series  of  articles  (soon  expanded 
into  a  volume),  in  the  Augsburg  Allgememe  Zeitung,  under  the 
pseudonym  of  '  Janus,'  and  this  the  more  especially  that  the  writer 
was  known  to  be  Dollinger  (Fig.  102),  the  provost  of  the  Munich 
chapter,  a  profound  church  historian  and  formerly  an  indefatigable 
antagonist  of  Protestantism.  In  warning  tones  he  foretold,  as  the 
immediate  and  enduring  consequence  of  the  new  dogma,  a  wide- 
spread falling  away  from  the  faith,  since  men  would  be  called  on  to 
accept  as  the  truth  what  it  was  out  of  their  power  to  believe.  Von 
Schulte,  professor  of  canon  law  in  Bonn,  spoke  out  in  the  same 
sense  and  with  equal  impressiveness.  The  German  bishops  acted 
with  greater  circumspection.  Their  pastoral  letter,  issued  from 
Fulda  on  September  6,  sought  to  allay  the  anxieties  aroused,  —  "  for 
neither  now  nor  at  any  time  would  a  general  council  promulgate  a 
new  dogma  not  sanctioned  by  Holy  Scripture  or  apostolical  tradition, 
or  inculcate  a  doctrine  conflicting  with  the  rights  of  the  state  and  of 
its  authorities,  the  object  of  such  a  council  being  much  rather  to 
place  the  primitive  truth  in  a  clearer  light.  Equally  groundless  and 
unjustifiable  is  the  suspicion  that  the  freedom  of  deliberating  and 
counselling  will  be  restrained  at  the  council,"  — a  carefully  balanced 
utterance,  that  might  serve  either  as  a  warning  before  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  dogma,  or  a  recognition  of  it  as  no  new  doctrine,  but  an  old 
one.  Fourteen  of  those  there  assembled  had  already  expressed  their 
doubts  in  writing  to  the  pope,  not,  however,  in  regard  to  the  dogma 
itself,  but  in  regard  to  the  opportuneness  of  the  time  for  proclaiming 
it.  With  greater  decision  did  the  most  highly  esteemed  members  of 
the  French  episcopate  —  Archbishop  Darboy  of  Paris  and  Bishop 
Dupanloup  (Fig.  103)  of  Orleans  —  pronounce  against  the  Jesuit 
proposal ;  while  Father  Hyacinthe  Loyson,  the  most  eloquent  pulpit- 
orator  in  France,  protested  against  "  doctrines  and  practices  that  call 



themselves  Romish,  but  are  not  Christian."  The  Vatican  judged  it 
wisest  to  put  an  end  to  the  ieudä  raging  among  the  prehites  by  re- 
fusing its  imprimatur  to  controversial  writings.  A\'hat  the  Jesuits 
wanted  in  sohd  grounds  wherewith  to  silence  opposition,  they  made 
up  by  passion.  Bishop  Hefele  of  Rottenburg,  who  had  the  courage 
to  declare  openly  that  the  new  doctrine  was  not  only  inopportune, 
but  untrue,  had  to  listen  to  the  threat  from  ]\Iolitor,  the  representa- 
tive of  the  bishop  of  Spires,  that  "  they  would  soon  drag  their  hereti- 
cal hides  from  the  malcon- 

The   political  world  as  a 
Z^"--^-.^  whole  looked  forward  to  the 

council  Avith  indifference. 
When  the  Bavarian  minister- 
president,  Prince  Hohenlohe- 
Schillingsfllrst,  in  a  circular 
of  April  9,  1869,  raised  the 
question  whether  the  Eu- 
ropean states  ought  not  to 
take  steps  in  common,  which 
would  leave  the  Roman 
court  no  room  for  doubt  in 
regard  to  their  attitude  to- 
wards the  council,  he  found 
countenance  nowhere. 
Beust  held  that  they  should 
not  depreciate  the  expected 
opposition  of  the  most  im- 
portant princes  of  the  church 
by  stamping  them  as  simply 
representatives  of  their  governments ;  and  the  chancellor  of  the 
North  German  Confederation,  Bismarck,  taking  his  stand  on  the^ 
Old  Prussian  standpoint  of  the  church's  perfect  freedom  in  regard 
to  ecclesiastical  affairs,  declined  to  interfere  in  any  way  in  the  dog- 
matic legislation  of  the  Romish  church,  adding,  however,  the  signifi- 
cant intimation  that  Prussia  would  take  no  action  unless  the  dogma 
entered  into  the  domain  of  practical  politics  and  civil  law. 

Still,  the  o|)position  shoAving  itself  in  so  many  different  quarters 
made  an  impression  in  Rome.  Pius  (Plate  XIX.)  debated  with 
himself  the  propriety  of  confirming  the  syllabus,  whose  twenty-third 

\\  f  .~^^^' 

Fig.  103.  —  Bishop  Dupanloup.     From  the 
engraving  by  Muzelle. 


Pope  Pius  IX. 
From  the  marble  bust  by  F.  Pajes  y  Serratosa,  1878. 
History  of  All  Nations,  Vol.  XIX.,  page  380. 

THE    VATICAN   COUNCIL    OF  1869.  381 

article  condemned  as  heretical  the  opinion  that  a  pope  had  ever  over- 
stepped the  limits  of  his  power,  encroached  on  tlie  rights  of  princes,  or 
ever  erred  in  questions  of  faith  and  morals.  But  the  hesitation  was 
short-lived.  As  soon  as  the  council  was  opened  by  the  pope  in  person 
in  the  Vatican,  on  December  8,  1869,  it  soon  became  obvious  that  all 
had  been  arranged  behind  the  scenes,  while  the  fathers  of  the  council 
—  except  the  initiated  —  had  been  left  to  grope  about  in  darkness. 
The  issue  had  been  fixedly  predetermined,  the  only  matters  for  con- 
sideration being  how  and  in  what  form  the  new  dogma  should  be 
smuggled  into  the  teaching  of  the  church.  And  the  constitution  of 
the  council  facilitated  this  feat  in  a  very  material  degree;  for  while  of 
its  74-4  members  Germany  contributed  only  19  and  Austro-Hun- 
gary  48,  Italy  alone  supplied  276  (143  from  the  States  of  the  Church) 
all  unconditionally  devoted  to  the  pope.  And  not  less  so  were  the 
thirty  generals  of  orders  —  who,  contrary  to  all  precedent,  had  been 
invested  with  the  right  of  voting  — as  well  as  the  119  l)ishops  iripar- 
tibus  infidelium,  living  during  the  council  at  the  cost  of  the  papal  see. 
According  to  the  order  of  procedure  arranged  beforehand,  the  right 
of  offering  propositions  belonged  exclusively  to  the  pope.  In  the 
constitution  of  the  committees  —  who  had  to  report  on  amendments 
of  any  kind  —  the  recalcitrant  minority  was  systematically  ignored, 
while  the  bad  acoustic  quality  of  the  hall  made  freedom  of  speech 
altogether  illusory  in  the  plenary  meetings.  The  fathers  were  for- 
bidden to  print  anything  whatever. 

Antonelli  had  pacified  diplomacy  by  the  assurance  that  the  Holy 
See  would  not  move  its  own  infallibility.  The  promise  was  ful- 
filled in  the  letter,  for  the  pope  himself  made  no  such  motion ;  he 
only  took  care  that  it  should  be  made  by  others.  The  purpose  of 
having  the  dogma  proclaimed  by  acclamation  was  frustrated  by  the 
threat  of  the  minority  that  in  such  a  case  they  would  immediately 
leave  the  council.  A  new  order  of  procedure  reduced  the  minority 
to  absolute  silence  by  substituting  the  voice  of  the  majority  for  the 
hitherto  unassailable  voice  of  the  unanimous  council.  On  the  discus- 
sion of  the  scheme  of  faith  on  March  22  there  ensued  a  scene  of  the 
wildest  uproar.  When  Bishop  Strossmayer  of  Diakovar,  the  pugna- 
cious orator  of  the  opposition,  repudiated,  as  contrary  to  truth,  the 
assertion,  in  the  preface  of  the  syllabus,  that  the  present  pre- 
vailing indifferentism,  pantheism,  atheism,  and  materialism  are 
purely  the  fruit  of  Protestantism,  the  madly  indignant  fathers  of  the 
majority  precipitated  themselves  with  wild  cries  and  clenched  fists 


on  the  tribune,  so  that  the  president  saw  himself  compelled  to  close 
the  sitting. 

When  these  proceedings,  despite  the  secrecy  in  which  it  was  tried 
to  shroud  them,  found  their  way  to  the  public,  the  governments 
began,  of  their  own  accord,  to  move.  Beust  had  already  despatched 
a  note  of  warning  to  Rome  "  against  projects  that  if  carried  out 
would  open  a  chasm  not  to  be  filled  up  between  the  laws  of  the 
church,  and  those  of  most  modern  states ; "  Bismarck  assured  the 
opposition  prelates  of  his  support;  the  French  foreign  minister. 
Count  Darn,  demanded  the  revocation  of  the  articles  in  the  scheme 
inferring  danger  to  the  state.  But  the  complications  resulting  in 
the  Franco-Prussian  war  soon  so  engrossed  the  attention  of  states- 
men that  they  troubled  themselves  little  more  about  what  was  going 
on  at  Rome.  There,  no  means  were  left  untried  —  from  flattering 
allurements  to  downright  intimidation  —  to  break  up  the  opposition 
of  the  minority;  and  its  members  must  have  been  better  united 
among  themselves  than  they  were,  and  had  surer  ground  to  stand  on, 
in  order  not  to  succumb.  For,  after  all,  the  matters  in  dispute 
were  not  questions  of  faith  and  conscience,  but  simply  of  oppor- 
tuneness and  powers  —  on  the  one  hand,  namely,  of  the  fitness  of 
the  time  for  dogmatizing ;  on  the  other,  of  the  right  of  the  episco- 
pate to  a  share  in  the  infallibility  and  supreme  authority  now 
asserted  for  the  papal  chair.  Little  wonder,  therefore,  —  though 
some  even  of  the  majority  made  a  timid  attempt  to  conserve  the 
teaching  authority  of  the  episcopate,  —  that  the  resistance  waxed 
feebler  and  that  the  arrogance  of  the  Jesuits,  as  expressed  through 
the  pope,  became  more  intolerant.  The  committee  for  formulating 
the  decrees  of  the  council  was  directed  to  accentuate  still  further  the 
dogma  of  papal  supremacy,  not  only  over  each  and  every  church, 
but  over  each  and  every  individual  pastor  and  member  of  the  church 
as  well.  The  debate  thereon  was  cut  off  by  the  domineering 
majority  with  forty  announced  speakers  still  unheard ;  and  the  coun- 
cil, in  face  of  the  protest  of  the  minority  of  93,  passed  to  the  order 
of  the  day.  From  that  date  the  minority  took  no  further  part  in 
the  deliberations,  but  contented  themselves  with  embodying  in  a 
memorial  their  views  in  regard  to  the  incompetency  of  a  mere 
majority-decree,  and  appealing  from  an  unfree  council  to  a  future  free 
one.  The  vote  on  the  whole  scheme  was  taken  on  July  13,  when  it 
was  approved  by  a  meeting  of  601  out  of  692  remaining  members, 
—  451    voting  simply  Placet,   62  casting  a  conditional  afiirmative 



vote,  and  88  voting  JVon  placet.  The  new  dogma  is  expressed 
literally  as  follows :  "  The  pope,  when  he,  ex  cathedra  —  i.e.,  in 
the  exercise  of  his  office  as  pastor  and  teacher  of  all  Christians  — 
through   supreme   apostolic   authority,  decides  a   doctrine  of   faith 

Fig.  104.  —  Archbishop  Darboy.     From  the  engi-aving  by  L.  Massard. 

or  morals  to  be  held  by  the  whole  church,  possesses,  in  virtue  of 
the  divine  aid  promised  him  by  St.  Peter,  that  infallibility^  with 
which  the  divine  Saviour  wishes  his  cliurch  to  be  endowed  in  de- 
ciding a  doctrine  affecting  faith  or  morals  ;  and,  therefore,  such  decis- 


ions  of  the  pope  of  themselves,  and  independently  of  the  assent  of  the 
church,  are  immutable."  The  opponents  determined  on  making  a 
last  essay.  A  deputation  —  Archbishop  Darboy  (Fig.  104),  at  its 
head  —  waited  on  the  pope  on  the  15th,  and  solicited  a  modification 
of  the  words  "  of  themselves,"  etc.  into  "  on  the  ground  of  the  testi- 
mony of  the  church,"  Bishop  Ketteler,  on  his  knees,  beseeching  him 
to  restore  to  the  church  and  the  episcopate,  by  this  small  concession, 
their  lost  unity.  When  this  effort  also  proved  in  vain,  the  88 
"  Nays  "  declared  they  would  leave  the  council  without  taking  part 
in  the  final  vote.  Only  two  (Bishop  Riccio  of  Ajaccio  and  Bishop 
Fitzgerald  of  Little  Rock,  Arkansas)  of  the  opposition  had  the  man- 
Uness  to  persist  to  the  end,  and  openly  vote  Non  placet.  The  other 
531  still  remaining  voted  unconditionally.  Placet.  Pius  forudth 
adjourned  the  council  till  November  11,  but  the  situation  of  the 
world  had  so  changed  by  this  time  that  there  was  no  longer  thought 
of  a  reassembling. 

The  promulgation  of  the  new  dogma  in  the  bull  Pastor  aeter- 
nus  was  meant  to  coincide  in  point  of  time  with  the  triumph  of 
Catholic  France  in  the  great  secular  war.  Independently  of  its  dis- 
appointment in  this,  the  success  of  the  Vatican  had  been  quite 
phenomenal.  That  the  opposition  had  been  nothing  more  than  a 
mere  rope  of  straw,  was  proved  by  the  fact  that  not  one  member  of 
it  remained  true  to  the  position  he  took  up  at  Rome.  One  after 
another  of  them  made  sacrifice  of  his  intellect,  and  it  may  be  of  his 
conscience,  with  the  poor  consolation  that  no  evil  within  the  church 
could  be  so  great  as  its  disruption.  Not  content  with  this,  they  vied 
wdth  each  other  in  inflicting  the  penalties  of  the  church  on  such  as 
hesitated  to  profess  belief  in  that  which  they  themselves,  but  a  short 
time  before,  had  pronounced  incredible.  Once  again  a  pastoral  letter 
was  issued  by  the  German  bishops  from  the  grave  of  St.  Boniface ; 
but  this,  in  contradiction  to  the  first,  demanded  from  the  faithful 
the  unreserved  submission  of  their  pride  of  reason  to  authority. 
Bishop  Hefele,  however,  wrote  in  November :  "  I  can  as  little  con- 
ceal from  myself  in  Rottenburg  as  in  Rome,  that  the  new  dogma  has 
no  true  foundation  either  in  scripture  or  tradition,  and  injures  the 
church  in  an  incalculable  way,  that  the  later  never  received  a  more 
deadly  wound  than  on  July  18.  But,  now  that  the  whole  German 
episcopate  has,  over  night  as  it  were,  changed  its  conviction,  and  a  part 
of  it  gone  over  to  the  persecuting  doctrine  of  infallibility,  my  eye  is 
too  weak  to  see  in  this  hour  of  our  extremity  any  way  of  deliverance." 



As  was  anticipated,  the  Jesuit  stroke  of  July  18  changed  the 
previous  relation  of  the  church  to  the  state  into  one  of  constant  war, 
with  transient  armistices  of  shorter  or  longer  duration.  The  fiist 
government  to  draw  the  necessary  logical  conclusion  from  the  arrogant 
usurpation  was  the  Austrian,  which,  on  July  30,  1870,  declared  the 
concordat  no  longer  in  force,  inasmuch  as  the  new  dogma  subverted 
all  the  conditions  regulating  the  relations  between  church  and 
state,  so  that  compacts  made  under  former  circumstances  were  no 
longer  valid.  With  the  young  kingdom  of  Italy  the  Vatican  was,  in 
other  respects,  at  deadly 
feud.  Notwithstandinor 
that  the  guaranty  laws 
of  1871 — agreed  on  by 
the  government  with  the 
parliament  —  conserved 
to  the  pope  in  perpe- 
tuity, not  only  the  full 
prerogatives  and  digni- 
ties of  a  sovereign,  but 
also  the  unrestricted  ex- 
ercise of  all  the  rights 
of  sovereignty  within 
the  church,  with  renun- 
ciation of  the  state's 
placet  and  all  interfer- 
ence in  the  collation  to 
sees,  so  that  Cavour's 
'  free  church  in  a  free 
State '  found  its  pro- 
visional realization,  the 
'prisoner  of  the  Vati- 
can '  (as  Pius  took  pleasure  in  calling  himself )  was  never  wearr  of 
protesting  against  the  sacrilegious  outrages  of  the  'Subalpine  govern- 
ment,' of  plotting  with  its  enemies,  and  of  rejecting  the  rich  donation 
offered  by  it.  The  Bavarian  government  refused  the  bull  its  placet ; 
but  the  bishops  promulgated  it  independently  of  this,  and  threatened 
every  one  with  the  ban  Avho  denied  its  validity.  Several  of  the 
smaller  states  contented  themselves  with  declaring  that  they  did  not 
recognize  the  legality  of  the  change  in  the  constitution  of  the  church. 
The  papal  nuncio  in  Munich,  Megha,  confessed  with  a  sigh  to  the 

Vol.  XIX.— 25 

Fig.  105.  — Professor  von  Schulte, 

From  a 



Würtemberg  charge  d'affaires:    "We  can  no  longer  enter   into  an 
accommodation ;  only  the  Revolution  can  help  us." 

What  the  episcopate  had  not  the  courage  to  essay,  that  the 
Catholic  scholarship  of  Germany  set  itself  to  do.  Dölhnger,  called 
on  by  the  archbishop  of  Munich  to  subscribe  to  the  decrees  of  the 
council,  in  his  answer  exposed  with  irresistible  logic  the  utter  in- 
validity of  the  new  dogma,  "As  a  Christian,"  he  concluded,  "as  a 
theologian,  as  a  historian,  as  a  citizen,  I  cannot  accept  this  teach- 
ing." Excommunicated,  therefore,  but  chosen  by  the  university 
almost  unanimously  as  its  rector,  he  boldly  and  openly  pronounced, 

in  his  inaugural  address, 
the  Vatican  decrees  to 
be  Rome's  declaration 
of  war  against  German 
science.  In  DöUinger 
the  quasi-rebellious 
movement  had  found  a 
leader  with  a  great 
name.  Scholars  like 
Friedrich  and  Huber  in 
jNluiiich,  and  Schulte 
(Fig.  105)  in  Bonn, 
identified  themselves 
with  it,  distinguishing 
themselves  by  the  name 
of  'Old  Catholics.'  A 
Munich  committee  pre- 
sented an  address,  bear- 
ing 12,000  signatures, 
to  King  Louis  IL,  who 
briefly  expressed  the 
hope  to  Dollinger  that  his  intrepid  fellow-combatants  would  be 
successful  in  baffling  the  Jesuit  machinations  and  in  thereby 
securing  the  victory  of  light  over  darkness.  At  a  meeting  of  Ger- 
man, Austrian,  and  Swiss  Catholics,  convened  at  Heidelberg,  it  was 
agreed  to  hold  a  diet  of  Old  Catholics  at  Munich,  at  which  delegates 
out  of  almost  all  the  countries  of  Europe  appeared  to  the  number 
of  250  (September  22-24, 1871).  On  June  4,  1874,  Professor  Rein- 
kens  (Fig.  106)  of  Breslau  was  chosen  at  Cologne  as  Old  Catholic 
bishop ;  and  the  Jansenist  Bishop  Heykamp  of  Deventer  gave  him 

Fig.  106.  —  Professor  Hubert  Reinkens.     From  a 

THE    OLD    CATHOLICS.  387 

canonical  consecration  at  Rotterdam.  He  fixed  his  see  at  Bonn,  and 
was  acknowledged  by  the  governments  of  Prussia,  Baden,  and  Hesse, 
Bavaria  being  prevented  from  following  their  example  by  the  con- 
cordat of  1817.  Prussia,  moreover,  endowed  him  with  a  yearly 
income  of  16,000  thalers.  Regularly  recurring  synods  and  con- 
gresses busied  themselves  with  the  mternal  organization  of  the  Old 
Catholic  church.  But  the  great  hopes  aroused  by  all  this  initial 
energy  were  not  to  be  fulfilled.  DoUinger,  when  men,  contrary  to 
liis  advice,  proceeded  to  the  erection  of  a  separate  Old  Catholic 
organization,  withdrew  from  the  guidance  of  the  movement.  The 
decree  of  the  Synod  of  Bonn,  in  1878,  repealing,  in  spite  of  the 
earnest  remonstrances  of  the  bishop  and  other  leaders,  the  law  of  celi- 
bacy, gave  offence  to  many ;  and  although  the  strife  between  the  Old 
and  New  Catholics  in  relation  to  the  ownership  of  the  church  build- 
ings, properties,  and  endownments  was,  by  law,  decided  in  Baden 
and  Prussia  in  a  sense  favorable  to  the  former,  still  the  main  point 
of  all  refused  to  materialize  —  the  masses  were  not  with  them.  It 
became  obvious  that  the  moment  was  unpropitious  for  a  church-reform 
movement,  at  least  for  an  ill-defined  and  half-and-half  one,  professing 
to  be  Roman  Catholic  and  yet  at  daggers  drawn  with  the  Vatican 
and  its  champions.  The  Old  Catholics  remained  a  general  staff 
vrithout  an  ami}-.  In  Germany  their  number  never  exceeded  52,000, 
and  even  that  soon  waned. 



IT  was  fortunate  in  the  highest  degree  for  the  empire  called  into 
existence  at  Versailles  in  January,  1871,  but  still  awaiting 
organization,  that  the  men  who,  above  all  others,  may  be  called  its 
authors,  were  still  at  its  head  to  guide  it  through  the  critical  embryo 
period,  and  to  labor  in  undisturbed  harmony  for  its  development,  — 
namely,  the  Emperor  William  I.  and  his  chancellor.  Prince  Bismarck. 
It  is  a  spectacle  unprecedented  in  history  for  a  statesman  of  such 
creative  power  as  the  latter  to  have  been  able  to  develop  his  magni- 
ficent energies  under  a  prince  always  so  fully  in  earnest  in  the  dis- 
charge of  his  high  duties  as  the  Emperor  William,  who,  by  the  side 
of  a  Moltke,  still  remained  the  commander,  and  by  the  side  of  a 
Bismarck  was  still  the  ruler.  The  history  of  the  first  two  decades 
of  the  German  empire  is,  in  an  eminent  degree,  the  personal  history 
of  Bismarck,  the  foremost  statesman  that  Germany  ever  produced. 
To  him  his  countrymen  are  indebted  for  their  political  education, 
the  securing  of  the  empire's  young  existence  against  internal  and 
external  foes,  and  its  constitutional  organization.  From  him  ema- 
nated the  ideas  whose  fruitage  was  the  new  empire. 

Not  in  conformity  with  any  cut-and-dried  model  was  the  structure 
of  the  empire  conceived,  but  in  wise  accord  with  the  particular 
conditions  and  needs  developed  by  the  diversities  in  the  situation  of 
its  members.  "Logic,"  said  Treitschke  (Fig.  107),  "is  not  the 
most  important  thing  in  the  political  life  of  nations."  "  I  belong 
not  to  those,"  said  Bismarck,  defending  himself  from  the  charge  of 
vacillation,  "  who  believe  they  have  in  no  circumstances  any  more  to 
learn.  For  me  there  has  always  been  but  one  lodestar  by  which  to 
steer  —  Salus  pvhliea.  From  the  beginning,  I  have  perhaps  often 
acted  precipitately  and  inconsiderately;  but,  when  I  got  time  to 
reflect,  I  have  ever  subordinated  myself  to  the  question :  What  is 
best  for  my  country,  the  most  expedient  and  right?  A  doctrinaire 
I  have  never  in  my  life  been.  All  the  systems,  through  conformity 
with  which  parties  see  themselves  banded  together  or  divided,  stand 




to  me  ill  the  second  rank ;  in  the  first  stands  the  nation,  —  her 
position  towards  the  outside  world,  her  independence,  and  our  organ- 
ization in  such  a  way  that  we  can  breathe  with  freedom  in  the 
world  as  a  great  nation."  The  constitution  of  the  empire,  he  be- 
lieved, would  evolve  itself,  just  as  the  English  constitution  had 
evolved  itself,  not  in  conformity  with  a  theoretical  ideal  towards 
which  men  pressed  forward  without  regard  to  the  impediments  in 
their  way,  but  by  organic  development  from  the  existing  conditions. 
In  1877  he  observed,  "  We  must  allow  a  natural  organic  development 
time  to  mature  itself, 
and  not  become  im- 
patient when  periods  of 
stagnation  occur." 

Through  careful  re- 
gard to  the  rights  per- 
taining to  the  several 
states,  Bismarck  suc- 
ceeded in  convincing 
the  dynasties  that  their 
position  would  be  much 
more  secure  and  digni- 
fied within  the  empire 
than  in  the  old  Con- 
federation. He  found, 
therefore,  among  them 
acceptance  for  the  idea, 
to  which  he  sought  to 
accustom  Germany,  that 
the  empire  was  not  an 
excrescence  on  the  struc- 
ture of  the  federal  states,  but  that  it  was  rather  the  comprehensive 
dome  under  which  they  could  liarbor  in  their  totality,  the  care  for 
which  was  a  duty  incumbent  on  all.  More  critical  and  subject  to 
vicissitudes  Avas  the  chancellor's  relation  to  the  Reichstag.  In  1866 
Bismarck  had  adopted  universal  suffrage  and  secret  voting  (the  bal- 
lot), because  the  experiences  he  had  made,  in  the  Prussian  Landtag, 
of  the  deputies  sent  up  by  the  liberal  middle  classes  led  him  to  be- 
lieve the  masses  to  be  more  loyal  to  the  king  than  they.  But  it  soon 
became  questionable  w^iether  the  expedient  did  not  jaeld  results  dif- 
ferent from  what  was  expected,  —  whether,  in  short,  political  morality, 

Fig.  107. 

Heinrich  von  Treilschke. 

From  a 


instead  of  being  elevated,  was  not  injured  by  it.  It  soon  became  matter 
of  doubt  whether  the  Reichstag  tlius  elected  was  the  genuine  expres- 
sion of  the  national  will.  Under  the  overpowering  influence  of  the 
just-ended  war  the  first  general  election,  in  May,  1871,  gave  a  strong 
national-imperial  majority.  The  controlling  power  lay  in  the  hands  of 
the  National  Liberals,  composed  of  Old  Prussians  and  New  Prussians, 
somewhat  re-enforced  from  South  Germany.  Further  towards  the 
Right  the  liberal  Reichspartei  of  29  constituted  the  transition  to 
the  more  aristocratic  and  conservative  German  Reichspartei  of  38  ; 
the  Conservatives  proper  numbered  50  ;  the  '  Party  of  Progress,'  44. 
The  Ultramontane  element  assumed  the  non-significant  name  of  the 
'  Centre,'  and  its  influence  made  itself  felt  in  a  manner  most  pre- 
judicial to  imperialism.  Elected  through  the  influence  of  a  clergy 
all-powerful  to  pardon  or  punish,  and  having  as  its  organ  a  press 
disciplined  to  obedience,  this  party,  in  the  next  election,  increased 
its  number  of  57  to  almost  the  double,  and  knew  how  to  hold  its 
position  impregnably ;  for  it  stood  in  closest  relation  to  all  the  ele- 
ments unfriendly  to  the  empire,  —  to  the  Poles,  the  Guelfs,  who 
looked  for  the  restoration  of  Hanover  as  a  kingdom,  and  the  Alsa- 
tians and  Lorrainers. 

The  characteristic  feature  of  this  Reichstag  was,  accordingly,  the 
extraordinary  number  of  its  parties.  Even  the  strongest  had  of  it- 
self no  majority,  but  required  the  support  of  those  less  or  more 
favorably  disposed  to  it.  Bismarck's  relation  to  such  a  parliament 
was  far  from  an  easy  one.  Among  all  its  factions  not  one  followed 
him  implicitly.  Even  his  fastest  adherents  deserted  him  on  occa- 
sions; while  he,  as  the  person  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  gov- 
ernment, was  the  target  for  the  shafts,  not  only  of  the  foes  of  the 
empire,  but  also  of  all  the  parliamentarians  inspired  with  the  impulse 
to  have  their  theories  and  crotchets  ventilated.  Only  a  personal- 
ity as  powerful  as  his  own,  and  endowed  with  a  proportionately 
strong  sense  of  duty,  would  have  been  able  —  under  the  bodily  mal- 
ady from  which  he  suffered,  and  which  necessitated  repeated  and 
long  absences  —  to  bear  up  against  the  unintermitting  and  wearing 
strain.  Although  not  gifted  with  the  showy  qualities  of  the  popular 
orator,  he  yet,  by  the  depth  and  clearness  of  his  perception,  the 
breadth  and  grandeur  of  his  views,  and  the  appositeness  and  force, 
as  well  as  the  homely  naivete,  of  his  mode  of  expression,  produced 
always  the  most  profound  effect  on  his  hearers.  The  days  on  which 
he  took  part  in  the  debates  were  always  among  the  great  days  of  the 


imperial  parliament,  and  on  every  such  occasion  his  ascendancy  as- 
serted itself.  "  1  would  earnestly  recommend,"  he  said  in  January, 
1872,  "  that  we  should  look  at  politics  from  a  practical  point  of  view; 
they  constitute,  indeed,  an  eminently  practical  science,  in  which  one 
cannot  too  much  exercise  himself/'  "  Criticism,"  he  said  one  day 
when  tired  out  with  finding  in  the  Reichstag  only  hypercriticism, 
"  criticism  is  notoriously  easy,  but  art  is  difficult.  Politics  is  no 
pure  science,  as  many  of  the  Herren  Prof essoren  figure  to  themselves; 
it  is,  over  and  above  that,  an  art."  Bismarck  was  no  party-man;  for, 
as  minister,  he  learned  to  subordinate  his  own  predilections,  and 
even  his  convictions,  to  the  needs  of  the  state.  The  excellent  effects 
resulting  from  the  first  parliamentary  soiree  at  his  house  in  April, 
1869,  induced  him  to  continue  the  practice;  and  members  of  the 
Reichstag  of  all  parties  —  excepting  democrats  and  socialists  —  were 
wont  to  meet  there,  and  converse  in  the  most  unconstrained  and 
cordial  way  possible. 

The  administration  of  the  empire  was  originally  so  organized  that 
foreign  affairs  were  in  the  hands  of  the  chancellor,  while  the  minister 
of  state,  Delbrück,  was  over  the  home-office.  The  result  of  the  early 
good  understanding  between  the  chancellor  and  the  National  and 
Liberal  parties  was  a  legislative  energy  eminently  conducive  to  the 
upbuilding  of  the  empire.  One  of  the  first  matters  demanding  at- 
tention was  the  disposition  of  the  sums  payable  by  France,  which, 
inclusive  of  interest  up  to  March  31,  1877,  amounted  to  4,403,202,- 
618  marks  ($1,064,473,824).  Of  this,  6,000,000  marks  were  allotted 
by  the  Reichstag  as  compensation  to  the  Germans  expelled  from 
France  ;  nearly  17,000,000  for  shipping  captured  or  compelled  to 
inaction;  116,000,000  as  indemnity  for  war-injuries  inflicted  on  Kehl, 
Altbreisach,  Saarbrücken,  and  the  towns  in  Alsace,  and  for  the  re- 
payment of  the  requisitions  levied  on  Alsace-Lorraine;  12,000,000 
to  help  needy  members  of  the  reserve  and  landwehr;  350,000,000 
were  required  for  the  erection  of  barracks  and  reconstruction  of  for- 
tresses,—  especially  those  of  Metz  and  Strasburg,  —  to  adapt  them  to 
the  long  range  of  artillery ;  66,000,000  were  granted  to  enlarge  the 
original  plan  of  1867  for  creating  a  navy;  120,000,000  as  a  defence- 
fund  for  the  empire;  and  in  1873  an  invalid-fund  was  decreed  of 
560,000,000,  which,  with  its  interest,  was  calculated  to  be  expended 
in  about  fifteen  years;  12,000,000  were  placed  at  the  discretion  of 
the  emperor  for  the  remuneration  of  generals  and  statesmen.  The 
emperor  had  already,  as  duke  of  Lauenburg,  presented  Bismarck  A\ith 


demesnes  in  the  district  of  Schwarzenberg,  3delding  an  annual  reve- 
nue of  •'i'25,000.  Finally  25,000,000  marks  were  assigned  for  the 
erection  of  a  Reichstag  building,  the  foundation  of  which  was  laid 
by  the  emperor  in  June,  1884.  The  balance  of  the  indemnity -money, 
after  deducting  the  costs  of  the  war  and  of  the  rehabilitation  of  the 
army,  was  allocated  to  the  different  states,  to  be  disposed  of  as  each 
judged  best.  Of  this  balance  Prussia,  as  the  greatest,  got  320,000,- 
000 ;  Schaumburg-Lippe,  as  the  least,  some  420,000  marks. 

This  imperial  army  now  consisted  of  eighteen  army-corps,  of 
which  Prussia,  in  conjunction  with  the  smaller  states  associated  with 
her,  contributed  fourteen ;  Saxony,  one  ;  Wiirtemberg,  one  ;  and  Ba- 
varia, two.  In  1874  the  government  proposed  a  comprehensive 
measure  fixing  the  peace-strength  of  the  army  at  401,659  actually 
with  the  colors,  exclusive  of  the  one-year  volunteers.  While  the 
government  urgently  pressed  making  the  permanence  of  the  army 
independent  of  the  views  and  appropriations  of  the  Reichstag,  the 
most  of  the  deputies  saw,  as  they  had  seen  four  years  before,  in  their 
yearly  deliberations  and  grants,  an  inalienable  right  of  the  people's 
representatives.  Moltke  (Plate  XX.)  lent  the  great  weight  of  his 
authority  to  the  government's  proposals ;  and  in  a  speech  on  Febru- 
aiy  16,  which  attracted  much  attention,  declared  that  "  a  great  state 
exists  only  through  herself  and  her  own  strength,  and  fulfils  the 
purpose  of  her  being  only  Avhen  she  is  resolved  to  maintain  her  exis- 
tence, her  freedom,  and  her  rights.  Let  us  not  forget  that  the  sav- 
ings deposited  in  our  coffers  during  long  years  of  peace  may  all  be 
lost  through  one  season  of  war."  After  depicting  the  army  as  an 
educational  institution  such  as  no  other  land  possessed,  he  continued  : 
"The  best  man  cannot  live  at  peace  if  it  does  not  please  a  bad 
neighbor  to  let  him.  But  I  think  we  will  show  the  world  that  we 
have  become  a  mighty  nation,  and  yet  have  remained  a  peace-loving 
one,  —  a  nation  which  does  not  need  war  to  win  renown,  and  does  not 
desire  it  for  the  sake  of  conquests.  But  to  insure  peace  we  must  be 
prepared  for  war."  He  was  supported,  as  regards  the  legaUty  of  the 
measures,  by  Gneist  (Fig.  108),  an  expert  in  civil  law.  Another 
conflict  between  crown  and  parliament  seemed  imminent.  But  there 
came  a  popular  reaction.  To  vote  for  the  ten-year  period  meant  to 
vote  for  the  fatherland.  A  compromise  was  effected,  by  which  the 
Reichstag  agreed  to  concede,  and  the  government  consented  to  accept, 
the  prolongation  of  the  army  peace  establishment  for  seven  years. 
On  April  20,  therefore,  the  Reichstag  decreed  the  '  Septennate '  over 


Count  Moltke.     Marble  bust  by  Reinhold  Begas. 

In  the  National  Gallery  at  Berlin. 
History  oj  All  Nalions,  Vol.  XIX.,  page  302. 



the  votes  of  the  Centre,  the  Progressists,  and  the  Social  Democrats. 
The  peace  establishment  thus  reconfirmed  corresponded  to  a  war 
strength  of  1,892,000  men,  with  299,562  horses,  irrespective  of  the 
landsturm,  constituted  by  the  law  of  February  15,  1875,  comprising 
all  liable  to  service  from  the  age  of  seventeen  to  forty-two,  not 
belonging  to  the  army  or  navy. 

The  navy,  too,  in  accord  with  the  plan  of  1873  for  the  creation 
of  a  fleet,  experienced  rapid  development.     While,  almost  up  to  the 
outbreak  of  the  great  war,  Germany  had  had  to  draw  upon  England 
and     France    for    her 
steamships,    she     now 
had  these  built  exclu- 
sively in  the  yards  of 
Dantzic,  Stettin,  Kiel, 
Hamburg, and  Bremen. 

The  payment  of  the 
greatest  part  of  the 
war-indemnity  in  gold 
not  only  enaljled  the 
reform  of  the  monetary 
system,  promised  forty 
years  before  in  Zoll- 
verein compacts,  to  be 
made,  with  concurrent 
introduction  of  a  gold 
currency,  but  rendered 
it  a  matter  of  urgent 
necessity.  The  local 
coinages  previously 
issued   by  the   several 

states  were  now  replaced  by  a  uniform  currency  based  on  the  mark^  as 
its  unit.  The  new  silver  coins  were  henceforth,  like  the  nickel  pieces, 
to  serve  only  as  small  change.  Only  the  thaler  ^ —  to  avoid  too  great 
a  depreciation  of  silver  —  provisionally  retained  its  value  as  a  legal 
tender.  The  transition  from  the  old  chaos  of  currencies  was  effected 
with  surprising  ease.  The  new  gold  coins  bore  the  impress  of  the 
imperial  eagle  on  the  one  face,  with  the  head  of  the  prince  of  the 
state  issuing  them  on  the  other.     A  corresponding  reform  was  ef- 

FiG.  108.  — Dr.  Rudolf  Gneist.     From  a  photograph. 

1  The  mark  equals  23.85  cents  of  American,  or  about  Hid.  of  English  money. 

2  One  thaler  equals  three  marks. 



fected  ill  the  paper  currency,  whose  bewildering  multiplicity  of  bank 
and  other  notes  (mainly  one- thaler  bills)  to  the  value  of  500,000,000 
thalers,  among  other  evils,  facilitated  counterfeiting.  Of  these  the 
empire  made  a  clean  sweep.  From  January  1,  1876,  they  were  re- 
placed by  imperial  treasury-bills  to  the  amount  of  175,000,000  marks. 
The  imperial  bank,  with  a  capital  of  120,000,000  marks,  invested 
with  the  pri\dlege  of  tax-free  issue  to  the  amount  of  250,000,000 
marks,  and  coming  in  place  of  the  Bank  of  Prussia,  by  its  competition 
seriously  restricted  the  field  of  operations  of  the  private  banks. 

Fig.  109.  —  Albert  Maybach,  Minister  of  Public  Works.     From  a  photogi-aph. 

Various  attempts  were  made,  also,  to  unite  the  railroads  of  the 
different  states  under  the  ownership,  or  at  least  control,  of  the  em- 
pire. These,  however,  all  failed  through  the  resolute  particularist 
sentiment.  In  Bavaria,  Würtemberg,  and  Saxony,  where  the  rail- 
roads were  for  the  most  part  state  property,  the  opposition  was  par- 
ticularly strong.  Finally  the  Prussian  government  determined,  by 
buying  up  practically  all  the  private  railroads  in  its  own  territories, 
to  unify  its  own  system,  and  at  the  same  time  gain  a  commanding 




position  with  reference  to  the  connecting  lines.  The  scheme  was 
successfully  carried  out,  and  proved  most  satisfactory  both  in  regard 
to  the  furtherance  of  traffic  and  financially,  largely  through  the  able 
and  energetic  administration  of  May  bach  (Fig.  109),  minister  of 
commerce  from  1878. 

The  postal  system,  which  except  in  Bavaria  and  Würtemberg 
was  transferred  to  the  empire,  was  brought  to  a  state  of  high  per- 
fection. The  postal  congress  held  at  Bern  in  187-4,  on  the  motion 
of  State  Secretary  Stephan  (Fig.  110),  resulted  in  the  institution 
of    the     Universal 

Postal     Union    on  ^^^  --- 

October     9     of     the 
same  year. 

One  inconven- 
ience from  which  Ger- 
many had  suffered  for 
many  years  was  that 
its  customs  bound- 
aries were  not  con- 
formaljle  ^^dth  those 
of  the  Zollverein, 
Hamburg  and  Bre- 
men lying  outside  the 
latter.  A  somewhat 
free  use  of  pressure 
finally  brought  both 
cities  into  the  cus- 
toms' union,  —  Bre-  ^'^^ 
men     in     1885      and            Fig.  no.  —  Dr.  Stephan.     From  a  photograph. 

Hamburg  on  October  1,  1888. 

The  first  work  of  organic  legislation  successfully  carried  through 
by  the  empire  was  the  reform  of  the  judiciary  and  the  extension  of 
its  competency  over  the  whole  domain  of  law.  Prussia  was  from 
the  first  not  unfavorably  disposed  to  the  change ,  but  the  second-rate 
states,  otherwise  in  an  ill  humor  because  they  had  too  little  share  in 
shaping  the  projects  of  imperial  law  elaborated  in  the  Prussian  minis- 
try of  justice,  protested  against  the  limitation  of  their  power,  hitherto 
final  in  tliis  department  within  their  own  bounds.  Nevertheless, 
the  undeniable  urgency  of  the  national  requirements  brought  the 
consideration  of   whether  it   would   not  be   better   to   acquiesce   of 



their  own  accord  than  to  have   to  submit  to  a  majority.     After  the 
motion  of   Lasker  and  Miquel  (Fig.  Ill)  in  favor  of  considering 
the  reform  passed  three  successive  sessions  of  the  Reichstag  with 
growing  majorities,  the  Bundesrat  gave  its  assent  (1873)  over  the 
votes  of  the  two  Mecklenburgs  and  the  two  Reusses.     The  scheme, 
elaborated  by  a  connnission  having  at  its  head  Pape,  the   president 
of  the  superior  court  of  commerce,  was  in  the  following  year  sub- 
mitted by  the  Reichs- 
tag  to   a    committee 
for  consideration  and 
embodiment    in    a 
measure.  To  no  fewer 
than  eighty-six  of  the 
points  they  embodied 
the    Bundesrat   re- 
fused to  assent.     At 
length,  however,  the 
four     main     judicial 
laws  —  those,  namely, 
in  regard  to  the  con- 
stitution of  the  courts, 
penal   and  civil  pro- 
cedure,    and     bank- 
ruptcy—  were  carried 
in  December,  1876,  to 
be  in  force  from  Octo- 
ber 1,  1879,  and  the 
blessing   of    uniform- 
ity in  its  laws  secured 
for  the  whole  German 
people.     The  compil- 
ing of  a  code  of  civil  law  presented  such  difficulties  that  the  commis- 
sion intrusted  with  the  task  required  twelve  years  for  its  completion. 
At  first  it  was  thought  tliat  the  supreme  court  of  the  empire  would 
hold  its  sittings  in   Berlin,   but  subsequent   reflection    led    to    the 
choice  of  Leipsic  as  the  site  of  its  sessions.     Simson  (Fig.  112),  for 
many  years  speaker  of  the  Reichstag,  was  nominated  by  the  emperor 
to  the   presidency  of  the   court.     The   press-law  of   May   7,   1874, 
was  characterized  by  essential  liberality  in  various  ways,  conferring 
greater  security  and  freedom  of  action  on  the  press  of  all  Germany. 

Fig.  111.  —  Deputy  Miquel.     From  a  photograph. 



One  of  the  most  serious  questions  pressing  on  the  new  empire 
was  that  of  Alsace-Lorraine.  These  provinces  had  not  been  seized 
by  Germany  from  a  spirit  of  conquest,  but  as  a  measure  of  security 
and  one  of  the  most  reliable  guaranties  for  the  adhesion  of  South 
Germany  to  the  north. 

The  question  after  Germany's  triumph,  therefore,  was  not  whether 
the  annexation  should  be  effected,  but  in  what  shape.  The  idea  of 
constituting  Alsace-Lorraine  into  a  neutral  state,  like  S^dtzerland 
and  Belgium,  and  of  establishing  in  this  way  a  barrier-chain  from  the 
Alps  to  the  North  Sea,  Bis- 
marck promptly  rejected; 
for  while  tliis  would  prevent 
Germany  from  attacking 
France  by  land,  it  would 
not  hinder  France  from  at- 
tacking Germany  by  sea. 
"  Till  our  fleet  can  cope 
with  the  French  one,  we 
can  never  be  safe  on  the 
seaside,"  said  the  chancellor. 
But  a  yet  more  serious  con- 
sideration was  that  neutrality 
was  really  of  no  reliable 
value  unless  the  neutralized 
people  were  prepared  to  de- 
fend their  neutrality  byarms. 
Such  was  so  far  from  being 
the  case  in  the  provinces 
in  question  that  France 
could  have  been  always 
secure  of  finding  support  there  for  any  aggressive  scheme.  The 
simplest  plan  then  would  have  been  their  incorporation  with  Prussia. 
But  Bismarck  thought  it  probable  that  the  Alsatians  would  more 
easily  reconcile  themselves  to  the  name  of  '  Germans  '  than  to  that 
of  '  Prussians ; '  and  it  was  therefore  decided  that  Alsace-Lorraine 
should  remain  apart  as  an  imperial  federal  state  (Reichsland),  im- 
mediately under  the  emperor  and  the  Federal  Council,  passing  first 
through  a  sort  of  probation  under  the  emperor's  guidance,  to  end 
January  1,  1873. 

Bismarck  was  resolved  to  hurt  tlie   susceptibilities  of  the  new 

Fig.  112.  —  Dr.  Simson,  President  of  the 
Reichstag.     Fi'oin  a  photograph. 


subjects  as  little  as  possible.  As  the  Alsace-Lorrainers  had  main- 
tained no  small  spice  of  particularism  under  French  lordship,  he  felt 
called  on  to  foster  this  spirit  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  on  the  as- 
sumption that  the  more  the  people  felt  themselves  to  be  Alsace- 
Lorrainers,  the  more  readily  would  they  un-Frenchify  themselves, 
while  he  cherished  the  further  hope  that  German  forbearance  and 
kindly  feeling  would  be  successful,  haply  in  )io  long  time,  m  making 
countrymen  of  them.  The  three  '  departments  '  were  constituted 
into  three  government  districts  (^Bezirke'),  Upper  Alsace,  Lower 
Alsace,  and  Lorraine,  subdivided  into  twenty-two  circles  (^Kreüe). 
Von  Möller,  the  former  first  president  of  Hesse-Nassau,  was  in 
September,  1871,  nominated  first  president  with  an  imperial  advisory 
board  by  his  side,  Bismarck-Bohlen,  the  chancellor's  cousin,  having 
up  to  this  time  officiated  as  governor. 

But  the  hopes  that  Bismarck  at  first  cherished  in  regard  to  the 
new  imperial  territory  were  doomed  to  disappointment.  A  bureau- 
cracy of  office-holders  aggregated  from  the  various  federated  states, 
without  a  visible  monarchical  head,  was  the  form  of  rule  least  of  all 
adapted  to  reconcile  it  to  its  new  conditions.  The  sentimental  feel- 
ing of  tenderness  Avhich  prompted  the  Germans  to  press  to  their 
hearts  their  so  long  alienated  brothers  found  no  response  across  the 
Rhine.  Apart  from  the  limited  class  who  retained  the  conviction  of 
the  superiority  of  German  culture  in  respect  of  both  head  and  heart, 
the  whole  population,  French  and  Frenchified  Teutons  alike,  repulsed 
the  advances  of  the  would-be  common  mother.  The  '  Party  of  Pro- 
test,' incited  from  France  through  the  agency  of  the  Alsatian 
League,  was  never  weary  of  impressing  on  the  people  that  the 
present  situation  was  merely  temporary,  and  that  their  reincorpora- 
tion with  France  Avas  only  a  question  of  time,  and  that  a  short  time. 
Nay,  the  burgomaster  of  Strasburg  —  Lauth  —  declared  to  the  first 
president  quite  frankly  that  he  remained  in  Alsace  only  as  waiting  the 
return  of  the  French.  In  consequence,  he  was  deposed  from  his 
office,  and  the  common  council  suspended  for  protesting  against  the 
act  of  deposition.  Nor  was  this  the  only  case  of  the  kind ;  at  the 
elections  to  the  district  and  circle  diets  in  1873,  so  many  '  Pro- 
testers '  were  chosen  who  refused  to  take  the  oath  to  the  emperor, 
that  of  the  twenty-two  latter  diets,  only  fourteen  could  transact 
business,  and  of  the  three  district  diets  only  one. 

And  to  these  anti-German  influences  no  adequate  counterpoise 
was  found,   either  in  the  treaty  with  France  of  1874,  which,  with 


the  assent  of  the  pope,  separated  all  the  imperial  communes  from  the 
dioceses  of  Nancy  and  St.  Die,  and  revoked  the  subordination  of  the 
bishoprics  of  Metz  and  Strasburg  to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Besan- 
gon,  or  even  by  the  reorganization  of  the  university  of  Strasburg  on 
a  German  basis  with  abrogation  of  the  five  French  faculties.  Above 
all,  it  was  essential  to  deal  effectually  with  the  common  schools. 
The  educational  measure  passed  in  P^ebruary,  1872,  decreed  com- 
pulsory education,  with  exclusive  use  of  German  in  the  elementary 
schools  within  German-speaking  districts,  and  broke  down  the  in- 
fluence of  tlie  clergy  by  decreeing  that  the  inspection  and  direction 
of  schools  should  be  in  the  hands  of  the  state  authorities,  who  alone 
should  have  a  voice  in  regard  to  their  organization  and  course  of 
study,  and  in  the  examination  and  appointment  of  teachers,  as  also 
that  such  schools  as  did  not  conform  to  the  state-regulations  should 
be  closed.  The  conditions  prescribed  by  the  measure  were  such  as 
to  compel  the  retirement  of  almost  all  the  teachers,  male  and  female 
alike,  of  whom  there  were  upwards  of  700  in  Upper  Alsace  alone. 
As  it  was  found  impossible  to  raise  the  army-corps  decreed  for 
Alsace,  the  fifteenth,  out  of  the  natives  of  the  land,  the  corps  was 
constituted  out  of  old  German  regiments,  while  the  men  levied  on 
the  new  territory  fulfilled  their  service  in  other  corps.  In  conformity 
with  the  treaty  of  Frankfort,  all  the  Alsace-Lorrainers  had  to  make 
their  election  by  October  1,  1872,  as  to  whether  they  would  remain 
in  Germany  or  remove  to  France.  About  160,000  decided  for 
removal;  but  when  the  time  jame  only  about  50,000  migrated,  the 
rest  remaining,  and  claiming  the  right  of  foreigners  to  exemption 
from  military  duty.  The  government,  however,  in  spite  of  their 
outcries  against  tyranny,  treated  these  '  option  men '  as  German 

From  the  belief  that  participation  in  political  life  would  be  the 
best  means  for  reunifying  Alsace-Lorraine  with  Germany,  the  con- 
stitutional privileges  of  the  empire  were  extended  to  it  in  1874,  and 
representation  in  the  Reichstag  conceded.  But  the  result  of  the  first 
elections  disappointed  even  the  most  moderate  hopes.  Ten  clericals 
and  five  '  Protesters  '  were  chosen  ;  and  these  latter  had  the  effron- 
tery to  make  their  debut  by  demanding  that  in  the  debates  such  as 
were  not  masters  of  the  German  language  should  l)e  allowed  to  use 
French,  and  that  their  people  should  be  asked  whether  or  not  they 
indorsed  incorporation.  When  these  demands  were  rejected,  most  of 
them  turned  their  backs  on  the  Reichstag.     Meanwhile,  the  apprecia- 


tion  of  the  uselessness  of  this  merely  disclamatory  attitude  paved  the 
way  for  the  formation  of  an  Alsatian  or  Home  Rule  (autonomist) 
party,  in  contradistinction  to  that  of  the  '  Protesters,'  which,  taking 
its  stand  on  facts,  was  ready  to  co-operate  with  the  government  and 
Reichstag  for  the  weal  of  the  country.  The  wish  of  the  party  was 
for  a  permanent  territorial  constitution  and  a  provincial  diet;  but 
tliis  could  not  be  complied  with,  for  a  parliament  that  drew  its 
inspiration  mainly  from  French  and  Romish  sources  could  not  have 
existed  excepting  in  a  state  of  perpetual  conflict  with  the  imperial 
government.  It  was,  however,  a  step  in  this  direction  when,  by 
imperial  ordinance  of  October  29,  1874,  a  territorial  committee 
{Landesauschuss),  with  an  advisory  voice,  was  created,  to  which 
each  of  the  three  district  diets  contributed  ten  members.  From  this 
committee  the  Party  of  Protest  had  excluded  themselves  by  refusing 
to  take  the  oath  of  fealty.  The  government's  experiences  of  this 
institution  Avere  so  favorable  as  to  justify  it  in  thereafter  widening 
its  competence  to  the  extent  that  territorial  laws  approved  by  it 
were  promulgated  by  the  emperor  with  the  assent  of  the  Bundesrat 
without  the  concurrence  of  the  Reichstag,  the  last  being  appealed  to 
only  when  the  government  and  the  territorial  committee  could  not 
agree.  By  the  law  of  July  4,  1879,  a  governor  (Statthalter')  was 
appointed  for  the  territory  with  much  extended  powers,  as  also  an 
administration,  with  a  secretary  of  state  at  its  head,  and  a  state- 
council  for  sanctioning  projects  of  law.  Commissioners,  with  a 
deliberative  voice,  could  be  delegated  to  the  Bundesrat  by  the 
governor.  The  territorial  committee  received  the  power  of  initiat- 
ing measures,  and  its  membership  was  raised  from  thirty  to  fifty- 

Field-Marshal  von  Manteuffel  was  nominated  to  the  governorship, 
and  his  administration  was  not  wanting  in  efforts  to  abrogate  French 
influences.  Sensational  Chauvinistic  journals,  and  aught  tending 
towards  hostile  agitation  generally,  were  suppressed ;  even  admission 
was  denied  to  the  (so-called)  agents  of  French  insurance  companies 
supposed  to  have  political  ends  in  view.  The  use  of  the  French 
language  in  the  territorial  committee,  hitherto  customary,  was,  in 
1881,  prohibited.  None  the  less  these  efforts  proved  all  but  ineffec- 
tive ;  and  this  was  due,  in  great  measure,  to  the  governor  himself. 
The  brave  and  honestly  intentioned,  but  vain,  Manteuffel  held  inter- 
course preferably  with  the  out-and-out  French  notables  and  the 
Ultramontane  priesthood,  flattering  himself  that  they,  out  of    pure 


personal  regard  for  him,  would  give  up  their  political  views.  The 
result  for  himself  was  only  half-eoncealed  ridicule,  and  for  Alsace- 
Lorraine  an  aggravation  of  its  Gallomania.  '  Optimists  '  remaining 
in  the  land  fanned  the  flames  of  discontent ;  French  families  which 
spent  their  summers  on  their  estates  in  the  territory  fostered  the 
hope  of  a  reconquest.  French  officers  passed  the  hunting-season 
with  friends  in  Alsace.  Several  prosecutions  for  treason  disclosed  the 
extent  to  which  this  underground  work  was  being  pursued,  often 
with  the  complicity  (^f  subaltern  officials  continued,  from  the  French 
time,  in  their  positions.  In  vain  did  the  governor  deplore,  in  his 
many  speeches,  that  this  attitude  of  the  people  impeded  the  fulfil- 
ment of  his  life-task, — that  of  securing  for  the  land  its  full  constitu- 
tional rights.  On  his  death,  June  17,  1885,  the  sum-total  of  his 
achievements  was  that  the  work  had  all  to  be  begun  over  again. 
Under  his  successor.  Prince  Hohenlohe-Schillingsfurst,  circumstances 
in  some  measure  bettered  themselves.  Strasburg  received  back  its 
common  council ;  the  reception  which  the  crown  prince,  as  repre- 
senting his  father,  met  with  in  Metz  surpassed  all  expectations.  The 
local  elections  showed  an  important  improvement.  In  the  territorial 
committee  Baron  Zorn  von  Bulach  had  the  courage  to  warn  his 
countrymen  against  setting  their  hopes  on  a  war  of  which  they 
would  be  the  first  victims.  But  the  effects  of  the  Manteuffel  sys- 
tem were  not  to  be  so  easily  eradicated.  With  emphasis  the  new 
governor  impressed  on  the  Alsace-Lorrainers,  before  the  election  to 
the  Reichstag,  that  their  frequently  expressed  wish  for  parity  of  state- 
rights  could  have  a  prospect  of  fulfilment  only  when  the  federal 
governments  and  the  German  nation  acquired  the  conviction  that 
they  accepted  the  existing  situation  unreservedly,  and  when  the 
'  Party  of  Protest'  had  vanished  from  sight.  The  coadjutor  Stumpf, 
by  command  of  the  pope,  called  on  the  clergy  to  hold  themselves 
aloof  from  all  comproiuising  electoral  agitation.  But  there  were 
infatuated  men,  w